Frame Analysis

Populist discourse represents the antagonism between “the underrepresented people” and “the corrupt elites.” To elucidate such discursive representations on Facebook, this interactional sociolinguistic study integrates the “stance triangle” (evaluation-positioning-alignment) and frame theory. By examining posts and responding comments collected through online ethnography (2017-2019), this study argues that, Coalition for the Happiness of Our Next Generation (CHONG), Taiwan’s major anti-gay organization, propagates homophobic populism to oppose the legalization of same-sex marriage (SSM). Under the guise of democracy before and after the 2018 SSM referendum, CHONG’s claim to represent the “will of the people” (WOTP) against multiple government sectors oppresses same-sex citizenship, allowing anti-SSM commenters to align as “the people.” Using textual descriptions and multimedia on Facebook, CHONG evaluates SSM’s (il)legitimacy, positions the government as imposing SSM, and disaligns it from “the pro-family people.” Discourse analysis demonstrates how CHONG’s illustrations position the grand justices, who ruled in favor of legalizing SSM, as “judicial elites”; the ruling party, which passed the SSM bill, is positioned as violating the WOTP. Regression analysis shows that “referendum,” “WOTP” and “democracy” became strongly correlated in CHONG’s posts after they won the popular votes, suggesting its self-positioning as “democratically sanctioned” to oppose SSM. Meanwhile, the object of comment evaluations shifts from marriage-oriented to government-directed, indicating commenters’ increasing alignment with CHONG’s populist framing of SSM in legal, rather than moral, terms. However, pro-SSM commenters’ stance accrual is shown to counter CHONG’s claim and reframe SSM legalization as constitutional. This integrated framework emphasizes the discursive nature of populism, as realized in micro-level interaction, and adds to the theorization of populism as social media movements in Asia. The findings contribute to a better understanding of how right-wing populism undermines sexual minority’s rights to marriage and how commenting in computer-mediated communication can re-establish the constitutional foundation of democracy in online SSM debates.

HATE GROUPS, RACIAL TENSION AND ETHNOVIOLENCE IN AN INTEGRATING CHICAGO NEIGHBORHOOD l976-i988 Chip Berlet ABSTRACT Between l976 and l988 organized White supremacist groups targeted the Marquette Park section of Chicago, seeking to mobilize ...

Massive protest waves, mainly led by younger citizens, appeared during the past years in Romania. Gubernat & Rammelt provide an analysis of the production of meaning by the "Romanian street" as a collective actor. They argue that "Vrem o ţară ca afară! (We want a country like abroad!)" became the leitmotif for important parts of the Romanian protests of the past eight years. For so doing, Gubernat & Rammelt analyze the discursive underpinnings and the constructed frames in recent protests in Romania. Their demonstration synthesizes a social phenomenon that appeared during the Roșia Montană protests of 2013, continued with the Colectiv protests of 2015 and was reconfirmed during the 2017/18 anti-corruption protests: the dichotomy between the discursive appropriation of the West, as a benchmark of progress and social modernization and the 'self-racism' manifested in these movements. The use of Frame Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis for the study of these waves of protests enables them to show how the Western hegemonic discourse on Statebuilding provides the cultural conditions for social action as well as it enables mobilizing agents to frame national discontent. "'Vrem o ţară ca afară!' Redefining Statebuilding through a pro-European discourse in Romania" concludes that recent protests in Romania reproduce Western ideals of modern state and politics through a value-based discourse around the idea of belonging to Europe.

This desk review for Oxfam GB was undertaken to provide an evidence base for the development of campaign communications on refugees that will engage new supporters who have a strong association with a conservative value base. It addresses the following research questions:
1. What research and evidence already exists that we can build on?
2. What do we know on this subject and where are the gaps?
3. What is the related academic debate?
4. Clear definition of ‘mid-groups’ we are seeking to talk to through this project?
5. Are there differences within the UK, particularly where devolved governments in Scotland and Wales have taken a different approach? Has the “New Scots” message worked? Have there been disadvantages?
6. How similar or different is the UK case to others in Europe? More widely?
7. How do we develop and test messaging on refugee issues that will shift attitudes among those holding conservative values and those in ‘mid-groups’ who are not yet with us on this issue but are also not entrenched against us?

