Marxist political economy

Il nucleo originario del presente volume risale a un convegno internazionale dal titolo Duzentos anos após o nascimento de Marx (1818-2018): herança e perspectivas [A duecento anni dalla nascita di Marx (1818-2018): eredità e prospettive], organizzato dal Centro di ricerca portoghese CICP (“Centro de Investigação em Ciência Política”) e tenutosi presso l’Università di Évora (Portogallo) il 18 novembre 2018. Alle relazioni presentate e discusse a Évora si sono poi aggiunti i contributi di altri studiosi, con i quali gli organizzatori e i relatori di quel convegno intrattengono da anni un costante confronto e un fecondo dialogo sulla multiforme opera di Marx. I contributi raccolti nel presente volume possono essere idealmente divisi in due parti: la prima parte offre una serie di prospettive, a partire da cui è possibile approcciare e sviluppare l’opera di Marx, mentre la seconda parte è dedicata alla eredità, alla ricostruzione della recezione e della rielaborazione critica della sua opera nel corso del Novecento, fino ad arrivare alla crisi finanziaria del primo decennio del terzo millennio.

This paper contributes to a growing scholarship examining the ways in which dispossession in neoliberal India is reinforcing and reconfiguring agrarian social hierarchies. Existing studies have focussed on the differential successes of villagers in Special Economic Zone (SEZ)‐generated real estate markets, incorporation of land losers into stratified labour markets and the caste‐based politics of dispossession. Few studies, however, have systematically explored the long‐term implications of state‐orchestrated dispossession on agrarian credit and debt relations. Based on long‐term fieldwork on a village partially expropriated for a SEZ in the South Indian state of Telangana, this study shows how dispossession has led to a sharp rise of over‐indebtedness within the land losing population. Dispossession deprived villagers of land and livestock; low compensation was inadequate to obtain replacement assets; and labour inside the SEZ was insufficient to ensure the reproduction of most households. The result was a cascading process of indebtedness for consumption smoothing that was generalized but the greatest among former untouchables (Scheduled Castes, SCs) and Lambadas (Scheduled Tribes, STs). Since dispossession precluded these historically marginalized groups from access to institutional credit, their reliance on largely upper caste moneylenders—whose land was spared expropriation—was deepened. Thus, I show how dispossession for neoliberal projects has reinforced this traditional caste‐based form of exploitation.

У брошурі розглянуто особливості меморіалізації постаті Рози Люксембург у Радянській Україні, історію видання її перекладів в УСРР/УРСР та специфіку (не)засвоєння теоретичного спадку діячки місцевими економістами. Автор звертає увагу на маловідомі територіально українські публікації наукових і публіцистичних текстів Рози Люксембург, дослідження українських науковців, які використовували її напрацювання, а також присвячені їй агітаційні брошури.

Over the past decade, a discourse about the power of Google, Amazon, Facebook, Apple and Microsoft (or, the “GAFAM”) has grown in North America and around the world.  While much is regularly said about GAFAM’s power, what often goes without saying is what is meant by it. GAFAM is surely omnipresent and perhaps even omnipotent, but what is “power” and how does GAFAM possess or operationalize it? To clarify the extent and quality of GAFAM’s power, I conceptualize power and illustrate GAFAM’s power with some current data and exempla. To this end, I build upon my first book’s structural-relational framework for probing the economic, political and cultural “power” of the world’s biggest media conglomerates (e.g., Walt Disney Company, Comcast, and News Corporation). This framework conceptualizes and analyzes GAFAM’s: 1) structural power (ownership and control of capital resources and resource allocation, and influence on State decisions about public law, policy and regulation); and, 2) relational power (governing with tactics of persuasion and coercion to get subjects to act in concordance with preferred ends). While this framework for getting at GAFAM’s power in society is not prescriptive or comprehensive, it aims to provide communication and digital media studies researchers with a useful entry point for understanding and analyzing the Big Five’s power. This framework also suggests that neo-Marxian and neo-Foucauldian conceptualizations of power, though different, can be brought together in a complimentary way when interrogating GAFAM’s power in society.

"Unsere Wirtschaft..." in der KRISE: KEIN WACHSTUM! "Ankurbeln" wie einen alten Traktor, oder doch eher Betreuung auf der Intensivstation? Also Bitte (:>) Worum handelt es sich bei "unserer Modernen Marktwirtschaft" (Kapitalismus!?), und beim "Kapital? Da gibt es verschiedene Meinungen - "Der Kapitalismus ist eine Krankheit, und ich - ich bin die Medizin" (Terminator 1): Hier also mal ein Blick auf das Kapital aus virologischer Sicht... , Con Amore!

