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KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND ABSTRACT This essay provides the examines the social, legal, and financial position of the Jews in England during the years 1190 and 1191AD and explains the financial worth of their transactions as calculated from the Exchequer in the Pipe Rolls - research which has never before been undertaken. The results are discussed, demonstrating the sociopolitical value of Jewish subjects to King Richard during the Third Crusade effort essential to his reign, while further considering the status of the Jewish community in England in respect to contemporary events such as the French Expulsion, child saints, and pogroms. KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 2 During the first years of King Richard I of England’s reign, the royal office of the Exchequer effected an innovative, targeted, highly-successful fundraising effort for the King’s expedition on the Third Crusade. An unusual group of landless serfs formed a key component of the royal income-generation effort. These serfs did not raise crops like most medieval peasants, nor did they participate in toll-generating trades as common townspeople. Instead, these serfs, the Jews of England, sowed the seed of coin (the King’s coin, albeit a coin temporarily in the Jewish financier’s possession) in the fertile yet risky field of credit loan finance; and harvested their money profit (actually, the King’s profit) from their work in a business so contentious yet essential to the booming economy of northern Europe, especially to eastern England, in the late twelfth century. As religious "others" in medieval Christian society, the Jews were marginalized from mainstream Christian occupations into a despised and resented livelihood while being bereft of Church’s protection over a secular lord. From 1182 to 1198AD (that is, throughout Richard's reign) the Jews were excluded from France by King Phillip II Augustus. As royal chattel, a Jew had the same secular status as an animal, and about that much chance of legal remedy against any King. Therefore, in addition to its own Jewish settlements fostered by prior Kings’ policies, Richard’s England became not only a haven for the formerly French and Angevin Jews, but also the foremost community of Jews in Northern Europe. Thus the English Jews of the late twelfth century may be treated as an historic representation: With a Crusade to afford, the Jews of England proved to be a ready, consistent, and vulnerable source of significant funds. KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 3 As aforementioned, Richard’s ancestors had enacted a succession of royal precedents regarding the Jews. First, King William II Rufus granted the right of apostasy to the Jewish community and encouraged Jewish financiers; although whether his actions stemmed from economy or a hatred of clerics, no modern sources seem sure. Next, King Henry I granted royal protection to the Jews, a double-edged sword in providing some protection while simultaneously affirming the Jews’ “chattel” status. Third and most importantly, Henry's son (and Richard's father), King Henry II, set precedent by paying careful attention to his Jewish resources, specifically in 1186 by exercising his right to seize the estate of Aaron of Lincoln. The revenues from Aaron's estate were so vast that they were administered by the treasury in a separate branch, called the Exchequer of Aaron the Jew, and several economic historians have fashioned Aaron as a "medieval millionaire" who cornered the market of English finance. In 1187 a special office of the exchequer, called the Exchequer of the Jews, collected £70,000 from this Jewish estate (some £10,000 more than the estimated annual tithe of £60,000 for the entire country!) and henceforth the Rolls commonly refer to England’s Jews as servi camarae, a tellingly unambiguous label meaning the treasury’s servants. As the Jews were considered chattel or animal property of the monarch, especially so in English law following the events of 1186, the royal exchequer’s Pipe Rolls accounts are our most accurate source for monies moving between the King and the Jews. Thus the Pipe Rolls, recorded at Michaelmas each year, are a very useful tool for tracking and analysis of royal income derived from the Exchequery of the Jews detailing all sorts of monies collected from the Jews of England, especially evidencing Richard's monetary KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 4 resourcefulness given that his father and immediate predecessor, Henry II, had exhausted the Christian populace by taxation. These documents, moreover, give useful information about the English Jews as people. This essay provides the examines the socio-financial position of the Jews in England during 1190-1191 and calculates the value of their transactions as recorded by the Exchequer in the Pipe Rolls, reference 1 and 2 Richard I, demonstrating the real worth of Jewish subjects to Richard's purse during the Third Crusade, while considering the status of