Social History

Ohne Zweifel hat es das gewichtige, zweibändige Handbuch zur Geschichte der Sklaverei verdient, nach 2013 eine zweite Auflage zu erhalten, ist es doch weltweit das einzige Werk, das kreativ, innovativ, kompilationsartig und höchst umfassend die Sklaverei in all ihren Facetten von den Anfängen bis in die Gegenwart behandelt. Überzeugend ist immer noch der methodische Ansatz, da Zeuske nicht die Institution der Sklaverei, die stets auf die Sklavenhalter und die Sklavenhaltergesellschaften blickt, nicht aber an den Sklaven orientiert ist, betrachten will. Im Unterschied zu den meisten Darstellungen zur Sklaverei und dem Sklavenhandel ist Zeuskes Handbuch globalhistorisch ausgerichtet, wobei er die Akteure der Versklavung, nämlich die Menschenjäger und Sklavenhändler, in den Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung rückt. Methodologisch betritt das Handbuch ebenfalls Neuland, weil es die mikrohistorische dezentrale Perspektive in einen globalhistorisch zentralen Interpretationsrahmen setzt. Auch der räumlichen Verortung von Sklaverei kommt eine neue Funktion zu, da das Handbuch erstmalig die Ozeane als einen wichtigen Aktionsraum betrachtet, der für die Entwicklung der Sklaverei unabdingbar war, und das nicht erst seit dem transatlantischen Sklavenhandel!

Michael Mann from Humboldt University Berlin has written this review of the book "History of Slavery - A Global History from the Beginning to the Present".
Michael Mann, de la Universidad de Humboldt (Berlin), ha escrito esta reseña del libro "Historia de la esclavitud: una historia global desde el principio hasta el presente".
In: Historische Zeitschrift (HZ) Vol. 309 (2019), pp. 429-430.

En la presente edición, y precedidas de un amplio estudio introductorio, se incluyen las transcripciones de los siete libros de los merinos conservados en el Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, en orden cronológico y precedidos de sus correspondientes signaturas, así como de las referencias bibliográficas a las ediciones precedentes, en caso de haberlas. Todos los documentos, sin embargo, han sido cotejados con la fuente original, salvo el libro de Miguel Royo, que actualmente se encuentra retirado de consulta. Asimismo, en los volúmenes elaborados por más de un escribano, la transcripción viene precedida de un párrafo en el que se indican los cambios de mano localizados, para distinguir así las distintas fases de elaboración del documento.

[Open access via https://doi.org/10.3167/asp.2019.130104]
Based on some forty duels that took place in Athens between 1870 and 1918, this article examines the different connotations middle-class dueling assumed in the political culture of the period. Drawing on newspaper articles, monographs, domestic codes of honor, legal texts, and published memoirs of duelists, it reveals the diversified character of male honor as value and emotion. Approaching dueling both as symbol and practice, the article argues that this ritualistic battle was imported to Greece against a background of fin de siècle political instability and passionate calls for territorial expansion and national integration. The duel gradually became a powerful way of influencing public opinion and the field of honor evolved into a theatrical stage for masculinity, emanating a distinct glamor: the glamor of a public figure who was prepared to lay down his life for his principles, his party, the proclamations he endorsed, and his "name."

This monograph provides evidence from archaeology (Indus Script). In one classification of 12 बलुतेदार, two functionaries are mentioned: 1. पोतदार and 2.कुळ- करणी. I submit that these two categories are traceable to the evidence gleaned from Rgveda and archaeology (Indus Script) of Sarasvati Civilization.

The trace of पोतदार to Rgveda is provided by the cognates पोतृ प्/ओतृ or पोतृ, m. " Purifier " , N. of one of the 16 officiating priests at a sacrifice (the assistant of the Brahman ; = यज्ञस्य शोधयिट्रि -- सायण ) (ऋग्-वेद, कात्यायन श्रौतसूत्र, ब्राह्मण, हरिवंश);
पोतदार  pōtadāra m ( P) An officer under the native governments. His business was to assay all money paid into the treasury. He was also the village-silversmith. पोतदारी  pōtadārī f ( P) The office or business of पोतदार: also his rights or fees. पोतनिशी  pōtaniśī f ( P) The office or business of पोतनीस. पोतनीस  pōtanīsa m ( P) The treasurer or cash-keeper.

