European History

1 QUO VADIS, EUROPA. Un percorso critico in tre movimenti e mezzo. Riccardo Bellofiore Francesco Garibaldo 0.1 Il lettore che voglia farsi un giudizio sullo stato dell'Europa ha oggi la possibilità di documentarsi a partire da tre scritti che ne illuminano la storia, la crisi, e le prospettive. Ci riferiamo: (i) a tre working paper di Joseph Halevi per l'Institute for New Economic Thinking nel 2019, sull'economia politica europea dal 1945 ai primi anni duemila; 1 (ii) al volume Una Unione divisiva. Una prospettiva centro-periferia della crisi europea, di Giuseppe Celi, Andrea Ginzburg, Dario Guarascio, Annamaria Simonazzi, precedente la pandemia; 2 (iii) al libro La riconquista. Perché abbiamo perso l'Europa e come possiamo riprendercela, di Francesco Saraceno, anch'esso del 2020, ma dopo la prima ondata della pandemia. 3 0.2 In queste note di commento ci proveremo a proporre una lettura ragionata (e teoricamente orientata) delle tre prospettive interpretative, mostrandone la ricchezza e per molti aspetti la complementarità: ma anche le tensioni interne e alcuni limiti. Ne emergerà, speriamo, un discorso unitario: talvolta grazie agli argomenti che riprenderemo da questi autori, talaltra in dialettica con loro. È un'ottica volutamente parziale, la nostra, che non ripercorrerà tutto ciò che di valido si trova nei lavori a cui ci riferiamo, ma che d'altra parte vorrebbe estrarne, mediante il procedimento di una critica che si vuole simpatetica, una sorta di 'verità interna' racchiusa nelle loro opere che possa risultare utile ad affrontare le questioni dell'oggi. 0.3 Ci chiederemo, in conclusione, cosa comporti di nuovo per il ragionamento che i volumi aiutano a delineare la pandemia del coronavirus. Di nuovo in termini di politica economica e di intervento sociale; o se si vuole, più semplicemente ma più sostanzialmente, di sfida politica e di compiti urgenti per l'azione. La storia molto politica dell'unificazione economica e monetaria europea 1.1 Conviene partire dai saggi di Joseph Halevi. I tre working paper-più di cento pagine, un vero e proprio libro-entrano nel dettaglio nella questione delle origini della costruzione dell'unificazione economica europea nel secondo dopoguerra. Inoltre, con più trasparenza che negli altri autori il discorso è metodologicamente elaborato come vera e propria storia 'concettuale'. I fatti sono inquadrati dentro una griglia analitica che è subito rivelata al lettore, e che si oppone a tutto campo alle varie declinazioni del pensiero economico dominante. Condividendo totalmente la scelta di metodo di Halevi, e in larga parte la sua griglia analitica, non stupisce che il quadro che delinea ci appaia, con poche eccezioni, del tutto convincente. 1.2 Chiariamo subito quale sia lo schema teorico con cui opera il nostro autore. Il centro è costituito da una lettura del tutto originale degli schemi di riproduzione di Marx. Il triplo filtro con cui vengono appropriati quegli schemi rimanda al dibattito russo-tedesco-austriaco, all'esperienza della cartellizzazione, e alla grande crisi. Per un verso, Halevi riprende la rielaborazione di Adolf Löwe: l'esponente forse maggiore della Scuola di Kiel, formatosi al marxismo socialdemocratico e attento 1 Halevi

This article attempts to shed light on the emergence of Sclavinia as a term in the medieval sources. In the old Slavic written tradition Sclavinia never appeared, which shows that it was an external name. In majority of cases, Sclavinia was a term used by imperial elites and on courts in Byzantium and in the West. Is seems to have appeared simultaneously in the East and in the West in 780th when many Slavic tribes were included in the Frankish and Byzantine sphere of influence and dominance. Despite some differences, in general the term was used in the same way in Byzantium and in the West: for Slavic entities put in the process of subjugation to the empires. The reason for this similarity could be found in intentionally followed imperial examples and terminology in the West.
Sclavinia was the official “imperial” border-zone term, for the area between the Slavic word and Christian empires, and was bound with the existence of these contact zones. It was not usually used for the territory deeply behind these borders, for non-imperial Slavic neighbours or for independent powerful Slavic states. As a term, Sclavinia lost its relevance with the disappearance of the small Slavic formations in imperial border zones, when they were assimilated into empires or evolved into larger independent state formations established under their own well-known names.
Created from the demonym in a way very common in the Middle Ages, Sclavinia was still relatively rarely used. Although a suitable collective term, its weakness was its too general and uncertain meaning. In the West it was used far more and longer than in Byzantium, and there it could be find outside of the imperial court, which was not the case in the Eastern empire. It was used with some differences – only in singular in the West, and usually in plural in Constantinople.

Key words: Sclavinia, term, border zone, Byzantine, West, East, ethnonym, sources, middle age, Christian empires.

