Academia.eduAcademia.edu
[Published in The IUP Journal of International Relations, Hyderabad, India, Vol. VIII, No- 3, pp. 25-39, July, 2014. ISSN : 0973-8509] Title : “CONNECTIVITY, DEVELOPMENT AND REGIONAL INTEGRATION: THE CASE OF “ KALADAN PROJECT” BETWEEN INDIA AND MYANMAR” By: Dr. Santishree . D. Pandit Professor, with Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Pune, Pune – 411007 and Dr. Rimli Basu Research Project Fellow , C/O Prof. Dr. Santishree. D. Pandit, Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Pune, Pune – 411007. ABSTRACT: If understanding the links between environmental sustainability and equity is the most crucial and critical factor to expand human freedoms for the current and future generations, as envisaged by the 2011 UN Human Development Report, then connectivity is one of its core variables. The Report also states that the Global Human development progress , as witnessed and documented cannot continue without bold global steps to reduce both environmental risks and inequality. Therefore , stressing the global connectivity through regional linkages as one of the foremost gizmo for the future generations. Further, identification of pathways for people, local communities, countries and the international community to promote environmental sustainability and equity in mutually reinforcing ways will be stressed for the coming years. At the fragmented regional level, focusing on South East Asia, India is trying to pragmatically implement this theoretical framework through various connectivity programmes with South East Asian countries. As one of the most strong civilization states with greater capabilities and broader visions, India is certainly expected to surge ahead with this goal. As the land bridge to South East Asia, India therefore, did forge ties with Myanmar through various connectivity linkages like Asian Highway Project, Kaladan Project, Moreh-Tamu link road, opening of ‘ Border Huts’ , etc. To be specific, “Kaladan The Kaladan River is a river in eastern Mizoram State of India, and in Chin State and Arakan [Rakhine] State of western Myanmar. It forms the international border between India and Burma. Multi-Modal Transit-Transport Facility” (called Kaladan Project ) is to be established through the Kaladan River in the Arakan [Rakhine] State of Western Myanmar and through the state of Mizoram in India. The work of this $ 120 million [INR 545 Crores] project, funded by the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India began in 2008, and is scheduled to be completed in 2014. After completion, this project will connect the eastern Indian seaport of Kolkata with Sittwe port in Myanmar by sea. It will then link Sittwe [in Myanmar] to Mizoram [in India] via river and road transport. The completion of this project will reduce the distance from Kolkata [in India] to Sittwee [in Myanmar] by approximately 1328 kms. It will also reduce the transport burden on the narrow Siliguri corridor, also known as ‘chicken’s neck’, in Jalpaiguri sub-division of Northern Bengal of the state of West Bengal in India. Kaladan project, after completion will prove beneficial for India in creating greater connectivity with her north-eastern states, and beyond to South East Asia through Myanmar. This paper will seek to address thus, whether connectivity of India –South East Asia through Kaladan Project of India-Myanmar will prove beneficial or detrimental for the overall development and integration of the region from a global perspective. Further, will it be able to minimize the country-wise/region-wise disparity in the region, as envisaged by the UN Human Development Report. [476 words] *********************** INTRODUCTION: Integrating development through convergence of economies, although sounds an anti-thesis to ‘territoriality’, is going to be the official political agenda for the future. Human Development, as envisaged still remains in the core, which reminds us that all future development and integration will pivot around it. The political dynamics of integration embraces the above idea through ‘connectivity’. Conjoining South East Asian region, which is widely separated on the basis of ‘territoriality’, was the main theme of India through its ‘Look East Policy’. That in itself has paid rich dividends today, almost a decade later. According to some scholars, the Look East Policy is considered as the ‘masterstroke’ of Indian foreign policy. However, the land-bridge country [read Myanmar] between India and South East Asia is widely neglected in terms of ‘connectivity’. Geographically, Myanmar is a gateway to South East Asia and can be a central hub for exchange of goods, services and technology. Underdeveloped infrastructure and unfavorable institutional and business environment seriously limit participation of the economy into regional and global networks. Thus, cross-border connectivity will play a very important role in this scenario. Establishing better connectivity by all means namely material, institutional and ‘people-to-people connectivity’ will allow Myanmar, India and then, the other South East Asian countries to raise possibilities for collaboration between and among themselves and to expand economic synergies for development in the region. Moreover, regional interconnectivity through infrastructure development, trade facilitation and regulatory harmonization among the respective economies such as India, Myanmar and other ASEAN members can make each economy more dynamic and bring enormous benefits to the entire region. Linkage projects between India and Myanmar are several in numbers. Some of the important ones are, i] BLO s [Border Liaison Office], ii] Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport [KMMTT], iii] Sittwe