Saving jobs, promoting democracy: worker co-operatives

Saving jobs, promoting democracy: worker co-operatives STEPHEN NOLAN, ELEONORE PERRIN MASSEBIAUX AND TOMAS GORMAN Trademark and University of Ulster Abstract The article examines transformative alternatives that may offer pathways to a more participative, sustainable and equitable social order. It focuses on one form of alternative, worker-owned co-operatives, and argues this existing form of democratic and economic relations has already proven capacity to generate more equitable socio-economic outcomes and residual social capital. The worker-owned model islocated within an ideological framework that focuses on the inherent democratising principles of their praxis that can in the right circumstances underpin firm strategic foundations for radical social change. It examines the development of worker-owned co-ops in Ireland north and south and the obstacles that need to be overcome to make these a more feasible and common form of economic ownership. Reflecting on the current debate in Ireland it argues such co-ops cannot work effectively without a secure legal framework governing their status and softer supports including entrepreneurship development, leadership training, market research, accessing loan finance and grant aid, inter-cooperative networking and federation building. The article poses workers’ co-operatives as sites of political struggle and consciousness, expressed in co-operatives’ core values including sovereignty of labour, the subordinate nature of capital, democracy, inter-cooperation and sustainability, and in tangible democratic experiences and transformative praxis. Key words: workers’ co-operatives, economic ownership, transformation, legal framework, participation Capitalism is not a success. It is not intelligent, it is not beautiful, it is not just, it is not virtuous -- and it doesn’t deliver the goods. In short, we dislike it, and we are beginning to despise it. But when we wonder what to put in its place, we are extremely perplexed. (Keynes 2012: 183) © Copyright Irish Journal of Sociology ISSN 0791 6035, EISSN 2050 5280, Vol. 21.2, 2013, pp. 103–15 http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/IJS.21.2.8 104 Irish Journal of Sociology Introduction When analysing the limitations and flaws in the dominant neoliberal orthodoxy, advocates of critical social science assume responsibility for elaborating a moral paradigm from which to compare the standards of the existing status quo, as well as an onus to develop ‘an account of viable alternatives in response to the critique’ (Wright 2013: 1). Studies concerning the collapse of social equality, outcomes and democratic participation (Saad-Filho and Johnston 2005; Wilkinson and Pickett 2009) outnumber those that advocate and analyse transformative alternatives that may offer pathways to a more participative, sustainable and equitable social order. There exists however, an actually existing and alternative form of democratic and economic relations that has resulted in more equitable socio-economic outcomes as well as generating residual social capital, worker-owned co-­ operatives. Co-operatives are a major part of the global economy. In declaring 2012 the International Year of Co-operatives, the United Nations drew attention to a form of social organisation which plays a major role in economies across the globe (UN 2009). Co-operatives employ over 100 million people and have over a billion members worldwide, they are not traded on the stock market, they are socially responsible, sustainable and are democratically controlled by their members. There are diverse forms of co-operative structure; some bring together workers, others exist for the benefit of members and workers, some are businesses, others not-for-profit. This article focuses on a specific form of co-operative, the worker-owned model, locating it in an ideological framework that focuses on the inherent democratising principles of their praxis that can in the right circumstances underpin firm strategic foundations for radical social change. Worker co-operatives Wright (2013) gives focus to three moral principles with which to frame good governance. Equality as defined by ‘equal access to the social and material conditions necessary for living a flourishing life’ (Wright 2013: 4), democracy as ‘broadly equal access to the necessary means to participate meaningfully in decisions about things that affect their lives’ and sustainability described in a reality wherein future generations ‘have access to the social and material conditions to live flourishing lives at least at the same level as the present generation (Wright 2013: 5). How does the worker co-operative model fit this moral paradigm? In the current context of the cyclical worldwide capitalist crisis, co-opera- tives can offer alternative economic and social structures that are sustainable as well as a means to a more direct access to material well-being and democratic decision making. The International Labour Organisation (ILO) declared that a  Saving jobs, promoting democracy: worker co-operatives 105 resurgent co-operative movement ‘has come at an opportune time. The idea, the myth some would say, that the free market, company driven model could solve economic problems has been seen to be untrue. A different model of enterprise, business driven and democratically controlled, can offer a different way’ (Smith 2004: 31). Co-operatives have several advantages that enable them to overcome the difficulties faced by their privately owned counterparts. They remunerate labour democratically and fairly and emphasise training, research and innovation instead of distributing profits disproportionately to shareholders (Ettighoffer 2009). Additionally, membership in a worker-owned co-operative has shown to offer outcomes more profitable in comparison to employment in similar capitalist-owned enterprises (Craig and Pencavel 1992; Freundlich 1998). Moreover, co-operative enterprise allows for more flexibility when confronted by economic crises by ‘adjusting wages, avoiding redundancy, redistributing work and