I submit that the statue of Mohenjo-daro signifying a seated person adorned with fillet on his fore-head and right-shoulder is पोतृ. This is a functional designation in a śreṇi or guild corporate form, NOT a caste title.

The trace of कुळ- करणी  is to Veda times and to Indus Script of Sarasvati Civilization.

करण a helper , companion AV. vi , 46 , 2 ; xv , 5 , 1-6 ; xix , 57 , 3; writer , scribe (Skt.)

कर्णक m. (ifc. f(आ).) a prominence or handle or projection on the side or sides (of a vessel &c ) , a tendril (शतपथ-ब्राह्मण, कात्यायन-श्रौत-सूत्र). The orthography of the semantics is provided by the most frequent signature hieroglyph: 'rim-of-jar' Sign 342  This demonstrates that the first functionary of a village or janapada or community identified in an old writing system dated to ca. 3300 BCE is an accountant.

Cognate semantics is attested in many languages of Ancient India (or the Indian linguistic area or Indian sprachbund, 'language union') with words in various phonetic forms:
 
kárṇaka m. ʻ projection on the side of a vessel, handle ʼ ŚBr. [kárṇa -- ]Pa. kaṇṇaka -- ʻ having ears or corners ʼ; Wg. kaṇə ʻ ear -- ring ʼ NTS xvii 266; S. kano m. ʻ rim, border ʼ; P. kannā m. ʻ obtuse angle of a kite ʼ (→ H. kannā m. ʻ edge, rim, handle ʼ); N. kānu ʻ end of a rope for supporting a burden ʼ; B. kāṇā ʻ brim of a cup ʼ, G. kānɔ m.; M. kānā m. ʻ touch -- hole of a gun ʼ.(CDIAL 2811) Rebus:  karṇadhāra m. ʻ helmsman ʼ Suśr. [kárṇa -- , dhāra -- 1]Pa. kaṇṇadhāra -- m. ʻ helmsman ʼ; Pk. kaṇṇahāra -- m. ʻ helmsman, sailor ʼ; H. kanahār m. ʻ helmsman, fisherman ʼ.(CDIAL 2836)  कारणी or कारणीक  kāraṇī or kāraṇīka a (कारण S) That causes, conducts, carries on, manages. Applied to the prime minister of a state, the supercargo of a ship &c.(Marathi)  కరణము  karaṇamu. [Skt.] n. A village clerk, a writer, an accountant. వాడు కూత కరణముగాని వ్రాతకరణముకాడు he has talents for speaking but not for writing. స్థలకరణము the registrar of a district. కరణము n. Instrument, means. కొరముట్టు. An organ of sense. ఇంద్రియము. Marking or causing, as in ప్రియంకరణము endearing. స్థూలంకరణము fattening, శుభగంకరణము fortunate. కరణచతుష్టయము the mind, intellect, volition and self-consciousness. మనోబుద్ధిచిత్తాహంకారములు. కరణత్రయము thought, word and deed. మనస్సు. వాక్కు, కర్మము. త్రికరణశుద్ధిగా completely, absolutely, entirely. కరణీయము karaṇīyamu. adj. Fit to be performed, worthy to be done చేయదగిన. కరణికము or కరణీకము karanikamu. Clerkship: the office of a Karanam or clerk (Telugu) கருணீகம்
karuṇīkam, n. < karaṇa. [T. karaṇikamu.] Office of village accountant or karṇam; கிராமக்கணக்குவேலை.கருணீகன் karuṇīkaṉ , n. < id. 1. Village accountant; கிராமக்கணக்கன். கடுகை யொருமலை யாகக் . . . காட்டுவோன் கருணீகனாம் (அறப். சத. 86). 2. A South Indian caste of accountants; கணக்குவேலைபார்க்கும் ஒருசாதி.(Tamil)

A unique social organization for life-activities of every janapada or village community in Bharat is a shared commonwealth. Each functionary is assigned specific functions in the social organization, which is a corporate form with rules (dharma) regulating the activities of each corporation or guilr or śreṇi. Everyone of the functionaries was ENTITLED to a specific share of the POOLED produce (typically share of corn or garden rpoduce) or the POOLED wealth produced in the village (again shared as subsistence for each functionary).