port development to improve land/water communication links, iv] Tamu-Kalewa-Kalemyo road, v] Rih-Tiddim (80.17 km) and Rih-Falam (151.5 km) roads, vi] Tamanthi and Shwezaye hydropower projects, vii] Development of Burma's offshore Shwe oil and natural gas fields, viii] India-Myanmar-Thailand Tri-lateral Highway (Moreh-Bagan-Moe Sot), etc. Unfortunately, disproportionate attention given to the insurgency infection of the north-eastern India has caused the main focus to shift from ‘development–integration-connectivity’ to ‘internal security’. Interestingly, it should be noted here that the KMMTT is just one of many infrastructure projects in which India is currently completely involved. The significance of ‘connectivity’ between India and Myanmar has been attested by the visit of the Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh to Myanmar between 27-29 May, 2012. The visit is termed ‘historic’ and ‘one of its kind’, which has happened in the past 25 years due to the following reasons: – The 2012 visit signals the end of India’s so called ambiguity between her ‘avowed commitment for democracy’, and the practice of realpolitik. – The visit signals the beginning of ‘new era for Indian diplomacy’ in South East Asia. – Engagement of India with the Myanmar military junta government for ensuring security in the North-East provinces of India. – Attest the fact that Myanmar is an essential partner in the Look East Policy of India. - Myanmar will be used by India from the perspective of connectivity between India and South East Asia. – Indian Prime Minister calling Myanmar ‘Natural Partner’ to India. Nevertheless, ground situations , in spite of several MoU’s signed between India and Myanmar does not speak much in favour of the Indian government. One such project is the Kaladan The Kaladan River is a river in eastern Mizoram State of India, and in Chin State and Arakan [Rakhine] State of western Myanmar. It forms the international border between India and Burma. Multi-Modal Transit-Transport Facility” (called Kaladan Project) , which is to be established through the Kaladan River in the Arakan [Rakhine] State of Western Myanmar and through the state of Mizoram in India. KALADAN MULTIMODAL TRANSIT AND TRANSPORT PROJECT [KMMT] IN BRIEF AS IT IS TILL 2013: On April 02 2008, India and Burma signed the agreement on the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project (KMMTT), a cooperative endeavor financed by India at a cost of $120 million. As a part of India's Look East Policy, the aim of the project is to further increase the Indo-Burma economic relationship as well as provide additional opportunities to connect commerce with India's seven sister states in the Northeast. Despite being signed in 2008, construction under the agreement only began in 2010. Manipur Update , http://manipurupdate.com/?p=31793 The project involves development of a trade route between the two countries along the river Kaladan.  The river Kaladan is navigable from its confluence point with the Bay of Bengal near Sittwe up to Setpyitpyin (Kaletwa), Myanmar, on its North.   Beyond this the river is not navigable owing to shallow water depth and frequent rapids.  Therefore, transportation by road is proposed for this stretch.  From Sittwe Port to Kaletwa, transportation will be by waterway and from Kaletwa to India-Myanmar border transportation will be by road. The objective of the proposal is to provide an access route to the land-locked North-Eastern region of India. The project is significant in view of severe pressure on the Siliguri Corridor and Bangladesh's continued intransigence in providing us transit rights through its territory to the North-East. http://www.mdoner.gov.in/content/introduction-1 The Route of the Project will be as follows: A] Kolkata to Sittwe Sea 539 Km B] Sittwe to Setpyitpyin:   (Kaletwa)  Transport on river Kaladan                              Inland Water  225 km. C] Setpyitpyin to India- :       Myanmar border                          Road      62 km.            Source: Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region, Government of India The handling point of the project in India will be Hmawngbu (Mobu) in Mizoram, and the handling point in Myanmar will be Myeikwa. The visual picture of the river is as follows: Picture: Kaladan River between Sittwe and Manipur ; Source : https://www.google.co.in/search?q=kaladan+multimodal+transit+project&start=10&hl=en&sa=N&tbo=u&tbm=isch&source=univ&ei=lY3FUIKxHOyjiAeV-4DwBw&ved=0CD4QsAQ4Cg&biw=1280&bih=889 The bilateral agreement between the Government of India and the Government of Myanmar, which was signed in April 2008 for the construction of Kaladan Multi Modal Transit project (KMMTT) linking the two countries along the river Kolodyne (generally pronounced Kaladan), known as Chhimtuipui River inside Indian border. River Kolodyne emanates from central Mizoram and empties into Bay of Bengal at Sittwe — a port located in the state of Rakhine, Myanmar. This is an important trans-border infrastructure project that will let the land-locked Northeastern states gain easy access to the Bay of Bengal through Myanmar. It envisages a Multi-Modal Transport Corridor and building of a pipeline that will bring natural gas from Myanmar via north-east to the whole of India. The Kaladan Multi-Modal Transport Project will link Mizoram with Myanmar. It begins at Sittwe Port and moves up along the Kolodyne River that flows through Mizoram and ends at the small port of Paletwa in Myanmar, covering a distance of 222 km. The port will facilitate movement of cargo vessels on inland water routes along Kolodyne River to Sittwe. This project, once completed, will be of immense help in transforming North Eastern Region [NER] from landlocked to