using innovative systems’ (Rastoin 2010: 15). With regards to their potential to reverse systemic and growing social inequali- ties, worker-owned co-operatives are underscored by the simple yet powerful logic that ‘growing class disparities can be most directly addressed by altering who is involved in making economic decisions’ (Rothschild 2009: 1026). As a worker-owned co-operative consists of a business owned and democratical- ly managed by its workers, the worker co-operative model distinguishes itself from the capitalist business model as it privileges the sovereignty of labour and represents a purer and more ‘participatively’ democratic form of co-operation. In such an enterprise, workers own all or the majority of the shares and the organisation adheres to the principle of ‘one worker, one vote’. Through this principle, power relations are based on the premise of voluntary co-operation and rational persuasion rather than the capitalist norm of the ‘relative economic power of different people’ (Wright 2013: 18). Although compelled by the same need for profitability as any other business, worker co-operatives distribute their profits in a democratic way that promotes an equality of outcome and in doing so, have demonstrably been shown to preserve the long-term sustainability of employment and well-being (Craig and Pencavel 1992; Bradley and Gelb 1987). This extension of the democratic rights expected of and practices in wider civic polity into the industrial realm holds the potential to ‘enhance citizens’ capacity for and confidence in dialogue and democratic decision making in the political and civic realms of life’ (Rothschild 2009: 1023). In the north of Ireland this could bring highly valuable additional benefits of a deep pool of social capital. Post-conflict Northern Ireland As Northern Ireland moves away from a situation of conflict to one where democratic institutions are functioning and broadly participative it is also 106 Irish Journal of Sociology moving from an economic framework that is formulated upon the post-war social contract to one that is dominated by market agendas and neo-liberal principles, a shift which holds potential to undermine the peace (McCabe 2013). Murtagh and Shirlow (2012: 46) give this argument reason, describing Northern Irish society as ‘a mix between ethno-sectarian resource competition and a constantly expanding neo-liberal mode of governance’, a formula that generates perceived horizontal inequality and potentially undermines the prospects of a stable and sustainable peace (Stewart et al. 2005). Worker-owned and worker-managed co-operatives can be both a transformational tool towards and a normative feature of an alternative economic landscape that offers a viable means of creating dignified and socially useful employment as well as workplace praxis that challenges sectarianism and narrow ethnic allegiances by bringing workers together daily to work democratically for joint benefit; in doing so, generating values of solidarity and democracy (Gorman 2013; Harnecker 2007, 2009; Nolan 2012) that can replace the dominant dynamics of suspicion and mistrust (Shirlow 2003). Because of their historical example, co-operative forms of economic activity deserve to be developed as an interstitial component of a transformational movement towards the creation of a sustainable economy, that minimise the ‘leakage’ of revenue streams (profits, wages, assets, credit creation) from the economy. In order to create more sustainable, independent and democratic work practices, the model of co-operative development needs to expand beyond its traditional locations in retail, social finance and farming; just as the current focus on social enterprises generally needs to seriously look at worker management and models of ownership. In Ireland the co-operative movement as a whole currently comprises credit unions, agricultural co-operatives, housing associations and the co-operative retail movement. In the north co-operatives hold over £2 billion in assets and up to 350,000 members providing employment to nearly 4,500 people and they make a substantial contribution to the economy. In the south over a thousand co-operatives have a turnover in the region of €13 billion, with some 150,000 individual members, employing tens of thousands of people (ICOS 2012). Worker-owned co-operatives however make up only a tiny fraction of the sector in Ireland, north and south. Gavin (2013) points out that though the numbers of worker co-operatives increased from 47 in 1991 to 82 in 1998, Hughes (2000), found that 56 of the CDU assisted co-operatives, employing a total of 401 people, were still in existence in 2000 though those numbers have since fallen dramatically, accompanied by the closure of the Cooperative Development Unit in 2002 at the height of the debt bubble, leaving Ireland with no agency to promote worker co-operatives.  Saving jobs, promoting democracy: worker co-operatives 107 Co-operative development In 2009 Trademark, the anti-sectarian unit of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, began a conversation around worker co-operatives and the contribution they might make in tackling inequality and sectarianism. These conversations suggested that worker co-operatives: • Can distinguish themselves as democratic, community focused, con- structing new identities against the dominant hegemony. • Can have an educational role to play as agents of progressive social change and give workers the skills to analyse the existing economic and cultural hegemony. • Can create new collective identities, controlled by democratic communities. • Can create a co-operative ‘commonwealth’ in partnership with other social movements that can act as an alternative to capitalist exploitation. • Hold potential as forums of democratic participation for excluded communities. Trademark took a strategic decision to begin a Co-operative Development Programme with the initial focus on interfaces in Belfast. As well as suffering from the highest level of poverty indicators (Horgan 2006; Nolan 2012), interfaces areas in Northern Ireland are ‘the intersection