BRICS

The global order has shifted to a unipolar world order after the Cold War. The United States has implemented global policies as the dominant power in this order. However, with the start of the 21st century, the multipolar world order has clearly expressed itself. The new global order has led to interpretations that the US foreign policy is now losing its power. In addition, the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) countries, which are called the rising powers that will threaten the global hegemony of the United States, have emerged. Rising Powers has made many corporate initiatives, especially after the 2008 Financial Crisis. As the Obama administration emphasized, the 2008 financial crisis made mutual cooperation, negotiation understanding and institutionalization indispensable. In this context, Barack Obama, who determined the foreign policy maneuvers against the rising powers, adopted the concept of "soft power" different from Bush's "hard power". During his eight-year presidency, Obama shifted the United States' foreign policy focus from the Middle East to the Asia-Pacific region. In this context, the Obama presidency has determined new foreign policy parameters known as "smart power" against the three most important countries of the BRICS countries (Russia-India-China).
In this study, the transformation process of the United States foreign policy in the Obama period and its approaches to the BRICS countries known as the rising powers will be explained. At the same time, the effectiveness (constructive or destructive) of Obama's concept of "soft power" in foreign policy will be discussed. This thesis emphasizes the view that the BRICS countries destroy the hegemonic and dominant power of the United States and that the BRICS countries will increase their influence and power on a global scale over time.

En los últimos años, el cambio climático ha sido abordado ampliamente de manera multilateral con el propósito de generar compromisos más sólidos entre los estados para reducir sus consecuencias a nivel planetario. En el caso particular de la República de India durante el período 2008-2018, los gobiernos de Manmohan Singh y Narendra Modi ubicaron a la problemática como uno de los principales temas de agenda doméstica y externa. Bajo este contexto, el presente trabajo de investigación apunta, de manera general, a analizar la política de cambio climático de la República de India en la diplomacia de cumbres, especialmente en los casos de la COP, el G20 y el Foro BRICS en la etapa mencionada. De manera más específica, se propone en primer lugar, describir la evolución de la problemática del cambio climático a nivel internacional en la diplomacia de cumbres. En segundo lugar, identificar y analizar la constitución de la política climática de India en base al contexto doméstico y a su participación en los foros internacionales. Y, por último, tiene la tarea de analizar la política de cambio climático de India en las COP, el G20 y el Foro BRICS en el recorte temporal señalado. A modo de hipótesis general a lo largo de la presente tesina se sostiene que India, al autoreconocerse como potencia emergente desde comienzos del siglo XXI, ha desarrollado un desempeño más asertivo en la esfera internacional que en el pasado. Dicha postura se fue manifestando en una serie de temáticas de interés global, entre ellas la cuestión relativa al cambio climático. Este cambio de perfil del país respecto a la temática mencionada, tiene como un punto de inflexión el año 2008, debido a que India, ha oscilado entre la responsabilidad y el pragmatismo, lo cual se manifiesta en su participación en la diplomacia de cumbres. Al mismo tiempo, la investigación postula a modo de hipótesis operativas que, por un lado, el comportamiento externo de India respecto del cambio climático fue responsable debido a que el país nunca abandonó la defensa del principio de responsabilidades comunes pero diferenciadas (RCPD), para poder lograr la consecución del desarrollo económico, uno de los máximos intereses de la nación. En segundo lugar, el accionar indio también fue pragmático, porque más allá de sostener la defensa del principio de RCPD, India fue capaz de asumir compromisos internacionales de envergadura, tales como el Acuerdo de París.

When we were just about to send our new English-language journal issue (Vol. 14, No. 6, 2020) to the printing house, devastating news arrived and shocked all of us... It is still incomprehensible, and very difficult to cope with. Our great scholarly supporter , a global leading authority in China-Africa relations, and a personal good friend, Professor Ian Taylor has passed away. Although we had been communicating about his illness and struggle in the past months, I simply cannot believe this finally has happened.

Рост цифровой экономики становится определяющим фактором мирового развития. Цифровая экономика создает новые стимулы для экономического роста, который, однако, сопровождается углублением глобального неравенства, оказывающего негативное влияние на развитие стран «глобального Юга». Роль институтов глобального управления, в частности БРИКС, в развитии цифровой экономики недостаточно изучена. Неоднозначно оценивается и развитость цифровой экономики отдельных стран. В преддверии очередного председательства России в БРИКС вопрос о дальнейшем развитии цифровой повестки в рамках института приобретает особую актуальность. Автор статьи анализирует текущие показатели развитости цифровой экономики стран БРИКС, принятые странами БРИКС решения, направленные на развитие цифровой экономики, и уровень их исполнения. На основании полученных данных автор предлагает рекомендации по дальнейшему углублению повестки развития цифровой экономики в странах БРИКС.