This article builds upon Marx’s sensitivity to capitalist change and its implications for the superstructure to, first, explore the broad types of democracy which accompanied major capitalist transmutations across its world historic stages of development. What is shown in this analysis is that even as the franchise expanded across major democracies, a confluence of economic changes and structuring of electoral systems served to limit popular sovereignty and thwart significant challenges to ruling class interests. In turn, second, it delineates the key economic changes marking the neoliberal era as a period of capitalist decay. Understanding this helps us contextualise the superstructural shifts of the neoliberal era.
Third, it then exposes three interrelated anti-democratic tendencies secreted by contemporary neoliberal polities in advanced economies. ‘Legalisation of politics’ entails systemic overriding of electoral efficacy and political decision-making in major democracies by courts and judges, leaving a wasteland of depoliticised mass publics in its wake. What is dubbed the ‘new constitutionalism’ captures the ensnaring of national polities in webs of rules crafted by, or at the behest of, major corporations. This endows them with extraordinary powers which effectively subordinate national polities irrespective of political orientation – social democratic, liberal and so forth. Finally, the ‘state of exception’ devolves from a provision embedded in most democratic constitutions granting unlimited authority to executive branches in times of emergency. As protests to the neoliberal excrescence mount, it is increasingly wielded as a truncheon against them. Particularly insidious here is that, rather than overt impositions of authoritarianism such as dictatorship or fascism, these tendencies envelop neoliberal society under the guise of constitutionality and the rule of law.

In den letzten Jahren war in den einschlägigen Veröffentlichungen viel davon die Rede, Marx neu zu lesen. Die sperrige Systematik von Marx ist dabei meist nicht nur nicht wirklich geklärt, sondern oft in ihrer vorliegenden Essenz aufgelöst worden. Das Buch „Mit Marx über Marx hinaus“, macht dagegen Ernst mit dem Anspruch, sich Marx anders zu nähern. Herbert Rünzi widmet sich Marx‘ Theorie der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft, die vor allem in seinem Hauptwerk „Das Kapital“ zur Darstellung kommt, in einer Weise, die so genau und eingehend die einzelnen Gedankenschritte von Marx analysiert, dass der Begriff der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft eine bisher nicht gekannte systematische Entfaltung erfährt. Marx´ Werk selbst muss sich dabei eine entschiedene Kritik gefallen lassen – wenn auch eine konstruktive.

The "political economy of health" is concerned with how political and economic domains interact and shape individual and population health outcomes. However, the term is variously defined in the public health, medical, and social science literatures. This could result in confusion about the term and its associated tradition, thereby constituting a barrier to its application in public health research and practice. To address these issues, I survey the political economy of health tradition, clarify its specifically Marxian theoretical legacy, and discuss its relevance to understanding and addressing public health issues. I conclude by discussing the benefits of employing critical theories of race and racism with Marxian political economy to better understand the roles of class exploitation and racial oppression in epidemiological patterning.

Postmodern and post-structural theories on education highlight education as a "discursive space that involves asymmetrical relations of power where both dominant and subordinate groups are engaged in struggles over the production, legitimation, and circulation of particular forms of meaning and experience (Erevelles, 2000, pg. 30). As such, postmodern and post-structural theorists "examine the discursive practices by which [(individual)] student subjectivity (as intersectionally constructed by race, class, gender, and sexuality) is produced, regulated, and even resisted within the social context of schooling in post-industrial times" (Erevelles, 2000, pg. 25). This latter view is juxtaposed against structural theorists who view education as an ideological apparatus for bourgeois domination in capitalist relations of production (Bowles and Gintis, 1976; Althusser, 1980). In this work, I argue that the former position is not an alternative to the latter. But represents an aspect of the former. That is, education in the age of neoliberal (post-industrial) globalization serves as an ideological apparatus for bourgeois domination through the identity politics of postmodernism and post structuralism.

Марксизм остается живым учением, а значит может и должен меняться. Выделены главные интеллектуальные стратегии К. Маркса и Ф. Энгельса: 1) критика мейнстрима, устоявшихся и популярных воззрений; 2) смелое соединение далеких друг от друга идейных течений, которые могут казаться несовместимыми; 3) использование и включение в теорию новейших научных концепций. Применение этих стратегий к самому марксизму предполагает критику его философских и теоретических оснований, соединение марксистских идей с моделями и теориями других макросоциологических традиций, которые казались не совместимыми с марксизмом (прежде всего веберианство и дюркгеймианство); использование новейших научных знаний, в частности в сферах социальной эволюции, экономического обмена и рынков, теории генезиса и развития государств, социальных кризисов и революций. Подвергнуты критике основные аргументы марксистского тезиса о социально-экономическом характере «базиса» при отнесении политики, государства и всей духовной, культурной сферы к «надстройке». Анализ имплицитно скрытых социальных отношений собственности показывает фундаментальный характер не только порядка, отношений власти и насилия, подкрепляющих собственность, но и нормативных культурных образцов и психологических установок. Технологический прогресс теряет статус главного движителя исторической динамики и социальной эволюции. Социальные революции действительно нередко устраняют ставшие неадекватными политические формы, но не являются ни единственными, ни главными факторами таких перемен. Государство вовсе не «орудие» класса эксплуататоров (феодалов, капиталистов). Государство и государственный класс (чиновники)-это почти всегда самостоятельный субъект со своими интересами, кар-тинами мира, ресурсами. Марксизм сохранит свою популярность, поскольку твердо ассоциируется с борьбой за социальную справедливость, против классового неравенства, эксплуатации человека человеком, порабощения. Обновленный согласно стратегиям К. Маркса, то есть расширенный, углубленный и избавленный от ошибок, марксизм послужит лучшей основой как для дальнейшего развития социальной теории, так и в качестве идейного основания в борьбе за справедливое устройство общества и мирового порядка. ключевые слова: марксизм, социальная онтология, экономцентризм, политэкономия, базис и надстройка, отношение собственности, роль насилия в истории, сущность государства, технический прогресс, социальная справедливость.