Georgia

Since Vladimir Putin came to power, Russia tries to regain influence over former republics of USSR and near neighbourhood. Threatening, aggression, intimidation and disinformation are important tools to achieve this objective. Religion was and still is very important, an indirect political tool to achieve preferred political outcomes. In this article, I reviewed how and why Russia's Eurosceptic propaganda through the religious institutions in Georgia works quite well.

The break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991 sharply cast the relationships between the Republics of post-Soviet space and Russia back, mutual trust was  lost, economic and cultural interaction was practically stopped. The global changes of the 1990s in the field of political order, social and economic lifestyle in the countries of the former socialist camp brought up to severe demographic situation (depopulation), impoverishment of its significant part, criminalization of society and, what is quite important, to negative changes in consciousness and behavior of its population, including deformation of ethical code of personality, for long time fixing the acute social-cultural situation. A. Zhuravlev & A. Yurevich call that the moral collapse.
It is worth mentioning that the economic crisis of the 90s in Georgia was considerably more serious than in Russia. Attempt to teach norms of “new” morale were done by M. Saakashvili (2009–2013), who declared that during 20 years he would be able to change the mentality of Georgians – rejection of the Russian culture and language up to prohibition and adherence to anti-Russian policy at a level of the State. The author reports on that project and she intends to find the difference of how moral competence is understood by the generation which was formed in 1990s and the generation formed under the Soviet Union.

R6sum6-Les collections anciennes sont pr6sent6es aux fins d'analyse stylistique. Le Pal6olithique sup6rieur semble d'origine ext6rieure. I1 comprend trois grands stades : 1. aurignacoide ; 2. h pointes h dos droit ; 3. ~ microlithes g6o-m6triques. O 2000 Fxlitions scientifiques et m6dicales Elsevier SAS G6orgie / Aurignacien / Gravettien / Pal6olithique final Abstract-Upper Palaeolithic from Georgia. The early collections have been the object of stylistic analysis. The Upper Palaeolithic seems to have an external origin. It is composed of three broad stages : 1) Aurignacoid ; 2) with straight backed points; 3) with geometric microliths.

Armenia’s 2018 Velvet Revolution raised hopes for a reinvigoration of the country’s decades-long partnership with the U.S. However, this relationship remains stagnant, despite the visit of a U.S. delegation led by National Security Advisor John Bolton in October 2018 and the subsequent visit of Deputy Assistant Secretary George Kent to Yerevan in May 2019, resulting in the formal elevation of Armenia’s relations with the U.S. to the level of “strategic dialogue.” Moreover, Yerevan’s decision to dispatch a military-humanitarian mission to Syria remains an irritant in its interaction with Washington. As a consequence, the ties have reached a historical low-point in comparison with the improving cooperation between the U.S. and other Caucasian states.

https://www.amazon.com/History-Manufacture-Assyriologists-Biblicists-Caucasiologists/dp/9941961549/ref=sr_1_1?keywords=inanishvili&qid=1569823853&sr=8-1

Studies of the Society of Assyriologists, Biblicists and Caucasiologists 10

The results of archaeological researches carried out on the territory of histor-ic Colchis prove that Bronze Age Colchis metallurgical amalgamation (centre) was created and it contributed to development of geographical zone of mountain and foot-hills, on the base of assimilation of local, rich metallogenic system; majority of copper, arsenic and antimony ore outcrops necessary for mining-smelting manufacture were treated, and tin was imported. Correspondingly, the organizational-technological changes going on historically in Colchis bronze manufacture resulted in differential communications necessary for de-termination of functional, geographical-spreading, trade-cultural relations and activity area with external world. Thanks to the joint, synchronous functioning of the primary (mountain zone) and secondary (lowland, seaside) centers of copper-bronze production/manufacture, the united center (metallurgical association) of Colchis bronze manufacture was created by the first half of the 3rd -1st millennium B. C. Due to the growth of scales and successful functioning of highly skilled workshops and increased quality of nonferrous metal, the trade-economic progress reaches high level. Association established strict cultural con-tacts with metallurgical provinces around the Black Sea and the Caucasus-Fore Asia, by the principle of integration and it occupied deserved place in the cultural achieve-ments of the Old World.

This study investigates citizenship representation styles and their compositional modalities in contemporary Georgia. The article starts with a discussion of legal, social, and political influences that shaped conceptions of citizenship in post-Soviet countries, including Georgia. The study presents the results of a survey of 700 students from 10 universities in Georgia. They completed questionnaires exploring citizenship styles and associated predictor variables. The study suggests that a cultural citizenship style is dominant among Georgian students. It is best predicted by the level of national identification, followed by patriotism, nationalism, in-group attitudes, and religious orthodoxy. The data also show the opposing roles of nationalism and patriotism on ethnic and civic citizenship styles. The article argues that a cultural citizenship representation style could be the compromise solution in the ethnic versus civic citizenship dichotomy and might be more appropriate for societies characterized by ethno-nationalist tendencies.

During the past few years, Georgia has witnessed an increased visibility of extreme right groups. On many occasions, these groups managed to bring exclusion-oriented issues to the agenda and at occupying public space, thus restricting opportunities for liberal groups and human rights activists. Even though the recent proliferation of extreme right groups has led to growing concern among political circles and civil society, these groups have not been researched in depth. To fill in this gap in literature, this thesis aims to understand how extreme right groups in Georgia mobilize. The thesis rests on social movement theory, according to which political opportunities and organizational resources influence the way movements frame their views and take action. This thesis demonstrates that, overall, extreme right mobilization opportunities in Georgia are limited. Yet, while the legal system of the country restricts extreme right mobilization and the political space only offers narrow opportunities to participate, the public opinion generally supports exclusion-focused policies. The fact that Georgian extreme right groups have limited organizational resources confines their ability to meet this public demand effectively. Yet, they try to capitalize on the insecurities prevalent in the society, adapting their strategies, frames, and actions accordingly.

Often forgotten among the many post-Soviet border disputes in the Caucasus is one pitting two strategic partners against each other, Georgia and Azerbaijan. The two states have enjoyed a bilateral partnership since the beginning of the 2000s that has shaped the geopolitical landscape of the South Caucasus region. Being at the East-West crossroads, the Baku–Tbilisi axis is of geostrategic importance not only for regional countries but also for the West, Central Asia, and now China. Nevertheless, the pair recently witnessed an escalation of border disputes and tensions over the David Gareja (Keshikchidagh) monastery complex that sprawls between Azerbaijan’s Agstafa district and Georgia’s Sagarejo district.