Согласно имеющимся данным ОЭСР, МСЭ, Группы Всемирного банка, ВЭФ, ЕС и Международного института управленческого развития, страны БРИКС находятся на разных уровнях развития цифровой экономики. Страны БРИКС характеризует недостаточный уровень развитости компонентов цифровой инфраструктуры и ее доступности; сравнительно низкий уровень внедрения цифровых технологий в деловую среду и жизнь простых граждан; недостаток достоверной статистики, позволяющей оценить качество инновационной и регуляторной среды. Тем не менее решения, принятые странами БРИКС по вопросам развития цифровой экономики, характеризуются высоким уровнем исполнения на протяжении длительного периода. Следовательно, рекомендации по углублению повестки БРИКС в вопросах развития цифровой экономики носят стратегический характер. Автор определяет три ключевых направления развития цифровой повестки БРИКС в ходе председательства России в 2020 г.: углубление диалога и обмен наилучшими практиками в вопросах содействия цифровому развитию; разработка общих стандартов производства цифровых товаров и услуг; продвижение общих интересов стран БРИКС в вопросах обеспечения глобальной информационной безопасности.

Özet Bu çalışmada, Lucas Paradoksu çerçevesinde BRICS-T ülkeleri özelinde beşerî sermayenin DYY girişleri üzerindeki etkisinin 1993-2017 dönemi için test edilmesi amaçlanmıştır. DYY girişlerinin geleneksel belirleyicileri olması bakımından ticarete açıklık, piyasa büyüklüğü, doğal kaynak zenginliği ve enflasyon oranı da modelde kullanılmıştır. Değişkenler arasında eşbütünleşme ilişkisinin tespitinden hareketle elde edilen uzun dönemli tahminci bulguları, BRICS-T ülkelerinde beşerî sermayenin DYY girişlerini pozitif yönde ve anlamlı bir şekilde etkilediğini göstermektedir. Diğer yandan doğal kaynak zenginliği ile DYY girişleri arasında pozitif, enflasyon oranı ve DYY girişleri arasında ise negatif yönlü ilişki tespit edilmiştir. Ticarete açıklık ve piyasa büyüklüğü değişkenleri kullanılan tahmincilere göre farklı sonuçlar ortaya koymuştur.
Abstract This paper aims to analyze the effect of human capital on FDI inflows within the framework of Lucas Paradox. Trade openness, market size, natural resource wealth and inflation rate which are intensively processed in the literature are used as explanatory variables in terms of being possible determinants of FDI inflows. The findings indicate that the human capital positively affects FDI inflows in BRICS-T countries. On the other hand, positive correlation is found between natural resource wealth and FDI inflows, while negative correlation is found between inflation rate and FDI inflows. Trade openness and market size have produced contradictory results.

Международные отношения в XX-XXI вв.: IV Чемпаловские чтения, посвященные 75-летию Победы в Великой Отечественной войне и 75-летию окончания Второй мировой войны: сборник науч. статей и сообщений (Екатеринбург, 17–18 декабря 2020 г.). Екатеринбург: УМЦ УПИ, 2020. С. 338–348.

The prospects for political and economic development of the Eurasian space are currently discussed at both governmental and expert levels. New concepts actively proposed by the Eurasian governments require the analysis and search of effective implementation options. In the paper, an attempt to identify effective solutions to the problems surrounding current economic integration of the Eurasian states is given on the basis of an interdisciplinary comprehensive structured analysis. The phenomenon is considered through the prism of the international law, world economy and politics, combined with the study of existing intergovernmental practice. The modeling method was taken as the basis for the research and is supplemented by legal and empirical methods. We propose the detailed multi-level model of practical construction the "Great Eurasia" (the GE) concept, the option for building a phased interaction in Eurasia is given through the prism of construction by the Eurasian Economic Union (the EAEU) as the main tool. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (the SCO) is seen as the most promising element of the model. The SCO is capable of streamlining the formation of the GE and determine the transformation of Eurasia into a common economic space. Effective development of the economic integration between Eurasian states on the framework of the SCO is optimal. The creation of stable financial ties could become the basis for the possible formation of an expanded transregional integration platform. The article concludes that the implementation of the proposed model could entail a gradual economic rapprochement of Eurasia.