land linked and enable the region to leverage the benefits of India’s Look East Policy. Movements of goods between NER and mainland India will become easier as it will take 12 hours from Haldia to, and 36 hours from Visakhapatnam to, reach Sittwe Port [in Myanmar]. Thus, the project provides a win-win situation for both NER and Myanmar as Myanmar will also benefit from additional revenue by way of transit fee for movements of goods between NER and mainland India as well as between NER and the rest of the world. Besides transit fee, Myanmar will also have a 225km long navigable waterway in the bargain. To obtain the optimal benefits out of Kaladan Multi Modal Transit and Transport Project, there has to be synchronised development of transportation facilities from Sittwe Port, Myanmar, up to Silchar. A 100 km new alignment road from Indo-Myanmar border to Lawngtalai linking NH-54 has to be constructed. The stretch of NH-54 between Lawngtalai and Aizawl (Silchar-Aizawl–Tuipang) also needs to be improved to take vastly increased load of vehicles and materials. Double laning of 310 km of NH-54 between Lawngtalai and Aizawl is to be done. The construction of Sittwe Port along with other supporting infrastructure is expected to be completed by 2013. Although Ministry of External Affairs, GOI conceived the project in 2003, the progress on the ground appears to be very slow. Briefly speaking, the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Facility envisages connectivity between the Indian Ports on the eastern seaboard and Sittwe Port in Myanmar and then through riverine transport and by road to Mizoram. Thus, it is going to provide an alternate route for transport of goods to North-East India.  From a broader perspective, the KMMTT will also provides connectivity between India and Myanmar, which will lead to the development of trade between India and Myanmar. It will also contribute to the economic development of Mizoram and other North-Eastern states.   The geographical location of the (KMMTT) is as depicted in the following picture: Picture: Geographical location of the (KMMTT) Source: http://archive-2.mizzima.com/research/8787-indian-look-east-policy-and-the-kaladan-project-of-western-burma.html Going by the trade scenario, since 2006, bilateral trade has more than doubled to $1.5 billion, leading many to see the KMMTT as a promoter of future growth. For India, enhanced economic ties are particularly important as lost investment opportunities (e.g. the Lido highway and Tamanthi dam projects) due to other regional competitors (read: China) have presented further challenges in “ Looking East” http://www.defence.pk/forums/indian-defence/187817-india-burma-kaladan-multi-modal-transit-transport-project-sittwe.html#ixzz2EdOdqin2 . With Burma's increasing pro-market oriented reforms, it's not an exaggeration to say that now is the perfect time for India to increase cooperation as prospects for economic growth are on the rise. That implies that the KMMTT is by far the most important of the three and was primarily promoted by India as a way to create links with West Bengal and India's oldest port of Kolkata. The impossibility of the other India – Myanmar border connectivity can be understood from the fact that the 1,600-km Indo-Myanmar border is one of the world’s more notional frontiers. It was delineated for the Raj’s convenience in the 1930s. A hill is simply divided by its Eastern and Western ridges for Myanmar and India . There is no cartographic mapping , so to say, and it consists of heavily forested hills with a few roads through the less impassable ones. The road-connectivity is no better than as it was in the 1940s when the 14th Army and the Japanese fought bitterly over the main land routes. Post-Partition [1947], maintaining connectivity to the North-East (NE) got more difficult for India. The Chittagong port and the road-rail-steamer links through what is now Bangladesh, were no longer available. The only land route thus remained is the Siliguri Chicken’s Neck. In 1962, the Chinese could have cut that and grabbed the entire region at will. It is immensely expensive to construct roads and rail tracks in the NE hills. Efforts are only now being made to put Imphal, Kohima, Aizawl and Itanagar on the railway map. Agartala, the capital of Tripura was connected by rail as recently as 2008. Given this scenario, connectivity through KMMTT could have been the most economical, and the least time consuming. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF THE PAPER: The markedly spatial pattern of development, both within and across countries, generally suggests three broad lines of explanation. It could be that areas with high and low levels of development are intrinsically different -- ecologically, economically, culturally, sociologically, politically, or historically -- in ways that have enhanced/diminished their development potential. There are many versions of this causal theory , which may rest on the intrinsic properties of a land and its climate Hibbs, Douglas A.; Ola Olsson; Jared Diamond. 2004. “Geography, Biogeography and Why Some Countries are Rich and Others Poor.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 101, 3715-20.; Landes, David S. 1999. The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor. New York: W.W. Norton; , population growth in tandem with technological innovation Boserup, Ester. 1965. The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of Agrarian Change under Population Pressure. Chicago: Aldine.; Galor, Oded; David N. Weil. 1999. “From Malthusian Stagnation to Modern Growth.” American Economic Review 89:2 (May) 150-4 ; Goodfriend, Marvin; John McDermott. 1995. “Early Development.” American Economic Review 85:1(March) 116-33; Kremer, Michael. 