Anthropological Linguistics (Languages And Linguistics)

An honest examination forces us to challenge common understandings of ethnicity and creolisation in Trinidad and Tobago.
For the most interesting aspect is the death of Indian languages in Trinidad, as opposed to their survival in Fiji, Mauritius, Suriname and virtually every other territory where Indians find themselves outside of the Anglophone West Indies.
The death of Indian languages here coincides with Independence, not with colonialism. I locate the change in my parents’ generation, most likely with the introduction of mass schooling in English in the 1950s.
At that time operated a great Trinidad paradox: the less educated one was, the more languages one knew; the more educated you were, the less languages you knew.

El índice del presente paper es el siguiente:

1. La familia lingüística chon
2. La lengua selknam
3. Aspectos de la fonología del selknam
4. El género y la lengua selknam
    4.1. Generalidades sobre el género
    4.2. El género en selknam
            4.2.1. Índices enclíticos de género
            4.2.2. Prefijos de animacidad
                        4.2.2.1. Prefijos de animacidad en verbos
                        4.2.2.2. Prefijos de animacidad en posposiciones
                        4.2.2.3. Prefijos de animacidad en interrogativos
            4.2.3. Sufijos de género
                      4.2.3.1. Sufijos de género en verbos
                      4.2.3.2. Sufijos de género en numerales
4.3. Género y morfología derivacional
4.4. Interacción entre género y alineamiento
      4.4.1. Los prefijos de animacidad y el alineamiento
      4.4.2. Los sufijos de género y el alineamiento
5. A manera de conclusión
6. Referencias bibliográficas.
7. Ejercicios

Sociolinguistic variation involves socially constituted categories, and is therefore shaped by the salient categories of a particular social context (e.g. Eckert 1989; Stanford & Preston 2009). Australian Indigenous societies have undergone rapid social change in the last 200 years, and sociolinguistic patterns have changed in response to this. Traditional societies were built upon kin relations, ceremonial status, corporate groups such as clan and moiety, and relations to the land. Sociolinguistic variation reflected these categories (e.g. Sutton 1978; Nash 1990; Wilkinson 1991; Garde 2008). But since colonisation and town settlement there have been changes in social structure, and with it the types of sociolinguistic variation. In town, youth grow up among large groups of peers, and this gives rise to generational or subcultural identities, with associated linguistic variation (e.g. Amery 1985; Langlois 2006; O’Shannessy 2011; Mansfield 2014a). Meanwhile, variation associated with kinship, clans, moieties, territories and social status has been greatly attenuated. Traditional social categories (i.e. those established before colonisation) are still recognised in town life, though the reduction of associated linguistic indexation may reflect a loss of social salience.

Deux versions du mythe matsigenka de l'empereur andin Korakonani placent le livre et l’appareil photographique sur le même plan. Les deux instruments, apportés par un homme blanc, déclenchent l’aliénation et la mort de Korakonani, ainsi que sa transformation en une maladie hautement contagieuse transmise par l'air. La place commune accordée aux deux technologies révèle : d'un point de vue mythologique, l'importance accordée au savoir-faire chamanique des étrangers dans le marquage du temps; d'autre part, d'un point de vue de l’épistémologie locale, la similitude que les matsigenka détectent en les modalités du fonctionnement chamanique des deux instruments. En fait, les deux instruments sont intimement associés à la capacité de faire apparaître (ineantagantsi) ou de faire écouter (ikantaka), d'induire la présence d'entités normalement invisibles et inaudibles. Cependant, la curiosité que l'écriture a toujours éveillée chez les matsigenka oscille entre la condamnation de leur manière « d'opérer » par une « séparation » (une représentation ?) et la fascination pour le fait de constituer un véhicule de communication « religieuse » (conversion) et de transformation « personnelle ». Dans cette intervention, j'esquisserai schématiquement le traitement que les discours matsigenka font de la photographie et du livre comme instruments de l'activité chamanique étrangère. À cette fin, ils seront également comparés à un autre instrument blanc, le fusil, qui contrairement aux deux autres, fut assimilé très tôt par la représentation du Maître de l'éclaire, esprit auxiliaire des chamanes. Nous décrirons ensuite quelques épisodes historiques et ethnographiques dans lesquels le livre et la photographie nous fournissent : d'une part des exemples de mises à jour de leurs apparitions mythiques ; et d'autre part des interprétations matsigenka des processus cognitifs que ces « appareils » déclenchent et des utilisations rituelles auxquelles ils peuvent être associés.

Bu çalışmanın amacı anadil ve yabancı dil olarak Türkçe konuşanların “e”’yi bir söylem belirleyici olarak farklı kullanım şekillerinin ve işlevlerinin belirlenmesiyle bu alanda Türkçe’de söylem çözümlemesi alanyazınına katkıda bulunmaktır. Yöntem olarak konuşma çözümlemesi çerçevesinde toplanan doğal konuşma kayıtlarına dayanan çevriyazılarda rastlanan “e” örnekleri nitel olarak incelenmiştir. Veri tabanı içerisinde 98 kere “E” kullanımı geçen, 6 katılımcı ile, toplam birer saatlik, iki ayrı gündelik konuşmanın kayıtları oluşturulmuştur. Çalışmanın savı “e”nin Türkçe’de temel olarak “tepkisel”, “onarıcı” ve “yer tutucu” olmak üzere üç farklı işlevinin bulunduğudur. Anadili Türkçe olanlarla Türkçe’yi sonradan öğrenenler arasında “e”nin kullanımında farklılıklar belirlenmiştir. Bu farklar, anadili Türkçe olan konuşucuların “e”yi en çok tepkisel işleviyle, Türkçe’yi yabancı dil olarak konuşucuların en çok onarıcı ve yer tutucu işlevlerinde kullanmasıdır.