the Jewish community in England in respect to contemporary affairs. An important caveat: These are preliminary research results of calculations based only upon the Pipe Rolls. When other tangibles (gifts, payments in kind, etc.) then the numbers presented here are generally anticipated to be on the low end of the possible ranges; furthermore, the Exchequer clerks did not so much account for funds to be audited, as to provide a running list of names and numbers for the King's reference. As aforementioned, the Crown’s 1186 seizure of the estate of Aaron the Jew yielded significant income for Henry II; indeed, several years later, this single Jewish estate continued to gush money into the treasury for Richard I. Using the Pipe Roll evidence, a mathematical calculation shows Richard's total “Jewish income” in 1190 was £5500 of which the King had collected just over £900 from Aaron's estate; that is, Aaron’s estate provided 16% of the year's income from Jewish sources. Again in 1191, Richard's total “Jewish income” was £18,000 of which he obtained just over £7877 from Aaron's estate, that is, Aaron’s estate provided fully 44% of the King’s annual income from his Jews. It KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 5 was literally a golden opportunity for Richard when he ascended the throne and acquired the right to these funds, which monies he channelled into funding his Third Crusade. Yet Aaron was not the only Jew whose wealth benefited the King. Richard also levied fees upon a moneylender recorded as Jurnet the Jew of Norwich. Richard's idea was to charge Jurnet an annual fee allowing him to reside in England. In the two years examined, Jurnet was taxed 1,000 silver mark per annum, roughly £333 3s 8d. In 1190 this represented 6% of the King's income from Jews, in 1191 representing 2%. Even Jurnet's massive personal fine was a distant second to Aaron's estate earnings taken by the Crown, Richard cost Jurnet significantly more: in 1190 and again in 1191, Jurnet was the cause of a corporate fine upon his co-religionists. Richard levied 5255 ½ silver mark against the Jews of England, a total of £1841 16s 8d charged "for Jurnet's mercy". This works out to 33% of the Jewish income for 1190, and to 10% of the Jewish income for 1191. Certainly it must have been a significant financial burden upon the English Jewry, especially when compared to the much smaller sums involved in the daily course of moneylending, and the cost to Jurnet in social capital was likely greater still. To move away from the examples of Aaron’s estate and Jurnet’s mercy, which are not representative in measuring the usual business of the royal exchequer, we must examine the less prominent worKings of the English servi camerae system such as the occasional hearing before the King's court – a royal hearing being among the few benefits of an English Jew’s status as the King’s personal possession. In 1190 there were thirty incidents requiring the King’s legal intervention, in the following order of frequency: eight fines paid, five fees of inheritance and five more for judgements, four fees of taxes KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 6 and four fees charged for trade reasons, two fees for assarts, and (interestingly) two fees for holding interfaith debates. In this way the royal treasury collected £901 silver and about 31 bezants gold (roughly £21 silver -- please see Annex A) which was 15% of the Jewish income. In other words, royal fees brought in a sum roughly equal to the amount provided by Aaron's estate that same year. Also: In 1191 there were 106 incidents requiring the court's intervention, taxes on Jewish financiers being far and away the most frequent at fifty-four incidents, followed by eighteen fines, sixteen inheritance fees, six judgements, five trade matters, three assarts, the interfaith debates category holding steady at two fees, and miscellaneous items at two fees. In sum Richard collected roughly £4807 5s 11d silver (plus some gold) which generated 27% of his Jewish income for 1191. The Jewish legal traffic was an important income source for Richard I which he exploited more efficiently in 1191 after a sort of “test” year (his first full year as King) in 1190. The Exchequer extracted an average of £15 per Jewish case, conducted 3.5 times the number of cases overall, thereby generating over 5 times the income from Jews than the year prior (1191 over 1190). The greatest increase in both cases and fees came from judgements on taxing Jews, the Exchequers obtaining fully 50% (£2403) of the Richard’s annual Jewish-derived income in 1191 through tax cases, over a mere 13% (£71) by tax cases in 1190, making an increase of 2.5 times overall. This river of numbers becomes sensible immediately by using visual aids (Figures 1 and 2). Now that we see the advantage which Richard I found and exploited in bringing more Jews before the Exchequer, the historian must ask: What of the Jews themselves? KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 7 Caught between the Church and Synagogue, the city and the king, the debt and