1993. “Population Growth and Technological Change: One Million B.C. to 1990.” Quarterly Journal of Economics 108:3 (August) 681-716. , public policies and political institutions Acemoglu, Daron; Simon Johnson; James A. Robinson. 2004. “Institutions as the Fundamental Cause of Long-Run Growth.” NBER Working Paper 10481; Glaeser, Edward L.; Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes; Andrei Shleifer. 2004. “Do Institutions Cause Growth?” Journal of Economic Growth 9, 271-303. , cultural properties Iyigun, Murat. 2007. “Monotheism (From a Sociopolitical and Economic Perspective); Landes, David S. 2006. “Why Europe and the West? Why Not China?” Journal of Economic Perspectives 20:2 (Spring) 3-22.; .” , and historical contingencies Pomeranz, Kenneth. 2000. The Great Divergence: Europe, China, and the Making of the Modern World Economy. Princeton: Princeton University Press.. A second possibility is that development is an essentially zero-sum distributional game in which regions of the world compete. Developed regions are therefore those possessing superior military and geo-political capacities, allowing them to monopolize technology, physical capital, human capital, and other factors that contribute to development. The strongest and most systematic version of this theory is associated with the dependency and world systems school of thought Benton, Lauren. 1996. “From the World-Systems Perspective to Institutional World History: Culture and Economy in Global Theory.” Journal of World History 7:2, 261-95; Bergesen, Albert (ed). 1980. Studies of the Modern World-System. New York: Academic Press; Prebisch, Raul. 1950. “The Economic Development of Latin America and Its Principal Problems.” Staff report for the United Nations. Lake Success, NY: United Nations; Snyder, David; Edward L. Kick. 1979. “Structural Position in the World System and Economic Growth, 1955-1970: A Multiple-Network Analysis of Transnational Interactions.” American Journal of Sociology 84:5 (March) 1096-1126; Van Rossem, Ronan. 1996. “The World System Paradigm as General Theory of Development: A Cross-National Test.” American Sociological Review 61:3 (June) 508-27; Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1974. The Modern World-System. Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World Economy in the Sixteenth Century. New York: Academic Press. . Another possibility is that development is the product of the “connectivity” of a region. Connectivity, per say, may be understood as a structural feature of the landscape -- a product of geographic, infrastructural, and demographic features that make it easy or difficult for individuals living in a region to reach those outside the boundaries of that region. (A region may be any size). It is expected that relative ease of movement will facilitate contact and that contact will, in turn, hasten development. To motivate this analysis, the following few may be considered briefly as to why this might be so. First, connectivity facilitates the diffusion of technology, ideas, and norms. Second, connectivity fosters the standardization of technology, ideas, norms, formal regulations, and language across regions and this by itself (regardless of the quality of these factors) enhances efficiencies and presumably also speeds the ongoing process of diffusion, since ideas travel more quickly where cultural barriers are less severe. Third, connectivity reduces transaction costs, lowering the price and increasing the variety and availability of consumer goods and the potential markets for producer goods. Fourth, connectivity enhances the mobility of labor and capital, thus reducing inequalities -- locally, nationally, and internationally (wherever connectivities exist) – according to Ricardian theory. Fifth, connectivity probably strengthens the capacity of governments. It is easier for states to perform basic functions like keeping order, collecting taxes, and surveyance, as well as more complex policy interventions, when the population under its purview is well-connected. (We assume that state capacity generally has a positive relationship to social and economic development.) Sixth, connectivity enhances the access of non-market, non-governmental actors whose involvement in the project of development is essentially voluntaristic (or at least nominally so). Insofar as missionaries, health workers, educators, and other actors rooted in civil society have played a positive role in development, this too may be related to the relative connectivity of different regions. At the same time, connectivity reduces the power of governments, religions, businesses, and other organizations to restrict the flow of ideas and technologies. In this respect, connectivity is inherently anti-monopolistic, fostering a spirit of open competition across jurisdictions that are in contact with one another. Finally, connectivity may nurture a more universalistic set of values and norms, which may in turn play a positive role in the complex and intertwined processes of development. Regions with high connectivity breed cosmopolitan citizens of the world, while regions with low connectivity encourage a parochial outlook on life, love, and duty. Travel-time to various destinations, thus comprises the basic metric by which connectivity may be measured. One might also construct a measure of connectedness based on the cost of transport, and this could be further disaggregated into cost as a percent of GDP in a given country -- thus capturing the fact that it is easier for Americans to travel to Kenya than for Kenyans to travel to the US. However, this requires data that are virtually impossible to gather for eras prior to the late twentieth century. Even so, in a purely