Insurgency/Counterinsurgency(COIN)

The article explores the intersection between paramilitarism, organized crime, and nation-building during the Greek Civil War. Nation-building has been described in terms of a centralized state extending its writ through a process of modernisation of institutions and monopolisation of violence. Accordingly, the presence and contribution of private actors has been a sign of and a contributive factor to state-weakness. This article demonstrates a more nuanced image wherein nation-building was characterised by pervasive accommodations between, and interlacing of, state and non-state violence. This approach problematises divisions between legal (state-sanctioned) and illegal (private) violence in the making of the modern nation state and sheds new light into the complex way in which the 'men of the gun' interacted with the 'men of the state' in this process, and how these alliances impacted the nation-building process at the local and national levels.

¿SABES CUÁL ES LA 4ª RAMA DEL GOBIERNO DE ESTADOS UNIDOS?  https://donmashakshennepincountymnfreepressnews.wordpress.com/2021/04/04/do-you-know-what-the-4th-branch-of-us-government-is-sabes-cual-es-la-4a-rama-del-gobierno-de-estados-unidos-%e6%82%a8%e7%9f%a5%e9%81%93%e7%be%8e%e5%9b%bd%e6%94%bf%e5%ba%9c%e7%9a%84/
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This paper examines the historical case of an insurgency formed in response to the overthrow of an Islamist political body and the characteristics of that insurgency that may be predictive of its termination. Through a bounded case study of the Algerian Civil War (1992–2002), this paper will focus on (1) the Islamist political movement and its military wing, (2) the four defining characteristics of that wing, and (3) the influence of a third-party terrorist organization on the outcome of the insurgency. Such a focus enables a future comparison of events and outcomes to other insurgencies in alternative geographic locations, cultures, or times. By analyzing the Algerian Civil War through a more articulate methodology, this research helps strategists understand the factors they can leverage to influence terrorist organizations, end them more effectively, and save lives on all sides of a conflict.

The ISK (Islamic State in Khorasan) rose in early 2015 in Afghanistan and became the deadliest group in the country. It has embraced vast number of local and foreign members into their ranks. Unlike other terrorist groups, ISK used rare indigenous factors as recruitment tactics. Existing push and pull factors at the community level instrumentalized by the group as a recruitment tactic to attract more people to the group. This paper analyze local grievances, ungoverned spaces, group defection, existing militancy-friendly environment, weak rule of law, Jihad al-Nikah and greed as the factors which has been driving local and foreign people to join the ISK.

This article offers a bottom-up understanding of the global media's role in global political communication from the perspective of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). This empirical analysis provides content and visual analysis of sixty-two videos of executions produced by ISIL in the year following its establishment as an 'Islamic State'. Through examination of the videos as major media production efforts by ISIL, this research identifies how an emergent terrorist group views itself and communicates its message, setting a political agenda and strategic outlook that rely upon the global media to be transmitted and accessed. Data analysis suggests a threefold strategy directed towards: 1.) Legitimization of the need for and, ipso facto, the establishment of a 'state' entity; 2.) Intimidation of religious and political in-group and out-groups and; 3.) Propagation of its message to increase recruitment, funding, and further its legitimization and intimidation efforts. Moreover, this analysis contextualizes the unique duality of ISIL's media strategy: first, its purpose is to spread a political message aimed at both local and global, in-group and out-group consumption through audience segmentation. ISIL's claim to state legitimacy is done through the mimicry of capital punishment as a function of state and political power. Second, ISIL's use and production of graphic violence seeks to induce terror in both local and global audiences. Finally, this article discusses ISIL's "media battle;" its overall media strategy, as well as the intertwined political and religious agenda it seeks to set and spread in the digital media age.