RESUMO

O Movimento Brasil Livre, cuja origem remete às Jornadas de Junho de 2013, teve importância recente no país ao ajudar a convocar protestos a favor do impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, a partir, principalmente, das mídias sociais da Internet. Ao investigarmos as origens do MBL, notamos conexões com uma rede global de think tanks orientados pela defesa do liberalismo econômico. Já quando analisamos suas performances, notamos um discurso anticorrupção tendo como foco o antipetismo, aliado a influências de um discurso liberal na economia e conservador nos costumes. Sendo assim, o objetivo do estudo é refletir sobre o ativismo de inspiração liberal/conservadora do MBL. Pretende-se analisar o surgimento do movimento, bem como sua forma de atuação, por meio da análise de postagens no YouTube, levando-se em conta o contexto dos protestos pró-impeachment e do surgimento de uma nova direita no Brasil. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Movimento Brasil Livre; ativismo online; think tanks; frame analysis; nova direita. ABSTRACT The Movimento Brasil Livre, whose origin goes back to the Jornadas de Junho de 2013, had recent importance in the country by helping to call for protests in favor of the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, mainly from the social media of the Internet. When we investigate the origins of the MBL, we note connections to a global network of think tanks guided by the defense of economic liberalism. When we analyze their performances, we note an anti-corruption discourse focusing on antipetism, combined with influences from a liberal discourse in the economy and conservative in customs. Therefore, the aim of the study is to analyze MBL's liberal / conservative activism. It is intended to analyze the emergence of the movement, as well as its form of action, through the analysis of posts on YouTube, considering the context of the pro-impeachment protests and the emergence of a new right in Brazil.

In the last twenty years the Locally Unwanted Land Use (LULU) protests have grown across Italy by putting scholars in front of new questions about the dynamics of local mobilization which have often led them to focus on the political-institutional context as pivotal variable to explain the conflict. By starting from this assumption, this paper aims at observing, on the one hand, the transformations of political context (the arise and decline of Movimento 5 Stelle, the centralization of power related to territories management, the tightening of repression, etc.) that have produced a Political Opportunity Structure unfavourable for LULU mobilization and, on the other hand, the feedback of local actors and their reorganization in terms of frame and strategies. While paying attention to structural dynamics, this paper investigates the role that the cultural-discursive context and the local actors' framing processes play in mobilization. With this aim, the contribute takes in consideration the spreading of new environmental movements-as Fridays for Future-and the discursive and political opportunities that these can produce also for the local campaigns here analysed. The research is been conducted by comparing three LULU campaigns (No Grandi Navi, No Cave, No TAP) and by using a qualitative approach mainly based on in-depth interviews with actors of the conflict and on the analysis of documents that they have produced. Le proteste legate all'uso del territorio rappresentano in Italia un fenomeno in costante crescita da ormai un ventennio (Nimby Forum 2018). In numerosi casi, però, queste mobilitazioni si sono scontrate con l'indisponibilità dei decisori politici ad accogliere le richieste pro-venienti dalle comunità locali. In un contesto in cui i partiti della sini-stra parlamentare si sono sempre più schierati a favore di opere o attivi-tà contestate (Piazza 2011) e in cui il sostegno delle istituzioni locali è risultato essere poco influente (Bertuzzi et al. 2019), un nuovo spazio di azione per gli attivisti locali si è aperto con l'emergere del Movimento