cross-sectional analysis (focused on 2000) it might be worthwhile. Destinations of concern are divided into five categories: transport routes, urbanization measures, country measures, sub-continental measures, and global measures. Transport routes include, nearness to ocean or navigable river, nearness to trunk road. Urbanization measures include the nearest city, the nearest city in the country, the nearest city in the region, and all global cities. Again, it is the travel-time to these destinations that determines the connectivity score. Country measures include all country districts. Sub-continental measures are identical to country measures except that the territory is defined in purely geographic terms. Global measures are similar except that this instance no boundaries are placed upon the analysis. Thus, global measures are devised from all global districts and all global districts weighted by their respective populations. This brings us to the idea that an intuition/population/enterprize that is in a connection to a highly-connectivity district is more valuable than a connection to a low-connectivity district. In this case, the whole area of NER can gain the evitable gains if KMMTT and several other linkage projects is completed between India and Myanmar. Arguing through the International Relations theory of ‘Functionalism’, which rose principally from the experience of European integration. Functionalism is presented as an operative philosophy that would gradually lead to a peaceful, unified, and cooperative world. The main concern of the functionalist is to develop piecemeal non-political cooperative organizations, which will not only help establish peace and secure prosperity but also render the practice of war obsolete eventually. Rather than the self-interest that Realists sought as a motivating factor, functionalists focus on common interests shared by states. The argument evolves around the idea that Integration develops its own internal dynamic. As states integrate in limited functional or technical areas, they increasingly find that momentum for further rounds of integration in related areas. This "invisible hand" of integration phenomenon is termed "spill-over." The concept of spillover is similar to that of “demonstration” effect as used in the discipline of economics. The underlying belief of the spillover concept is that cooperation in one area would open new avenues for similar cooperation in other areas. For example, successful forging of cooperation in the area of coal and steel production would spill over into other functional areas like transportation, pollution control etc. Such a process of cooperation, the functionalists argue, would eventually lead to political unification of a given region. Thus, this argument also stands true for the ‘ linkage projects’ between India and Myanmar. Although integration can be resisted, it becomes harder to stop the reach of the integration as it progresses. This usage, and the usage in functionalism in international relations, is the less commonly used meaning of the term functionalism. More commonly, however, functionalism as a term is used to describe an argument, which explains phenomena as functions of a system rather than an actor or actors. Immanuel Wallerstein Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Academic Press, 1974); Haas, Ernst B., Beyond the Nation-State: Functionalism and International Organization. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 1964; Keohane, R. O. and S. Hoffmann : The New European Community: Decision-making and Institutional Change. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.1991; Mitrany, D. The Functional Theory of Politics. New York: St. Martin's Press. 1976, ; Scholte, J. A., in The Globalization of World Politics, The globalization of world politics, (Eds, Baylis, J. and Smith, S.) Oxford University Press, New York, 2001, pp. 13-34. employed a functionalist theory when he argued that the Westphalian international political system arose to secure and protect the developing international capitalist system. His theory is called "functionalist" because it argues that an event was a function of the preferences of a system and not the preferences of an agent. Functionalism is different from structural or realist arguments in that while both look to broader, structural causes, realists (and structuralists more broadly) say that the structure gives incentives to agents, while functionalists attribute causal power to the system itself, bypassing agents entirely. If this argument is implemented then, ‘connectivity’ can be termed as a variable, [as envisaged rightly through various projects , like the KMMTT] which will facilitate the integration of the [South East Asian] region. CONNECTIVITY, KALADAN, AND INTEGRATION: Press reporting indicates the project is currently being executed in three stages: 1) dredging and modernizing Sittwe port, 2) dredging sections of the Kaladan River for large ship access, and 3) constructing roads from the Paletwa river to the Indian state of Mizoram. The Indian conglomerate the Essar Group was awarded the contract for the initial stage and will reportedly modernize the port on 70,000 sq meters of reclaimed land. The location map of India-Myanmar and kaladan is as follows: Picture: Political location of Kaladan Multi Model Trade and Transit Project Source:http://defence.pk/threads/india-burma-kaladan-multi-modal-transit-transport-project-in-sittwe.187817/ The location clearly shows that connectivity in this region would benefit both India and Myanmar, and beyond to South East Asia. Underdeveloped infrastructure and unfavorable institutional and business environment seriously limit participation of the economy into regional