the debtor, the Jewish moneylender led a precarious existence. A series of ten riots is attributed to having been caused by a perspective of the Jew as the enemy of Christ and Christians, for in this period society's view of the Jewish “Testament to Christ” became instead the Jewish “Perfidy”. Charges of murder, magic and sometimes cannibalism were levelled against the Jews regarding the child "saints" such as William of Norwich (1144), Harold of Gloucester (1168) and Robert of Edmondsbury (1181); the figure below shows generally the distribution of four large riots in Norwich, Stamford, York and Bury Saint Edmunds, and six smaller disturbances in King's Lynn, Lincoln, Colchester, Thetford, Dunstable and Ospringe. Note that these towns are all on the eastern side of England in prime mercantile locations, where Jews were worKing actively as creditors. To the west in one finds a single riot concerning Adam of Bristol, another anti-semitic incident featuring a “child martyr” or “blood libel” incident at an English commercial center, although the Bristol story may be a later invention. Enhanced by the strong religious feelings and emotional stress surrounding the Crusades -- King Richard’s generation launched a forceful crusade in reponse to the loss of Jerusalem in 1187AD, yet it did so under the Third Lateran Council’s shadow of forceful, concerted religious pressure against usury -- the renewal of anti-semitic accusations from the mid- to late- twelfth century consistently aroused violent fervour, and Passiontide was especially dangerous in England. Contemporary chronicler William of Newburgh wrote plainly that the English nobility as well as commoners had used violence to force discharge of their debts to the Jews. Clearly, the greed and resentment KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 8 of Christian borrowers around medieval commercial centers who relied on Jewish credit finance, as well as ignorance, were factors playing the decisive roles in this vicious antagonism. By fulfilling his grandfather’s legal prerogative as protector of the Kingdom’s Jews, Richard I managed to turn his Christian subjects’ destruction of his Jewish chattel to his profit through the Exchequer while gaining social capital as an authoritative and just King. For example: In 1190 the Jewish community of York endured a terrible massacre at the hands of their Christian neighbours, which affray resulted in severe penalties upon the Christian instigators. Richard I demanded, and his Exchequer received, individual fines of £207 5s plus a group fine of £96 13s from York in 1190, collecting the much greater sum of £638 18s 4d in further post-pogrom fines assessed for 1191, the King getting nearly £930 total. A further example may be found in Lincoln through a series of fines "for the mercy of the men of the city of Lincoln regarding an assault on the Jews" in 1191. Richard collected just over £217 from this incident and, in other cities, there were smaller riots again restituted through payment. Richard I was consistent in his willingness to turn the other cheek when provided a fair price toward his Crusade.; thus over two years the King received over £1100 in fines while his Jewish chattel afforded their own repairs and funerals. When one considers the greater goal of generating ready cash for the Crusade, the logic in levying these fines is evidenced by the levy method. The Christian culprit's station had more bearing on his penalty than did his actions: The highest fine was £100 and the lowest only 1/2 mark (about 3s 4d silver), despite relatively comparable severity KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 9 of the assaults and damages committed; those levied less-expensive penalties often paid a portion of their fine in deposit, whether by choice or requirement I have been unable to discern. It is clear that Richard fined his subjects according to ability to pay, taKing advantage of the status of important men to justify the emptying of their treasuries. Occasionally he would empty their larders too, receiving preserved meat, cheese, and tuns of frumenti -- all of which would be useful in resupplying the Crusaders by ship -- in kind, apparently above of some fines. But usually payments-in-kind were reserved for King Richard's castellans and sheriffs, for the Crown gained significant political leverage by amercing large debts for a lord’s personal submission. Remember too, simultaneous to these pogroms, Richard I increased his income from the Jews as demonstrated in the charts above. So far as the Christian sources record both before and after the pogroms of 1190-1191, the primary Jewish occupation remained money-lending in the practise of credit finance. At the individual level this activity crossed all possible boundaries of religion, class, gender and age; in one extreme case, a nobleman was fined heavily for contracting to marry his Christian, noble-born daughter to a Jewish, nouveau-riche financier and the marriage contract was dissolved by royal edict. More commonly, a mercantile heir would seek a loan, or the