В статье рассматриваются специфика и механизмы (ре)конструирования смыслов политической акции в социальной сети «ВКонтакте». В качестве кейса была рассмотрена акция, возникшая по случаю задержания журналиста Ивана Голунова. Методологической основой исследования послужила теория фрейм-анализа. Опираясь на нее, авторы выявили случаи рефрейминга и транспонирования смыслов политической акции. Основным исследовательским методом выступил контент-анализ, реализованный с помощью программного обеспечения Atlas.ti. Все отобранные посты были закодированы в соответствии с отношением к задержанию журналиста, стадией развития акции, субъектом фрейминга и используемыми в публикации хештегами. При кодировке хештегов использовалась оригинальная типология, созданная на основе целей, которые они призваны достичь. Установлено, что хештеги способствуют информационному наслоению и транспонированию, переключают первоначальный смысл публикации на новые контексты, что могут впоследствии аккумулировать протестные настроения. В рамках проведенного анализа сформулировано два ключевых вывода. Во-первых, с трансформацией стадий конфликта произошла смена восприятия образа главного фигуранта акции. Если на стадии конфликта И. Голунов рассматривался как ключевой участник события, то с момента разрешения конфликта начинается использование его образа в качестве символа для совокупного недовольства некоторыми институтами политической системы страны. Во-вторых, была обнаружена специфика в типах системы фреймов, конструируемых сообществами и личными аккаунтами в социальной сети «ВКонтакте». Публикации в  сообществах характеризуются преимущественно нейтральным содержанием и использованием различных типов хештегов. Публикации в личных аккаунтах отличаются выражением поддержки И. Голунову и использованием хештегов, демонстрирующих солидарность с ним. В итоге были сформулированы новые функции хештегов – закрепление фрейма (характерно для личных аккаунтов) и PR (свойственно сообществам).

The performance of governments of presidents Fox, Calderón and Peña Nieto has generated general disappointment with partisan democracy. This paper examines de emergence of a post–partisan political utopia, which criticizes existing democracy and points to a radical transformation of the Mexican political system to give center stage to the citizenry. First, from constructionist utopian theory I derive a definition of utopia and hypotheses on its development and maintenance. Second, using the theory of collective action frames I formulate an analytical model for utopian research. Third, applying the model I analyze how this post–partisan utopia is mediated by two recent groups, Por México Hoy and Praxis en América Latina, and I verify the hypotheses. I find that each group develops a variant of this utopia, and that post–partisanship combines with other utopias and with the domination exercised by political parties.

El desempeño de los sexenios gubernamentales mexicanos de los presidentes Fox, Calderón y Peña Nieto ha generado una decepción generalizada con la democracia de partidos. Esta investigación examina el surgimiento de una utopía política pospartidista, la cual critica la democracia existente y plantea una transformación radical del sistema político mexicano para dar protagonismo a la ciudadanía. Primero, a partir de la teoría utópica de corte construccionista, derivo una definición de utopía e hipótesis sobre el desarrollo y mantenimiento de la utopía pospartidista. Segundo, empleando la teoría de los marcos de la acción colectiva formulo un modelo analítico para la indagación utópica. Tercero, aplicando este modelo, analizo de qué manera se vehicula la utopía pospartidista en dos grupos de reciente cuño, Por México Hoy, y, Praxis en América Latina, y verifico las hipótesis. Encuentro que cada grupo desarrolla una variante de esta utopía. Asimismo, hallo imbricaciones del pospartidismo con otras utopías y con la propia dominación que ejercen los partidos políticos.

Foreign aid and military interventions have been important determinants in Mali’s domestic politics for decades. Focusing on the European Union (EU) as an external actor in Mali, this study investigates the relationship between the EU’s political discourse and aid policy in this country. I looked at the amount of European humanitarian and military aid sent to Mali between 2010 and 2014. I also looked at the framings of Mali in the European Parliament’s (EP) debates within the same time frame. In this way, this study investigates whether there is a connection between the framings of Mali in the EP debates and the types and amount of European aid sent to Mali. Frame analysis is used as a method to examine the speeches in the EP debates. The changes in aid and the analysis of the speeches show us a connection between the framings of Mali in the EP and the EU’s aid policy in Mali.

In this talk, I make audible a conversation in Alf Layla on the meaning and application of justice. In what has been read as fate, arbitrary logic, enchantment, magic, and nocturnal dreamlike narratives; I argue, we can equally speak of a concern for justice. https://youtu.be/II98ELXgtx0

Mãos Limpas (Mani Pulite em italiano) é o nome de um conjunto de investigações italianas do início dos anos 1990 que ganharam notoriedade tanto pela amplitude de suas descobertas quanto pela atenção pública dada a elas. Tendo como investigados empresários, políticos e funcionários públicos, a Mãos Limpas foi atribuído o fim da Primeira República Italiana, a extinção de partidos tradicionais, a ascensão de Silvio Berlusconi e a politização da magistratura. Esta proposta de trabalho buscará, a partir de dados coletados em estágio doutoral na Università di Pisa, delinear uma análise da Mãos Limpas e também dos relatos de seus operadores a partir do conceito de frame. Serão expostos os principais desenvolvimentos nas ciências sociais italianas que tiveram como objeto a Mãos Limpas e de que maneiras os relatos e posicionamentos de seus operadores foram usados e modificados ao longo dos anos a partir de dois enquadramentos, um da fase Craxiana da operação e outro da fase Berlusconiana.