and global networks. The cross-border connectivity plays a very important role in this scenario. Establishing better connectivity in all means namely material, institutional and people-to-people connectivity will allow Myanmar, India and then, the other South East Asian countries to raise possibilities for collaboration between them and to expand economic synergies for development in the region. Moreover, regional interconnectivity through infrastructure development, trade facilitation and regulatory harmonization among the respective economies such as India, Myanmar and other ASEAN members can make each economy more dynamic and bring enormous benefits to the entire region. Myanmar government has endeavoured to develop the socio-economy of the borders by improving infrastructure. Border Area Development Plan was launched in 1989 to fulfill the basic needs of the nationalities, various ethnic groups residing in remote and border areas and social life of the nationals living in those areas. Priority has been given to the development of transport and communications, education, health, electric power, and agriculture. The government built many new miles of roads in Sagaing, Kachin and Chin regions, which are being mountainous and endowed with rivers and creeks. They had poor transport in the past. Earth roads have been upgraded into gravel ones, and the gravel roads to tarred facilities. Extension of motor road in Sagaing, Kachin and Chin regions increased from 2,581 miles in 1988 to 4,002 miles in 2010, while other modes of transportation also increased at relatively slower rates. Transportation in the border area has specially developed by the Government’s Border Area and National Races Development Projects. Government of Myanmar, 2009. Simultaneously, the government has targeted to upgrade economies of the Sagaing region, Kachin state and Chin state together with others. As efforts are being made for ensuring development of agriculture as the base and all round development of other sectors of the economy as well there have been good foundations for industrial development in these regions. With a view to bringing development to Kachin state and ensuring development of national races, the government has designated Kachin State Special Region-1 and Kachin State Special Region-2. There are also establishing industrial zones in Sagaing region (e.g., Monywa and Kalay) Ibid. Similarly, the government is encouraging a particular crop, tea that grows well in Chin state and materializing the concept of ‘one state-one product’ in Chin state as a major tea growing region. On the India side, the North Eastern Regions faced challenges to become an attractive destination for private investment and regional trade due to its geographical remoteness, inherent deficiency in infrastructure and the bad publicity for recurrent ethnic strife and militant activities. Since closer cross-border economic ties have been forged around the world, cross-border trade and tourism have come to be seen as a mean for breaking out from being geographical isolation. While trade with Bangladesh and Bhutan has assumed important in the wake of attempts to forge greater South Asian regional cooperation, trade with Myanmar has acquired added significance in the context of India’s proclaimed ‘Look East’ policy because of Myanmar’s geographical proximity to the Southeast Asia and China. These developments revealed that there are great possibilities and opportunities to improve economic cooperation with bordering regions/countries like India and Bangladesh, Thailand and China. Linking the states of Myanmar with bordering regions of India and Bangladesh will provide an outlet for their local produce and will stimulate economic activities, bringing in greater investment and prosperity to the border areas of all connecting nations. On the other hand, Myanmar is the sole land bridge between ASEAN and India. The cross-border connectivity plays a very important role in this scenario. Establishing better connectivity in all means namely infrastructure, institutional and people-to-people connectivity will allow Myanmar and India to raise possibilities for collaboration between them and to expand economic synergies for development in the region. Moreover, regional interconnectivity through infrastructure development, trade facilitation and regulatory harmonization among the respective economies such as India, China, Bangladesh, Myanmar and other ASEAN members can make each economy more dynamic and bring enormous benefits to the entire region. Some scholars also argue that through this connectivity India and Myanmar is encircling Bangladesh. The following map explains the same. Picture: India and Myanmar encircle Bangladesh through the sea. Source: http://newsbd71.blogspot.in/2011/08/kaladan-multimodal-transit-transport.html CONCLUSION – THINKING BEYOND Myanmar and India have historical, cultural and natural links. Since India shares a land boundary of 1,643 kilometers connecting Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Nagaland, and Mizoram with mainland South East Asia through Myanmar, the border states of Kachin in the north, Sagaing in the middle and Chin in the south of Myanmar are the ones directly linked to the borders of Northeast India and Bangladesh. Although the economies of these regions are relatively underperformed by several reasons including poor infrastructure, all three states enjoy considerable endowments for horticulture – vegetables and fruits, bamboo and medicinal plants. In addition, the states of Kachin and Sagaing are also rich in minerals. High potential horticulture and rich mining deposits should be able to finance infrastructure development. Tourism is another economic activity that can