The metaphors used in the functionaries of the corporate form of social organization are कास, ‘udder’and वासरें ‘calves’, thus, treating ALL the functions, both बलुतें and अलुतें as children of the Mother Earth, the primordial metaphor or ātmā, ‘life-principle’ for wealth-creation activities in the community or society. The key economic factor of production, called organization in Economics (in addition to three other factors of production: land, labour and capital) is governed by the dharma of SHARED WEALTH. Thus, even those functionaries NOT directly engaged in agriculture are entitled to a share of the corn or garden produce of a village. This śreṇi dharma or ‘Guild rule’ is a fundamental principle of dharma which governs village-life or life of a janapada or a community or society, in general.

बलुतें  balutēṃ n A share of the corn and garden-produce assigned for the subsistence of the twelve public servants of a village,

अलुता or त्या  alutā or tyā m (A formation alliteratively from बलुत्या in extension of the application of that word.) A common term for certain Village officers secondary to the बलुते. Thus बारा अलुते आणि बारा बलुते. These village officers are also called nārū  नारू.

These are in addition to अष्टाधिकार aṣṭādhikāra The eight main offices or posts of a village: viz. जलाधिकार Office of bringing or supplying water to public officers and travellers; स्थलाधिकार Office of determining and pointing out the several places of residence, i. e. the office of पाटील or Headman; ग्रामाधिकार Office of supervision of the village trade and general business; कुललेखन Office of keeping the accounts of the Ryots with Government, and of preserving the public records; ब्रह्मासन Office of a sort of bailiff, bailiwick (law enforcement officers of a court); दंडविधिनियोग Office of magistrate or justice; पौरोहित्य Office of the family or village-priest; ज्योतिषी Office of the village-astronomer.

(The above lofty designations are according to the following authoritative Shlok--जलाधि- कारश्र्च स्थलाधिकारो ग्रामाधिकारः कुललेखनंच ॥ ब्र- ह्मासन दंडविधेर्नियोगो पौरोहितं ज्योतिषनष्टमेवं ॥ 1 ॥).

The popular or vulgar terms are 1 कोळीपणा (concrete is कोळी), 2 पाटिलकी (पाटील), 3 देशमुखी, महाजनकी, . (देशमुख with महाजन), 4 कुळकरण (कुळकरणी), 5 वर्त्तकी (वर्त्तक), 6 धर्माधिकार (धर्माधिकारी), 7 उपाधीक or भटपणा (उपाध्या or भट), 8 जोशीपणा (जोशी).

Two of these EIGHT functionaries have specific functions in a village: पाटील, कुळकरणी. (पाटील  pāṭīla m ( H) The head managing officer of a village, the Páṭíl.कुळकरणी  kuḷakaraṇī m (कुल & कारणी S) An officer of a village under the पांटील. His business is to keep the accounts of the cultivators with Government and all the public records).
1.    पहिली or थोरली कास or वळ: सुतार, लोहार, महार, मांग
2.    दुसरी or मधली कास or वळ: कुंभार, चाम्हार, परीट, न्हावी
3.    तिसरी or धाकटी कास or वळ: भट, मुलाणा, गुरव, कोळी

One enumerations of ancient Maharashtra lists

12 बलुतेदार (e.g.. पाटील, कुळ- करणी, चौधरी, पोतदार, देशपांड्या, न्हावी, परीट, गुरव, सुतार, कुंभार, वेसकर, जोशी; PLUS other functionaries called: लोहार, चाम्हार.

12 अलुतेदार or supernumerary public claimants, viz. तेली, तांबोळी, साळी, माळी, जंगम, कळवांत,
डवऱ्या, ठाकर, घडशी, तराळ, सोनार, चौगुला.

The śreṇi social corporate form of organization has registered minor variations in particular janapada-s or in particular cultures of village communities in various parts of the nation. For e.g., Molesworth provided this elucidation characterizing functions in some parts of Maharashtra: बलुतेदार or बलुता  balutēdāra or balutā or त्या m (बलुतें &c.) A public servant of a village entitled to बलुतें. There are twelve distinct from the regular Government officers पाटील,
कुळकरणी &c.; viz. सुतार, लोहार, महार, मांग (These four onstitute पहिली or थोरली कास or वळ the first division. Of three of them each is entitled to चार पाचुंदे, twenty bundles of Holcus or the thrashed corn, and the महार to आठ पाचुंदे); कुंभार, चाम्हार, परीट, न्हावी constitute दुसरी or मधली
कास or वळ, and are entitled, each, to तीन पाचुंदे; भट, मुलाणा, गुरव, कोळी form तिसरी or
धाकटी कास or वळ, and have, each, दोन पाचुंदे.