The setup and narratives of finance-related administrative documents and powers tell the story and fate of the Athenian democracy. On the one hand, one can see the permanently repeated and impressive statement of stability that did not only astonish contemporaries, especially critics of the democratic system. It was mirrored in the frequent publication of financial accounts. They were more representative in various aspects than informative in the sense of a real transparent accountability. Additionally, the many offices mentioned both in the literary and epigraphic documents reflect the constant mistrust in, and restriction of, the accumulation of power in the democratic framework. On the other hand, these formalities and standardized formulas do clearly not carry the whole story, and are superseded in the course of the 4th century by informal power-conglomerations.

Kontext Die Einführung der so genannten Corona-Ampel in Österreich, als „Werkzeug zur Einschätzung der epidemischen Lagen auf Basis von Schlüsselindikatoren“ (öst. Sozialministerium ), das darauf abzielt, „die österreichische Bevölkerung über das Risiko in einer bestimmten Region und auch über die eventuellen Maßnahmen, die gesetzt werden, zu informieren“ (ibid.) wird seit ein paar Wochen in traditionellen wie auch in sozialen Medien intensiv diskutiert. Im besonderen Fall von Twitter hat sie sogar – wohl unter dem Druck des „Diktats des #hashtags“ (Bernard 2018) – zur Entstehung bestimmter #-Komposita bzw. #-Phrasen geführt, die morpho-syntaktisch gesehen komplexe Indexierungs-Zeichen darstellen, welche semantisch mehrere, sehr unterschiedliche domänen-spezifische Wissensinhalte kondensieren (können) und pragmatisch die Positionierung des Sprechers in der öffentlichen Diskussion reflektieren.
Problemstellung In diesem Rahmen will der Beitrag das Potenzial einer frame-semantischen Analyse einiger dieser Fügungen zeigen, wobei der Fokus auf dem Zusammenspiel zwischen einerseits Musterhaftigkeit/Fossilisierung (Stein/Stumpf 2019) und andererseits semantischer Komprimierung und diskursiver Perspektivierung liegen soll. Da die Corona-Krise gerade wegen ihres plötzlichen Einbruchs und ihrer Auswirkungen in so gut wie allen Lebensbereichen sprachlich mehr oder weniger holistisch verarbeitet wurde/wird, ermöglicht es eben ein frame-semantischer Ansatz die Konturierung ineinander verschachtelter Wissensdomäne an den Tag zu legen. Im Falle der Corona-Ampel-Thematik geht man nämlich von einem medizinisch-gesundheitlichen Kern aus, um dann Wissensbereiche wie Politik, Recht und Wirtschaft zu bemühen, wobei jeder Bereich dann weiter subkategorisiert werden kann.
Daten Dem Beitrag liegt ein an der Maison des Sciences de l’Homme in Dijon (F) zusammengestelltes Korpus deutschsprachiger Tweets mit Fügungen wie #Coronaampel, #Ampelsystem, #Coronakommission, #zweitewelle usw zugrunde. Die Zusammenstellung wurde gezielt qualitativ durchgeführt: potentielle interessante Hashtags wurden zunächst einmal im Sinne einer digitalen Ethnographie (Michel 2020) in Twitter-Threads beobachtet und auf ihre Relevanz hin geprüft, bevor sie dann ins Daten-Sammeltool integriert wurden. Somit sollten Homogenität und Qualität des Korpus gewährleistet werden. Über die einzelnen Hashtags hinaus wurden zusätzlich einige Accounts bestimmter Institutionen (insbesondere Ministerien oder Servicestellen) systematisch berücksichtigt Die gesammelten Daten wurden dann mit TXM ausgewertet.
Methodologischer Rahmen Die Analyse reiht sich in die frame-semantischen Arbeiten der germanistischen Diskurslinguistik (Ziem 2008, Busse 2012) ein und zielt darauf ab, deren Prinzipien für die Analyse solcher ad-hoc-Komposita und Phrasen anzuwenden (Michel 2014). Angestrebt wird zunächst einmal eine globale maximale Rekonstruktion des Corona-Ampel-Frames, die es in einem zweiten Schritt ermöglicht, die jeweilige Aktualisierung bestimmter Wissenssegmente in Tweets pragmatisch-diskursiv zu deuten. So unterscheiden sich die Verwendungen von #Coronaampel in folgenden Belegen gerade durch die vom Ko(n)text aktivierten Teil-Frames:
(1) @FraukeTime Die #Coronaampel müsste rot blinken. Am besten mit Nebelscheinwerfer und Sirene, damit sich auch der letzte Dummkopf nicht in Sicherheit wiegen kann und damit weiterhin andere gefährdet.
(2) RT @rponline: Die Luftfahrtbranche kritisiert den #EU-Beschluss zur #CoronaAmpel als Fehlschlag. https://t.co/b0sOOsc8Do
(3) Was bildet sich die EU ein? Eine dreifarbige Ampel, obwohl Österreich schon den universellen Standard mit vier Farben geschaffen hat? #coronaampel #zib2
Während (1) die Teilkomponente Ampel fokussiert und somit das Verkehrsframe aktiviert und zur Bezugsgröße der Mitteilung macht, steht in (2) eher der Wirtschaftsframe im Vordergrund (Corona-Krise als ökonomischer Instabilitätsfaktor) und in (3) der Politik-Frame (Corona-Krise als Objekt einer gemeinsamen EU-Politik). Ziel ist es, eine erste systematische Typologie sowohl der involvierten Frames (mit den entsprechenden Leerstellen und Grundwerten) als auch ihrer diskursiven Einbettungen anzubieten.