be promoted. India enjoyed friendly relations with Burma from 1948 to 1962. Prime Ministers Jawaharlal Nehru and Prime Minister U Nu were instrumental in cementing initial political and diplomatic ties between two countries. India provided Burma with military and economic assistance during this period. India's relations with Burma totally froze after its military take over in 1962. General Ne Win who seized power, nationalized all private enterprise in Burma and ordered expulsion of the Indians. This created a bad blood in India-Burma relations. India had to arrange ferries and aircrafts to lift its citizens out of Burma. India's war with China in 1962 and military regime siding with the Chinese too had repercussions on India -Burma relations. General Ne Win's idea of cocooning Burma from the rest of the world further distanced India from Burma. During Indira Gandhi's rule, India avoided any contact with Burma and was critical of its suppression of democratic movement and maintaining a poor human rights record. There was no change in India's policy towards Burma during Rajiv Gandhi's regime. Rajiv Gandhi criticized the SLORC for assuming power in 1988 and extended moral support to the pro democracy movement in Burma. His government also provided thousands of Burmese citizens with "refugee status" in India after they fled Myanmar in wake of military repression. The real shift in India Myanmar relations came when the BJP led government assumed power in 1998. Since then a new momentum was infused in the dormant Indo-Myanmar relations. Fresh diplomatic engagement with Myanmar was made to achieve India's stated objective outlined during Narshima Rao's regime. The high point in Indo-Myanmar relation was the visit by General Than Shwe to New Delhi in October 2004. It was for the first time that the head-of-state of Myanmar had visited India in 24 years. Several agreements like setting up cultural exchanges, cooperation in non-traditional security issues, Tamanthi hydroelectric project in Myanmar were signed during his visit. The two sides explored how to expand cooperation in areas like, industry, energy, rail transportation, communications, science and technology and health. India raised the issue of insurgency in its northeast region with bases in Myanmar and the military ruler assured to take necessary steps to oust the rebels from its soil. Given the above argument, the KMMTT projects , when completed will give the following possible positive points, impact-wise: the implementation of the project will open up many opportunities for people of diverse background of this region. The development of transportation facilities from Sittwe Port, Myanmar, up to Silchar. the project, if implemented, will demand more infrastructures, from water to land to electricity, which will create the input for more business. Mizoram is to become the Gateway to South East Asia - Mizoram will be the gateway to South-east Asian countries after the construction of the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project in neighbouring Myanmar, Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla said on 17 August , 2012. The building of a pipeline will bring natural gas from Myanmar via north-east to the whole of India. the land-locked Northeastern states will gain easy access to the Bay of Bengal through Myanmar. The region will officially interact through channels , which will bring transparency. Elements of good governance will automatically flow with the enhancement of development. Integration process of the population will become easy. KMMTT will become an icon for the 'Look East Policy', which is aimed at reaching out to the ASEAN nations. However, some negative factors shall also be taken into consideration, while talking about KMMTT: Rohingya uprising may have a negative impact , because the Sittwe port of Myanmar is within that state. The possible deluge of immigrants that the projects will attract, may bring in their culture and tradition, and would even want to practice it, in contrast with the least tolerant Mizo community. Perhaps conflicts will arise due to demand. Unless the government is ready with a blueprint to tackle that problem, then this connectivity may prove detrimental. In fact, even more roads and connectivity will be demanded as the intention is to make Mizoram a trade-centre for the whole of the north-east. There is a possible negative environmental impact too, as happened in most other development works. A preliminary report released today by the Arakan Rivers Network (ARN) argues that a planned transport facility on the Kaladan River in the western Myanmar’s Arakan State will wreak environmental devastation on the river, and negatively impact the lives of many of the approximately one million civilians living along it ARN Director Aung Marn Oo spoke at the kaladan Report Press Conference, which was published on 12 November, 2009. . The ARN report outlines three primary areas of concern for the civilians inhabiting areas around the Kaladan: i] the environmental impact of such large-scale development on one of the world’s few remaining untouched rivers; ii] the human rights implications of a significantly increased military presence along the river; and iii] the devastating effects on individual livelihoods of both environmental degradation and the abuses stemming from militarisation of the area. The environmental concerns centre on the fact that the Kaladan has remained unpolluted and unaffected by development over thousands of years, therefore, its ecosystems may be too fragile to cope with the impacts of dredging, including changes in river flow and turbidity, as well as increased traffic and pollution on the river.  The Kaladan and its watershed are also home to numerous rare or endangered species.  