Summary of the research project This interdisciplinary and cross national pilot research project aims to explore the intersection of transnational relationships and identities through new media. It explores the role of the new media in...
moreSummary of the research project
This interdisciplinary and cross national pilot research project aims to explore the intersection of transnational relationships and identities through new media. It explores the role of the new media in constructing collective identity, shared experience, sense of belonging and building (digital) social capital among the UK "Iraqi"-Kurdish young people who are looking for employment opportunity in Iraq, especially in Kurdistan Autonomous Region.
The theories of social capital pay too much attention to physical private and public spaces, rather than virtual spaces. Indeed the virtual spaces become a kind of sociological “superglue” which contributes to building of multidimensional networks for migrants, diasporas and ethnic minorities across borders and boundaries. These social networks (ties, nodes and relationships) constitute material and non-material resources (information, social, economic and emotional supports, time, expertise and so on) and consist of the flow information and transfer of resources that may help “connected” individuals to have access to opportunities and overcome certain disadvantages. In the literature, far too little attention has been paid to the online interaction of young people with BME background with their "homeland". This research will use traditional (in-depth interviews) and innovative (ethnography of computer mediated communication) to analyse the UK "Iraqi"-Kurdish young people’s online communication with their homeland to build and accumulate (digital) social capital.
Longer Description
The theories of social capital (Granovetter 1973, Coleman 1988, Bourdieu 1996, Portes 1998, Putnam 2007) key to understanding an individual and/or a community's social interactions, civic engagements and widening participations (Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1990; Putnam, 2000). The concept of social capital may be briefly described as ‘a collective asset made up of social networks based on shared norms and trust and mutuality’ (Gilchrist 2004: 4). These networks constitute resources which can help individuals and groups to fulfill their social needs and contribute to the improvement of their livelihood (Keles 2015a; Erel 2010; Ryan et al, 2008). However the theories of social capital pay too much attention to physical private and public spaces, rather than virtual spaces (Putnam 1993, 2000; Thompson 1995), yet networked communities are part of the globalized world and boundaries between virtual and offline communities have become blurred which has led to interlocking offline and online relationships among people, in particular among diasporas who, diaspora studies emphasize, reside forcibly outside of their homeland, but claim a legitimate political and economic aspiration for their homeland. Key arguments that scholars have put forward to explain diasporic identifications have been the role of collective memory, a sense of loss, forced expulsion, displacement from their homeland, a strong sense of ethnic affiliation, belonging, and a narrative, vision and the myth of return (Keles 2015b, Holgate, Keles et al 2012, Vertovec 2005b).
The political and economic advances in post-conflict countries have increasingly become pull factors for migrants to repatriate to their country of origin and play a crucial role in post-conflict reconstruction and “consolidate the process to which they have contributed from abroad” (Al-Ali et al. 2001b:617) . Returning home has attracted in particular young people born and/or educated in diaspora where they may experience discrimination, unequal opportunity in the labour market. A good example is the return migration of the British-Kurdish young people, born and/or educated in the UK to Iraq. (King, D, 2008). The majority of them work for oil and gas companies and for Federal Government of Iraq and Kurdistan Regional Government’s public sectors such as universities, health and tele-communication sectors and diplomacy and international policy (Keles at al 2013). However very little is known about the transnational mobilization of the UK Iraqi-Kurdish young people’s reasons why young people give up life in the UK, their motivations, hope and expectations and how they use the internet in particular social media to build and accumulate digital social capital to improve their livelihood. The UK is important diasporic space for "Iraqi"-Kurds since the 70s.
‘Social capital’ has become a relevant theoretical concept for understanding the way in which migrants (don’t) get access to resources and participate in social, economic and political life in their settlement country and beyond (Engbersen, van San, and Leerkes, 2006; Lancee, 2012). Social networks are a tool to enhance social mobility and to help overcome disadvantage among marginalized individuals and communities (Anthias, 2007; Ryan et al ,2008; Valdez, 2008; Zontini, 2010; Bloch 2013) such as undocumented migrants (Bloch 2013) and diasporic groups from conflicted regions (Keles, 2015a). A key aspect of diasporas is strong ethnic group consciousness, mutual trust and solidarity which play a central role in “bonding” and accumulating social capital in real and virtual communities. In the case of “connected migrants” (Diminescu, 2008), in particular social media (social networking applications such as Facebook, Twitter, Linkedin, Skype and so on) has re-connected geographically dispersed Diasporas (Keles 2015a, Baltaretu and Balaban, 2010). This new network capital may contribute to building (digital) social capital amongst the transnationally connected young people born/educated in their settlement countries and may contribute to the improvement of their life. This includes the possibility of finding new social orientations and employment opportunities in "their" country of origin. Yet, this working hypothesis is based on analysing the literature and needs to be complemented by empirical research to systematise our evidence. The internet, in particular social media can provide a unique insight into mapping of the individuals and communities networks, conversation, self-presentation and negotiating cultural, ethnic identities and the multiple meaning of images, texts disseminated online (Reips and Buffardi 2012).
The key research questions are:
1. The question is to what extent does the internet contribute to the UK "Iraqi"- Kurdish young people’s sense of belonging, and help them “bridging” and accumulating social capital, offering them access to the overseas employment opportunities as well as influence their mobility and decision to return to "their" country of origin? To examine critically the contested and problematic concept of social capital in relation to the inequalities of power relations of class, gender and sexuality ( Gilchrist 2004, Zontini 2010, Christoforou and Davis 2014), access to information, cultural/elite power, individual socioeconomic, political status.
2. To what extent does the UK "Iraqi"-Kurdish young people (female and male)’s political engagement lead to the employment opportunities in "their" country of origin? What’s about the question of the “digital divide” (Norris 2001) between “those in possession of the information globe and those that are not” (Greco and Floridi 2004: 75).
3. How do young people reciprocally generate new types of identities and knowledge about homeland and diaspora in “virtual communities”? Do the young people with diverse age, gender, political affiliation, education, class, occupation and length of migration and/or settlement (first, second and third generation) think in similar way or are there significant differences between young people coming and living indifferent geographical spaces?
Research methods
This research uses a multi-method approach to explore British Iraqi-Kurdish young people’s online communication and the written and audio-visual contents of their conversation in relation to build and accumulate digital social capital to return and have access to employment opportunities in Iraq. I will undertake the virtual ethnography for this study (Hine 2000). Virtual ethnography is also described as nethnography, ethnography of computer mediated communication (CMC), internet and cyber ethnography (Hine, 2000; Ignacio, 2005; Leung, 2005; Mann and Stewart, 2006; Smith and Kollock, 2001). As a “new” form of research method, virtual ethnography is “the process of conducting and constructing an ethnography using the virtual, online environment as the site of the research” (Evans, 2010:11). It examines the constructed identities, communities and cultures through computer-mediated social interaction, “the impact of CMC on social interactions and the presentation of the self-online” as well as pattern of economic and social behaviours (Mann & Stewart, 2006:4). Virtual ethnography is important for this study to reach and interact with a larger number of people with diverse backgrounds including class, gender, ethnicity, age, different geographical spaces and to understand the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness, gaining and accumulating social capital within the virtual communities. 20 highly skilled Iraqi-Kurdish young people from the UK from three different Facebook groups will be chosen and examined their conversations over a period of 4 months to understand how the young people construct their identities and sense of belonging across the national borders and build social capital to overseas employment through computer-mediated social interaction.
The research will also be based on in-depth interviews with 20 Kurdish young people of diverse age, gender, occupation, education in the UK who I follow on social media. The in-depth interviews will be done to collect more rich and detailed empirical data.