Resolving Cases ‘On The Merits’, Revisited & Resolución de Casos ‘Sobre el Fondo’, Revisada & 判决法院案件为“案情实质”；再访
https://donmashakshennepincountymnfreepressnews.wordpress.com/2021/03/18/resolving-cases-on-the-merits-revisited-resolucion-de-casos-sobre-el-fondo-revisada/
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A MUST READ FOR TRUE PATRIOTS > EXCERPT FROM ARTICLE:
In this instance, our traitor Progressive Judiciary argues for Court matters to be resolved by Judges on technicality for efficiency; rather than on Merit by Juries comprised of our peers. The pretext for this change being Economics (saving money). (Let me be clear, by technicality violation my interests is in violations of court rules and procedures in civil matters, not violations of constitutional rights in criminal matters.) But, in removing Merit to resolve court matters, Progressive Judges ignore the individual's unalienable Natural and Constitutional Rights to Due Process and a Jury Trial. (Apparently, Progressive Judges need a remedial course on what “Unalienable” means.) Progressive Elites have a history of advancing their evil, unconstitutional agenda by making it appear they are acting in the best interests of the masses. [e.g., The Minimum wage was originally conceived as an instrument of Racism. Progressive Elites reasoned that the less productive immigrants, minorities and women would be priced out of the labor market. Progressive Elites sincerely believed only White Men could produce value in excess of the higher Minimum wage. (Page 140, Chapters 5, 7-10, “Illiberal Reformers”, 2016, Thomas Leonard.). Eventually, business would choose to only hire White Men of their own accord, for this reason.]
Most of this thinking flows from the Progressive Elite’s assertions of alleged superiority over the masses (Pages 51-52, Ibid.) Some, but NOT all of the other unconstitutional things Progressive Elites believe, include that the concept of Rights of the Individual is “nonsense” (Page 25, Ibid.), the masses are too ignorant to govern themselves (Pg. 52, Ibid.) and that the Constitution’s Checks and Balances are outdated and should be ignored (Page 66, Ibid.).
Under Progressive Democratic President Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921), the Progressives created a 4th Branch of Government. This Administrative State was created to spearhead the mostly unconstitutional Progressive Agenda, and to reduce government accountability to the masses by being inserted between WE THE PEOPLE and the original 3 Branches of Government. At the point where Progressive Elites took actions to make their unconstitutional thoughts a reality, their actions became Sedition (US 18 Code 2384), Insurrection (US 18 Code 2383) and TREASON (USC Article III, Section 3; & US 18 Code 2381).
Which brings us to the matter of Election Fraud 2020. As we have demonstrated, the Progressive Globalist Insurgency began in earnest circa 1913. As we introduced earlier, the Progressive Globalists premeditated plan was to overthrow our government via nontraditional revolution by slow, covert infiltration over generations so no one generation would notice enough change to resist, revolt or mount a counter-revolution. More than 100 years later, the Progressive Globalist Insurgency assessed that it had infiltrated enough key government positions and consolidated enough power that it could successfully rig an election without WE THE PEOPLE noticing, or at least NOT noticing enough to mount a counter-revolution. And this is how this final, conclusive grab for power has so far played out.
The matter of Election Fraud 2020, was decided in an unconstitutional manner, without Due Process nor a Jury, in violation of each SCOTUS Judges’ oath to support and defend the Constitution from all enemies, foreign and domestic. Election Fraud 2020 was wrongfully resolved on Technicality rather than the Merits. And, the appearance that this was “lawful” was only made possible by decades of premeditated, duplicitous, criminal change to the Court Rules and Case Law to make such a decision seem “legal”.This premeditated, duplicitous slow change in Court Rules and Case Law replaced the “Rule of Law” with Progressive “Rule of Man” and “Might Makes Right”. These changes further evince the case that the US Supreme Court’s failure to hear Election Fraud 2020 matters was/were/are acts of Conspiracy Against Rights (US 18 Code 241), Deprivation of Rights under Color of Law (US 18 Code 241), Sedition (US 18 Code 2384), Rebellion and Insurrection (US 18 Code 2383) and TREASON (USC Article III, Section 3; & US 18 Code 2381).

CAOS y CONFUSIÓN: UNA VISIÓN GENERAL DE CÓMO LLEGARON AQUÍ AMÉRICA Y EL MUNDO
https://donmashakshennepincountymnfreepressnews.wordpress.com/2021/03/12/chaos-turmoil-an-overview-of-how-america-the-world-got-here-caos-y-confusion-una-vision-general-de-como-llegaron-aqui-america-y-el-mundo/

Docteur d’État en histoire, Marie-Danielle Demélas, spécialiste d’histoire politique et militaire de l’Amérique latine et de l’Espagne, a entrepris d’écrire une histoire des parachutistes français de 1945 à 1962, dont un premier volume est paru (Parachutistes en Indochine, Vendémiaire, 2016). Le deuxième ouvrage Parachutistes en Algérie (1954-1958) vient de paraître. Pour l’historienne, il existe une légende noire des parachutistes envoyés en Algérie. La déconstruire est un impératif afin de rendre compte de la réalité de l’engagement de ces combattants, majoritairement des appelés du contingent. Des premières opérations en hélicoptère dans les djebels, réalisées dans l’improvisation et l’urgence, à la bataille des frontières, en passant par le parachutage sur Suez, la bataille pour Alger et les poursuites dans le désert, Marie-Danielle Demélas revient sur la façon dont ces soldats se sont adaptés à un conflit d’un nouveau genre. Dans un temps où les archives contemporaines du Service Historique de la Défense (SHD) se referment, cet ouvrage souligne l’importance de pouvoir interroger inlassablement tous les fonds pour permettre à un débat historique de se tenir – y compris sur les questions les plus sensibles –, seul moyen de dépasser les querelles de mémoires et les postures idéologiques.

Le 22 décembre 2007, Nicolas Sarkozy alors président de la République s’adresse aux troupes françaises en Afghanistan. Les Equipes de Liaison et de Mentorat Opérationnel (ELMO ou OMLT en anglais), occupent une place importante dans la stratégie française dans le pays : « Nous sommes aujourd’hui au milieu du gué. Nous devons simultanément accroitre la stabilité de l’Afghanistan et, dans le domaine de la formation, nous devons poursuivre nos efforts (…) pour que l’armée afghane soit au plus vite, autonome. C’est une des clés du succès de l’engagement de la communauté internationale (…). C’est l’armée afghane qui doit livrer et gagner le combat contre les Taliban ». Les ELMO sont alors en première ligne depuis plus d’un an et font leurs preuves dans les actions de formation mais aussi dans l’accompagnement au combat.

This article examines the Cyprus Emergency (1955–1959) to test the force structure thesis. According to the thesis, armies that deploy more manpower per armored vehicle would succeed in counterinsurgency because they could win people’s trust, secure intelligence from civilians, and use force selectively. Using the congruence method of within-case analysis, I show that the causal process and logic of the force structure argument are not confirmed in the favorable case of Cyprus. Despite its preference for infantry and police units, the British garrison failed to win over the people and persuade civilians to share information about the insurgent; besides, Britain’s intelligence breakthroughs and selective violence did not result from the logic of the force structure thesis, nor did the conflict end as the argument would predict. Political conditions, instead, played a greater role. Ultimately, the case of Cyprus warns against the reassuring belief, inherent in the force structure thesis, that military organizational adjustments in favor of manpower can pave the way to victory against irregular opponents.