This is increasingly the Age of AI. Artificial Intelligence, the suite of technologies that make machines capable of performing tasks considered "intelligent" when performed by people, is colonizing an increasing number of domains, from Internet search and social media to the natural sciences and even criminal sentencing. AI may soon become ubiquitous; coextensive with civilization itself, a taken-for-granted feature of modernity like electricity or running water. But this does not mean that all is well: AI has, and has always had, its discontents; those who doubt, question, challenge, reject, reform and otherwise reprise "AI" as it is practiced and promoted. With the hope of scaffolding deeper understandings of both the epochal transformations being wrought by AI technologies and the range of responses these changes, this special issue of Interdisciplinary Science Reviews will bring together reflections from practitioners, assessments from scientists in fields transformed by AI, and historically-informed accounts of AI and its critics, both past and present, in order to capture something of the significance of this historical moment for future generations. A few questions worth pondering might be: • Who are AI's discontents and how have they contended with the technology's advance? • How has AI been challenged in areas from scientific knowledge production to daily life? • What is being left out of the increasingly dominant "machine learning" paradigm, and why? • Where is the line drawn between "AI" and everything else, and who patrols that boundary? • Why has criticism regarded differently in AI than in other technosciences? Contributions can range in length from reflective contributions of only a few pages to full research articles (maximum of 8000 words including citations and references, in most cases).

Las futuras monjas se preparaban para despedirse de la vida secular, entre otras cosas, alistando el mejor traje que usarían en su vida, mismo que sería empleado en la ceremonia de toma de velo y en muchos caso posando ante el pincel que las plasmaría para la posteridad y recuerdo de la familia. Esta breve entrada reúne algunos datos de estos actos en la Nueva España del siglo XVIII (hoy México) y evidencia el cuidado que las familias ponían en el magnífico vestuario mundano que acompañaría a la religiosa.

In 1873 George Ott committed his wife Dr. Anna B. Ott, a physician with a nearly twenty-year practice, to the Wisconsin State Hospital for the Insane. She remained there until her death in 1893. By diagnosing Ott with mania, state hospital physicians created and reinforced geographical boundaries on her daily activities, lessened her already limited legal rights, restricted her future, and rewrote her past. Despite wealth, whiteness, and a professional career, a diagnosis of mania and its resulting institutionalization reduced Ott to an easily dismissed and ultimately ridiculed madwoman. Ableism profoundly and variously shaped her life and the lives of others institutionalized alongside her, but it is only a part of a complicated tangle of marital violence, patriarchy, disreputable womanhood, and money and the state-building efforts of settler colonialism of Wisconsin in the last half of the nineteenth century. This essay uses the example of Ott to urge that scholars reckon seriously with the theoretical and practical messiness of human lives and the historical forces in which they live.

This article aims to analyze the impact of the Czechoslovak crisis on the sociocultural construction of Spanish Orthodox communism. The orthodox communists were a current that
had its base in the divergences arisen fruit of the change of course of the Communist Party of Spain
in the final years of the Francoism and the Transition. In response to these changes, many communists felt the need to defend traditional communist principles. In this process, the role played by the
Czechoslovak Communist Party (PCCH) stands out for its key profile in the history of this movement. This was the only party in the socialist camp that ended up breaking relations with the PCE,
which allowed it to support all these parties and have a significant role on the road towards its unification. Czechoslovakia was the country through which the socialist countries directly helped this
current in its first years of life.

During the second half of the Sixteenth century, the Transylvanian
principality was actively involved in the confrontation between the Ottomans and the Habsburgs. Taking the Ottoman side, the young Transylvanian ruler, John Sigismud Szapolyai, was interested in securing his western border by expanding his dominion in the Partium region. In order to successfully oppose a superior enemy, John Sigismund had to rely on the help of the Ottomans and to mobilize the financial and military resources of the Transylvanian estates. In this paper I have analyzed the way in which the Saxon University contributed to the war effort in1566–1567. The political and military context of the campaigns, the military legislation of Transylvania, mobilization, the payment of wages and the collection of war contributions are some of the particular aspects that illustrate the complex mechanisms of warfare and military organization during this period.