They argued that the Framework of Agreement of the KMMTT project makes no mention of environmental impact surveys or standards for the development. In fact there is only reference to the environment occurs in the article binding the Burmese regime to provide for free any “permissions from the local authorities on account of environment.” Ibid., The project, according to ARN Report predicts that millions of people may find a sudden and rapid depletion of their food supplies as the coast near Sittwe and the 225 kilometres of the Kaladan River will be dredged of almost 2.5 million cubic metres of material. The river, lined with the homes of approximately one million people, is for many a key source of water, fish and crabs, and is surrounded by paddy fields. Food security is of particular concern now due to a famine affecting Arakan and Chin States, which has steadily worsened since 2007, and has caused many to leave their homes. Ibid., The truckers across India are often cited for the spread of HIV/AIDS across the country, and if so, the project will open up the tribal dominated rural areas, and with the poverty and backwardness, is the government ready to tackle the humanitarian and social problems inevitable with the change?. the KMMTT , after completion will be handed over under the control of the Government of Myanmar as per the MoU. Mizoram has often blamed the Burmese, especially the immigrants from the Chin state, of the drug problems. A trade route under the direct control of the Myanmar government regime notorious for its opium plantation may turn into a freeway for more drugs, and even more supplies for the insurgent groups. there will be displacement of millions of tribals , and certainly many lives will be uprooted. Will the Government take the onus of rehabilitating its victims?. When the project will be finalized the implication may not be desirable, especially for the radical section of the YMA and MNF[Manipur National Front]. The projected route will pass through the rather neglected Lais, Maras and Chakmas dominated southern Mizoram. This means they can hold Mizoram to ransom by blocking the road, and all in all, a more influential and more potent southerner is not in the interest of the rather egoistic Mizo community. The Indian strategic thinkers are worrying about the ability of the Indian Navy to guard Sittwe port. Be that what it may, when the KMMTT project will be actualized, certainly it will bring possibilities beyond our imagination. Simply speaking, a container from Kolkata to Imphal via the KMMT will go via a convoluted, cross-border route. First, 550 km on an ocean-going vessel, followed by 225 km on a river barge, and then by truck traversing 140 km of Burmese highways and finally, 100 km from Moreh to Imphal. By road, Imphal-Kolkata involves driving about 1,600 km and Aizawl-Kolkata is about the same. The KMMT is both cheaper and quicker. It also considerably improves the NE’s links with ASEAN. Thus, KMMT should trigger massive expansion of local trade. Certainly, the environmental factors along with displacement and conservation of the local rare species of flora and fauna are to be adjusted, as has happened in most development projects. If sustainable development can be implemented with the concerted efforts of the involvement of the countries of the region, then the fruits of the development through this connectivity project will certainly reach the millions of the inhabitants, which will connect them to the greater regional integration. As observed in other parts of the world, development always brings equity in development, thereby ensuring a systematic transformation. Conceptually speaking , policy decisions today , in the context of South East Asia, is more driven by the institutional and ideational shifts, which reflect and institutionalize the shift in policy accountability away from its traditional centres, towards a diverse range of policy actors and to the subjects of development and integration. That in itself will prove beneficial in the long run. Understanding the links between environmental sustainability and equity is critical if we are to expand human freedoms for current and future generations. The remarkable progress in human development over recent decades, which the global Human Development Reports have documented, cannot continue without bold global steps to reduce both environmental risks and inequality. Stronger accountability and democratic processes, in part through support for an active civil society and media, can also improve outcomes. Successful approaches rely on community management, inclusive institutions that pay particular attention to disadvantaged groups, and cross-cutting approaches that coordinate budgets and mechanisms across government agencies and development partners. ************************************************ Select Bibliography Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Academic Press, 1974) Stewart Patrick, James Schear, Mark Wong, ‘Integrating 21st Century Developing and Security Assistance, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, January, 2008. Arakan River Network Mizzima Group of News The Irrawaddy News BD Newspapers Manipur Online Manipur Update Seven Sisters Post Khonumthung , Chin News Group News Track India Chiland Guardian Assam Tribune Mizo News Times of India Newspaper of Myanmar New Light of Myanmar Eleven [“Connectivity, Development, and Regional Integration: The Case of ‘Kaladan Project’ between India and Myanmar” Prof. Dr. Santishree. D. Pandit and Dr. Rimli Basu] June 10, 2014 PROFESSOR, DEPARTMENT OF POLITICS AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, UNIVERSITY OF PUNE – 411007& RESEARCH SCHOLAR, | 14