Jew might receive land deed as payment of loans incurred for ransom, or in security for loans to cover scutage. People of every age and station borrowed, guaranteed debts, or assumed the family's financial fortunes, so commplace that the Pipe Rolls record this information by formula. KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 10 And as Jews could be fined corporately -- as the King had demonstrated earlier by levying all English Jews to amerce their faith-brother Jurnet -- so the Christians borrowed corporately as well. Despite a ban against Church borrowing, there was a notable trade in “corporate” loans to abbeys and churches; in the Rolls we find some nine monasteries which have borrowed institutionally from Jews, which monasteries collectivized their loans as a 5,000 mark note to the Jews. Appealing to royal intervention, the King demanded 1,000 mark (20%) payable immediately for his Crusade and agreed to amerce the rest. As with his secular subjects, the Exchequer provided a handy method of finance for the King’s Crusade and a useful lever for borrowers who had gotten off lightly! Again this is a singular example: More commonly, if a debtor fell one year or most past due, the Jewish creditor could sell the bad debts (bonds) to the King at a discount, and sometimes the King allowed the Jews to trade the bonds among each other as suited their affairs. In conclusion, the Jews bore all of the risk and resentment for a debt in Richard’s England, allowing the Christian Kingdom to prosper without its monarch incurring any direct expense. The Jews’ status as royal chattels bound them to lose, by forcing the Jews either to pay the King his fees or else to lose their money or even their lives whenever the King decided that “his” Jews would take that loss. Although their loan-maKing activities broke through many rigidly-defined roles of medieval society, the Jews lived were nearly inescapably constrained in a world of contradictory dualities: Outside the Church yet in business with her faithful; above the common serf yet equally subject to one nobleman’s whim; necessary to the market’s economic life but unwelcome in its daily life; a group KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 11 whose power was defined by money in a time when power was defined by land; a people stereotyped as greedy and evil by people anxious to obtain their wealth by any means necessary; and, most disturbingly, an intelligent and resourceful people nevertheless literally and legally treated as draught-animals until the Expulsion of 1290. King Richard was, essentially, at his leisure in deciding whether to enforce his rights of ownership upon the Jews or Christians of his realm, for this King had devised a way to gain ready coin (or political leverage) as income from any situation or outcome; indeed, the Jews of England proved to be a ready, consistent, and vulnerable source of significant funds for the Crusader King. KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 12 FIGURE 1 Type of Fee as % Annual Income 60 50 40 1190 30 % 1191 20 10 0 te e t de es rt x en nc ta sa ba f in tra em a as de rit dg he ju in Types FIGURE 2 Ratio of Increase (X times) Jewish Affairs at Exchequer 1190-1191 40 30 Cases Factor 20 Income (Pounds 10 Silver) 0 1190 1191 Year KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 13 APPENDIX A: GOLDEN BEZANTS INTO ENGLISH MONEY Base year 1220AD, when 15 tonnes of silver was minted into 10,000,000 pennies: A. Silver pennyweight calculation 15 tonnes used = 15000 kilograms of silver where 1 kilogram = 32.15 troy oz silver so 15000 kilograms = 482250 troy oz and 1 troy oz = 31.1 grams so 482250 troy oz = 14997975 grams used thus 14997975 grams by 10,000,000 denarii = 1.4997975 grams per denarius B. Golden bezant conversion to grams 1 bezant = 4.55 grams in gold so 31 bezants = 141.05 grams gold and 1.505 grams gold = 24.06 grams silver thus 141.05 gold grams = 3393.663 grams silver C. Silver grams into money calculation 31 bezants gold = 3393.663 grams silver so 3393.633 grams by 1.4997975 grams/denarius = 5089.8073 denarii thus 5090 denarii = 21.2 livri. KING RICHARD’S CRUSADE FINANCE & THE JEWS OF ENGLAND 14 BIBLIOGRAPHY Cowen, Richard. “Medieval Gold and Silver” in: “Exploiting the Earth” <http://www- geology.ucdavis.edu/~cowen/~GEL115/115CH7.html> accessed 070604. Cunningham, Hugo S. “Trade Coins: Widely Recognized Bullion Coins” in: “Gold and Silver Standards: Stable Prices 1815-1914” <http://www.cyberussr.com/hcunn/gold- co.html> accessed 070604. Hunter, Joseph, ed. The Great Roll of the Pipe for the First Year of the Reign of King Richard the First (1189-1190). Publications of the Pipe Roll Society (G.E. Eyre and A. Spottiswoode, London UK, 1844) Stenton, Doris M., ed. The Great Roll of the Pipe for the Second Year of the Reign of King Richard the First, Michaelmas 1190 (Pipe Roll 36 &c.) from the Original in the Custody of the Right Honourable the Master of the Rolls. Publications of the Pipe Roll Society 39 (Publications of the Pipe Roll Society New Series 1) (J.W. Ruddock, London UK, 1925-1932)