In 1949, Fernand Braudel proposed a view of the Mediterranean world in which Islam was an integral part of Europe. This was a courageous act. At the very moment when, after WWII, Europe was reflecting on its unity and the first projects of European institutions were being formulated, Braudel did not conceive of Europe as going from the Mediterranean to the North Sea and beyond. Instead, he emphasized the unity of the Mediterranean and the structural compenetration between Islamic and Christian societies and values, despite the multiple wars that had opposed them over the centuries. 1 Later in life, Braudel changed his mind. In A History of Civilizations, he clearly distinguished European civilization from Islamic. He also differentiated between the Russian, African, Indian civilizations and so on. 2

We modern kings are not like those of old; we are the first citizens of our Fatherland and, rather than sit immobile on a Throne, we guide nations along the path of progress 1 At the beginning of the twentieth century the political importance of the Spanish monarchy, like that of others in Europe, revealed itself in two complementary aspects of public life. One was the role of the Crown as a constitutional institution, endowed with key functions in the relations between the different powers of the state and the progress of government. The other was the capacity of the king and his family to embody collective identities and projects for the future, above all nationalistic ones, and it was upon this capacity that a large part of their legitimacy began to rest in the first stages of mass politics. The king not only intervened on a daily basis in political affairs, he also aspired to be the incarnation of the nation, and justified his behaviour by reference to the national interest. These two facets complemented each other, and one cannot understand one without the other. Diverse forces contributed to defining these two sources of power, but the opinions of the monarch himself were nearly always decisive. The long effective reign of Alfonso XIII from 1902 to 1931, highly influenced by developments in other European monarchies, can be divided into two phases separated by the First World War, which despite the country's official neutrality had a huge effect on Spanish society. In each a major nationalist and monarchist project, with accompanying public discourse, was put forward which shaped the king's political activities. Before the war the young monarch was filled with the need to regenerate Spain, to make it a cohesive, developed state that could occupy a significant place in Western Europe, a goal that implied respecting the constitutional framework and encouraging policies considered as liberal, even while the monarchy itself was 'nationalised' in the eyes of the people. The Great War

Els autors de la present proposta de comunicació formen part d'un grup d'innovació docent del Departament d'Història Contemporània de la UB que es basa en l'elaboració d'un muntatge audiovisual per part dels alumnes de grau. A partir de la creació del grup l'any ...

his essay analyses Habsburg sites of memory in what is now Italian Trieste/Trst/Triest with the aim of reconstructing the diferent practices associated with the transnational image of the Empire in diferent time frames. On the basis of archival material, newspapers and adapting Nora's methods to this contested border town, the analysis is concentrated on the popular memory over the long term, from the end of the nineteenth century until the present. Imperial statues and symbols were constructed to testify the belonging of Trieste to the Habsburg Empire. Most of them were removed ater the Great War, however , when the city was annexed to Italy. Some were destroyed while others were restored over the following decades. Especially ater the Second World War discussions started regarding their relocation, causing harsh debates and evoking a variety of ailiations and loyalties in a single urban space. he relocation of these statues draws attention to the city's Habsburg, Central European, and supposed cosmopolitan past and testiies to Trieste's nostalgia for the 'golden age' of the Habsburgs. At the same time, however, they relect the overlapping and multiple loyalties which still shake local memories and are encoded in the urban landscape up to the present.

A Sciences Po seminar in European History & Cost-Action (18140) 'People in motion' working group 4 joint-workshop.

This conference organized by David Do Paço examines the mobilization of an increasingly insistent and intransigent memory that refers to the so-called 'Christian roots of Europe'; a memory mobilized by the various European populist parties and their supporters, a memory that is adapted according to the specific referential frameworks of social groups, parties or institutions. The conference also focuses on collective initiatives that discuss the plurality of national and European memories, and the different political strategies leading to their affirmation, their transformation or their temporary and definitive disappearance. It also echoes a deep renewal of the social history of European societies, which over a long period of time, and in an increasingly systematic way, analyses the place and role of Muslim individuals and communities in the construction of modern and contemporary societies. Finally, it responds to the social demand for a different history of Europe and of the democracies - more or less liberal - of which Europe is composed.
Starting from Jack Goody's assertion that Islam is consubstantial with the history of European societies - whether through its acceptance, a set of interactions or rejections - the aim of our conference is to propose a comparative approach to the mobilisation of Muslim pasts at the European, national and community levels. From Spain to Hungary, from the United Kingdom to Italy, from France to Germany, European societies have had different and diverse experiences with Islam - as a religion and as relational communities - that contrast with a relatively homogenous Judeo-Christian affirmation of identity. Trade and conquest, conversions, varying forms of cohabitation and syncretisms are all experiences that offer modern societies resources for constructing their narrative, asserting specificity or a broader sense of belonging. However, the mobilization of the Muslim memories of Europe to promote a regional area that would exclude Islam or, on the contrary, claim a common past is not new. It also has a history and makes it possible to question from an original angle the moments of crisis experienced by European societies.