Anahtar sözcükler: Söylem Belirleyicisi, e, Kullanımbilim, Türkçenin Edinimi, Söylem Çözümlemesi


Dilbilimde Güncel Tartışmalar, 2019
Dilbilim Derneği Yayınları, Ankara
159-166
ISBN 978-605-67299-0-4

In this paper we illustrate why it is important for linguists engaged in endangered language documentation to develop an analytical understanding of the cultural meanings that language, language loss, and language documentation have for the communities they work with. Acknowledging the centrality of cultural meanings has implications for the kinds of questions linguists ask about the languages they are studying. For example: How is age interpreted? What reactions are provoked by accented speech or multilingualism? Is language shift experienced as a painful loss, or a source of newfound freedom, or both? It affects the standards we set for what counts as a satisfying explanation for language endangerment, with prediction necessarily limited in sociogeographic scope. It has implications for research methods employed, calling for serious engagement with the particular histories and interpretive practices of local linguistic communities. Analyzing cultural meanings can help us see how language use and changes in language use are experienced and therefore acted on by people whose communicative behavior we are concerned with. It can help us interpret why language shift is taking place in a particular community, guide the practices of language documentation and preservation that linguists engage in with that community, and contribute to effective revitalization. Full volume available open access: http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc/sp-15/

People who hear voices, and who live their lives according to the messages, wishes or threats of these voices, have always existed and will always continue to exist in this world. Our Western, scientific culture usually considers this kind of experience as a symptom of a mental disease, but this idea is not universally accepted, either in terms of space, or in terms of time. The aim of this paper is therefore to offer two specific examples of the way in which two very different West African traditional cultures relate to the themes of soul loss and spirit possession. I will thus consider the Gun of Benin, who live in the south-eastern forest of the country, and the Kulango of the Ivory Coast, a Gur people living in the north-eastern savannah region.

O objetivo do texto é retomar a proposta de análise estrutural desenvolvida por Lévi-Strauss a partir da linguística sem excluir os idiomas nativos e os narradores dos mitos como elementos fundamentais para o estabelecimento de unidades de sistema, chamadas no presente artigo de cosmoemas. Os cosmoemas abordados aqui são fruto da comparação entre duas versões da história Udodo Pajika, contadas pelos Bakairi, povo Karib Sul, de modo a se sobressair a língua, o narrador e a lógica do mito que conferem os sentidos mais amplos dos quais se deve valer o antropólogo interessado nas narrativas nativas

The objective of this questionnaire is to elicit the data on Anthropo-linguistics which is closely associated with social-cultural anthropology.  As a field of interdisciplinary studies the, anthropo- linguistics is concerned with how a language influences the culture. This can include how the language makes impacts on social interactions, beliefs, cultural identity, and other important aspects of the culture. The main goal of linguisticanthropology or anthropo-linguistics is to better understand human culture. A linguistic anthropologist could ask many questions (https://explorable.com/linguistic-anthropology), including: 1. Why does one language or language variety show preference over another? 2. Why do different geographic regions have different language accents? 3. What types of values and ideologies are communicated through language? 4. Does language vary according to age, gender, beliefs, and other such socio-linguistic parameters?

What is the relationship between language and thought? Does one's language determine the way one thinks? For more than fifty years, researchers in the field of linguistics have attempted to answer these
intrinsically human philosophical questions by designing experiments involving the codification of colours, due to the inherent biological and therefore linguistic aspects of colour.

The ensuing debate surrounding the interpretation of the data from these investigations created two opposing views. The findings of these researches were seen as being either supportive of the
Universalist or the Relativist vision. This division, although not as stark at current date, has had the academic language and cognition investigation in a stand-off. Both the bulk of accompanying polemics and the fact that both sides have a considerable amount of data to support their views, young students bound to libraries have been enticed to pick a side.

To prevent myself from falling into the trap of merely rethinking thoughts of others, I decided to join the throng of researchers investigating colour naming in the field. The Max Planck Institute for
Psycho-linguistics provided me with the necessary stimuli to undertake a basic colour terms elicitation task for the language of my choice, ‡Akhoe Haiǁom.

The results of this task showed a sharp generational divide in both the consistency of basic colour term usage as well as in the amount of basic colour terms used. I further state that the most likely reasons
for these changes include both increased exposure to Western culture(s) as well as the legislation of the educational system in Namibia, in the years following the country’s independence.

I conclude that as far as these results and my experience in the field go, I chose to step out of the
dichotomy. Partly because of its basic assumption on the causality of the biological and linguistic aspects of colour. I wholeheartedly agree with Marc Bornstein (2006), when he states that: “the process of linguistic
colour naming. is not a process of whole causality”. But mostly and more importantly, because I find that the basic assumptions about language itself need to be re-evaluated.

Japan has a lot of loanwords, not only from China but also from English or other countries to enrich their language. The word harassment compounded with other words or phrases form new meaning refers to the feeling of uncomfortable or unconvenient of something. The word harassment coumpounded in Japanese seems to have trivilisation in meaning, this phenomenon related to high sensitivity and strict value in Japanese society.

Pedro León de Santiago est né entre 1746 et 1747 dans la ville de Samiano, Espagne. En 1777, il sʼembarque à Victoria (Cantabrie) pour l’Amérique du Sud. Dès son arrivée la même année, il participe à une mission d’exploration de la Patagonie et arrive trois ans plus tard à Tarija (actuelle Bolivie) pour rejoindre le Colegio de Propaganda Fide en tant que missionnaire franciscain (Saignes 1985). Pour mieux comprendre les dimensions ethnographiques et linguistiques de son œuvre, il est important de se concentrer tout dʼabord brièvement sur sa mission évangélisatrice, ses enjeux pratiques et d’ordre matériel