Zitierte Literatur:
Bernard, Andreas (2018). Das Diktat des #hashtags. Über ein Prinzip der aktuellen Debattenbildung. Frankfurt: Fischer.
Busse, Dietrich (2012). Frame-Semantik. Ein Kompendium. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Michel, Sascha (2014). Konstruktionsgrammatik und Wortbildung. Theoretische Reflexionen und praktische Anwendungen am Beispiel der Verschmelzung von Konstruktionen. In: Alexander Lasch/Alexander Ziem (Hrsg.). Grammatik als Netzwerk von Konstruktionen. Sprachwissen im Fokus der Konstruktionsgrammatik. Berlin: de Gruyter, 139-156.
Michel, Sascha (2020). #wirbleibenzuhause. Multimodale Formen digitaler Solidaritätsbekundungen während der initialen Phase der Covid-19-Pandemie. In: Aptum. Zeitschrift für Sprachkritik und Sprachkultur; 16/2-3, 281-289.
Stein, Stephan/Stumpf, Sören (2019). Muster in Sprache und Kommunikation. Eine Einführung in Konzepte sprachlicher Vorgeformtheit. Berlin: Schmidt.
Ziem, Alexander (2008). Frames und sprachliches Wissen. Kognitive Aspekte der semantischen Kompetenz. Berlin: de Gruyter.

Critical English language teaching (ELT) research is expanding in scope, covering topics such as linguistic imperialism, native-speakerism, and the intersections between issues of race, class, and gender. With this expansion comes a requirement for robust and rigorous methods of data collection and analysis for researchers to employ. This article puts forward ‘frame analysis’ as a tool for analysing data in critical ethnography, particularly in ELT. Frame analysis is the systematic investigation of the organisational principles which people draw on in interpreting actions and events. After describing the conception of critical theory in which this discussion is situated, the paper gives a theoretical and overview of the concepts of ‘frames’ and ‘framing’, with a focus on social movement research. A step-by-step discussion is provided explaining how frame analysis can help to identify hidden ideologies in a research setting as a part of critical ethnography, before supplying a concrete example of data analysis using this approach. It is suggested that frame analysis may be a useful part of a critical ethnographer’s toolkit, particularly in terms of identifying hidden ideological assumptions in research setting.