Le monde contemporain est avant tout à l'économisme, au ludisme et au scientisme. Travail, loisir, science y valent pour production, séduction, confirmation – sinon c'est le sentiment de néant, de délaissement et d'inquiétude (même les plus sérieux zététiciens se retrouvent là face à un mur ! C'est dire …).
En dehors de ces termes et dérivés, « point de salut », Au hasard : pour tout ce qui s'avance comme générateur culturel et défenseur territorial … sur tout cela, « il faut » des diabolisations : c'est ce que jurent ceux qui ne jurent que par travail, loisir, science, progrès ou production, séduction, confirmation, obligation.
C'était sans parler du progrès équivalent de obligation, comme si on ne pouvait jamais ne serait-ce que digresser. Assurément, les poètes n'ont pas leur place dans cette ambiance, sauf s'ils sont scénaristes pour Netflix ou graphistes sur YouTube – et uniquement cela …
Alors, vraiment, quelle place auraient des polythéistes actuels ? Des animistes ? Des « païens » ? … Mille et un préjugés s'y opposent, mais ce ne sont que des préjugés.

Ortaçağ Avrupa'sında devletlerin iki geçim kaynağı mevcuttu. Bunlardan birincisi tarım, diğeri ise ticaret idi. Tarım, Ortaçağ toplumunun temel geçim kaynağıydı. Feodalizmin hüküm sürdüğü Avrupa'da köylüler Derebeylerin şatosunda hizmet eder, şatonun çevresindeki topraklarda çiftçilik yapar ve herhangi bir ücret talep etmezdi. Bunun karşılığında Derebeyler köylünün güvenliğini temin eder, çiftçilik yapmasına imkân sağlardı. Köylü ekonomik ve siyasal haklardan mahrum olmakla birlikte yaşam ve çalışma koşulları çok kötüydü. X. Yüzyılda Avrupa feodal bir siyasi yapı ve malikane adı verilen bu sistemle idare edilmekteydi. XI. Yüzyıldan itibaren nüfusun artması, bataklıkların kurutulması, tarımda sabanın kullanılmaya başlaması, ormanlık alanların yeni yerleşim yerlerine açılması, Avrupa'yı demografik ve ekonomik yönden rahatlatmıştı. Ancak bunun yanında ticari bir gelişme ve rahatlama da söz konusuydu. Henry Pirenne'ye göre Avrupa'nın gösterdiği genişleme bir dış faktörün etkisiyle ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu faktörler arasında Akdeniz'in ticarete açılması, Haçlı Savaşları sayesinde Doğu'nun zenginliğinin (altın, gümüş) Batı'ya taşınması ve Bizans ve İslâm Dünyası ile ticari ilişkilerin gelişmesi bunlar arasındadır. Bu ekonomik gelişmelerin yanında Avrupa'da teknolojik açıdan da bir ilerleme olmuştu. Üçlü tarla rotasyonu, ağır saban ve yeni bir at koşum siteminin geliştirilmesi ile çivili at nalının kullanılmaya başlaması, üretimin artmasına zamandan tasarruf ve yeni toprak açma faaliyetlerinin hızlanmasına neden olmuştu. Ağır sabanın en büyük avantajı yumuşak topraklara göre daha verimli olan Kuzey Avrupa'da bulunan sert toprakların tarıma elverişli hale getirmesiydi. İkinci önemli avantajı ise insan emeğinden tasarruf sağlayarak toprakların uzun çizgiler halinde sürülmesine imkân sağlamasıydı. Bütün bu tarımsal faaliyetlerin yanında Ortaçağ döneminde en yaygın ve geniş Sanayi kolu dokumacılıktı. Bütün Avrupa'da her bölgede, her evde kumaş imal ediliyordu. Küçük tezgâhlarda işlenen bu ürünler önemli bir Sanayi kolunu teşkil etmekteydi. XII. itibaren ticaretin gelişmesi ile bu üretim sürecinde bir ayrışma olmuştu. Üretimin ticaret ile ayrılması, tüccar sınıfının ortaya çıkmasına neden oldu. Tüm bunların dışında Avrupa'nın siyasi ve ekonomik yöndeki istikrarı kentler arası ticareti geliştirmesi, Ticaret burjuvazisinin yükselişini beraberinde getirdi. XV. Yüzyıl'ın sonlarına doğru başlayan Coğrafi Keşifler ve ardından yeni Ticaret yollarının bulunması, Avrupalı Kralların ve Tacirlerin yeni yerleri

As a Slavic-speaking religious and ethnic “Other” living just a stone’s throw from the symbolic heart of the continent, the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina have long occupied a liminal space in the European imagination. To a significant degree, the wider representations and perceptions of this population can be traced to the reports of Central European—and especially Habsburg—diplomats, scholars, journalists, tourists, and other observers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This volume assembles contributions from historians, anthropologists, political scientists, and literary scholars to examine the political, social, and discursive dimensions of Bosnian Muslims’ encounters with the West since the nineteenth century.

https://www.berghahnbooks.com/title/SistekImagining