The main thesis of this book is that, given that South African education faces major challenges, the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) constellation of states offers – thus far overlooked – a valuable tertium comparationis, a source of international comparative perspectives, to inform the domestic scholarly discourse on education. Hitherto, the public as well as the scholarly discourse on education issues in South Africa have tended to be inward-looking. As far as international perspectives were brought in, these have concentrated on models from the Global North (the introduction of Outcomes-Based Education, developed in the Global North, where it had had its trial runs before being brought to South Africa, being an example), or recently from the countries who came out tops in the international Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) test series, such as Finland. Both the Global North education systems and those of nations coming out tops in the PISA test series are inappropriate to serve as a comparative yardstick and example for South Africa, for the simple reason of too large contextual differences which these countries have with South Africa, a point explained thoroughly in this book. Up to now South–South comparisons in comparative and international education research have been few and far between, and comparisons between education issues in South Africa and other nations of the Global South have been virtually absent. The BRICS grouping represents a towering bloc of nations within the Global South, which has caught the interest of political leaders in South Africa. This book first investigates the national contexts and development of education in the BRICS countries, arguing that this grouping represents a valuable yet overlooked field for illuminating South African education issues with international perspectives. The book comprises chapters arguing for and illustrating this thesis from a variety of angles. Common to all chapters is that authors used the comparative method in education, that is, comparing the national education system in their education societal context interrelationships of the BRICS countries. The chapters focus on a number of critical issues in South African education, including the issue of the language of learning and teaching, the alignment of the world of education with the world of work, early childhood education and the development of world-class universities. Regarding the last one, for example, China has been the terrain of the most intensive national projects of establishing world-class universities, with Project 985, Project 211 and the ‘Double First Class University’ project. The chapters demonstrate what South Africa, in approaching her education issues, can learn from the experience of the BRICS countries. Motivating and illustrating the value of intra-BRICS education comparisons for South Africa, the book contains original research. The similarity report of an iThenticate analysis confirms that the work contains no plagiarism. This volume is a scholarly publication aiming at scholars of Education, arguing the case of international comparative studies within the BRICS grouping as a promising approach to do research on issues of education in South Africa.

One of the educational objectives of BRICS is ‘Education for All’. This objective along with the quality of education is essential for all member states in order to achieve progress and innovation. To that end, this chapter provides detailed description of the progress of the BRICS member states towards the EFA goals. The guidelines for EFA, which aim to accelerate the achievement of EFA goals in the BRICS member states, are explored. It is important to note that EFA is a global initiative led by UNESCO.

O agrupamento dos BRICS, além de favorecer a concertação política e econômica entre seus membros, funciona – para a China – como uma das plataformas para sua expansão global de maneira assertiva, mas menos impactante. Funciona, portanto, como instrumento catalizador de ganhos em legitimidade, poder, influência e, sobretudo, respeitabilidade. Além de promover uma melhor inserção entre demais países em desenvolvimento.

In the era of the industrial revolution, the world has been witnessing a histrionic turnaround owing to the consolidation of several prevalent disruptive forces, especially in the domain of technology. The present study aims at unearthing the role of information and communi cation technologies, institutional environment and governance characteristics in advancing financial inclusion levels in BRICS nations by extensively using the World Bank's Global Findex Database 2017. For this purpose, the study utilizes data of individual characteris tics of 10,627 adult individuals in these economies, country-specific factors such as GDP per capita growth rate, digital financial services (mobile cellular subscriptions and Internet penetration), institutional environment, and governance index. It employs probit regression to achieve the same objective. The findings suggest that Internet usage and mobile penetra tion rates have a positive association with financial inclusion indicators in BRICS econo mies. In addition to governance and institutional variables, the study further discovers that individual attributes and economic conditions such as income level, age, education level, gender, and government transfers too could influence financial inclusion indicators in these countries. Hence, it hints towards the need to strike a perfect match between embracing a pro-poor growth, an inclusive financial approach, a technologically developed infrastruc ture, efficient legal framework and proper administration. Finally, the study advocates that such moves are not an end in themselves rather a means to shoulder the responsibility of creating a new economic order in emerging economies via financial inclusion toolbox.