of segregated and polarised working class residential zones, in areas with a strong link between territory and ethno-political identity’ (Jarman 2004: 5). The organisation felt that the development of Interface co-operative structures might deliver on key peace and reconciliation objectives. Alongside genuine economic benefits, co-operatives offer significant individual and community empowerment, challenging and reducing negative ‘out-group’ perceptions and enhancing overall quality of life. Co-operatives have a role to play in post-conflict societies in terms of transforming ‘bonding social capital’ (intra-community relations) (Parnell 2001) to ‘bridging social capital’, inter-community relations and new shared identities (Weihe 2004). Historically, the task of addressing these ethnic divisions has depended on the least powerful and at times most vulnerable sections of society: community groups in economically deprived areas, young people and labour activists. Approaches made by the business sector, the public sector and large voluntary agencies were often symbolic in nature and maintained a strict emphasis on maintaining the status quo (Eyben et al. 1997). As an organisation that draws its workers from both Catholic and Protestant communities, Trademark recognised that the major ethno-nationalist identities have proved themselves to be ‘histor- ically resilient’ but that collectivist identities based on solidarity and workplace democracy are possible. Worker co-operatives can promote equality and dignity as core organisational values and practices leading to inclusive, worker-­ managed enterprises. 108 Irish Journal of Sociology At the 2011 much publicised MTV Europe showcase in Belfast, where Lady Gaga and Justin Beiber took the headlines, a perhaps more significant event was taking place backstage. A group of worker-owners from the Falls and Shankill Roads, with the support of Trademark and the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, set about establishing Belfast’s first Interface Worker Co-operative, the Belfast Cleaning Society. The vision and commitment of the founder members of the Belfast Cleaning Society enabled them to develop a profitable, cross-commu- nity, worker-owned co-operative business with a strong anti-sectarian ethos: ‘It is unionised, it is worker controlled, it is democratic and the workers’ pay themselves above the industry average, whilst re-investing their profits in their future’ (Belfast Cleaning Society 2012). Following this Trademark became involved in assisting the establishment and development of a number of co-operative start-ups alongside a targeted strategic lobbying campaign in both Stormont and the Dáil. This work led to the establishment of the all-island Workers Cooperative Network, who alongside the development of inter-cooperation are lobbying to secure progressive changes to Irish and British law on co-operatives.1 Central to this lobbying campaign was the provision of evidence of the social and economic benefits of worker co-operative models. Alongside the very real and practical challenges of estab- lishing co-operatives we also set about looking at other models and approaches to sustainable, democratic and socialised alternatives. Co-operative forms of ownership can also offer an alternative to business collapse and closure. Set against the growing instability of the capitalist crisis, some have opted for an alternative and sustainable solution; that of transforming companies into worker co-operatives through worker buyouts (WBO). There are a number of reasons that can lead to worker buyouts and the establishment of worker co-operatives including: • Succession option for a retiring owner; • Divestment of a business division from a large corporation; • Union-led buy-outs; • Revival and transferral of an enterprise which has been placed in receivership; • The addition of ‘partners’ to operate a functioning business . Effective successions, rescuing businesses and union-led buyouts are important for the economy, for the owners, the employees, customers, trade unions, suppliers, lenders and the local communities that need the goods, services and employment that they provide. Studies in countries as diverse as Australia, Canada and France, have demonstrated that well over 50 per cent of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) will face the challenge of succession in the next ten years. At the same time, the overall percentage of employees working for SMEs is growing. In Canada, ‘successions involving leveraged employee buyouts,  Saving jobs, promoting democracy: worker co-operatives 109 supported by key managers, succeed in about 80 per cent of the cases’ (Hough 2005: 1). A co-operative conversion in maintaining the skills and business knowledge can ensure the maintenance of value. A co-operative conversion can lead to the reinvigoration of a company for multiple reasons. Initial salary sacrifices and increased flexibility by the new worker-owners might offset falls in profitability. The worker-owners are more likely to accept these sacrifices as they may foresee future profitability returning to them, given that the annual average salary in a worker co-operative is higher than that of an employee in an equivalent tradi- tional business (SCOP 2008). Worker buyouts can be promoted as viable alternatives to closure or re-sale to another private owner but crucially no incentives and little or no support structures exist to allow conversions. This kind of enabling environment is normal in Europe as seen in Italy with the ‘Marcora Law’ and the related ‘Campagnai Finanziari Industriale’ (CFI), which offers financial and business support to worker co-operative buyouts. In Spain, the ‘Law of Sociadades Laborales’ (1997) provides legal recognition and definition preserving the democratic nature of worker co-operatives and instituting the establishment of non-transferable co-operative shares and common reserve funds. In 2003, the ILO pointed out that the core tools co-operatives need in order to flourish are advice on capacity building, entrepreneurship development, leadership training, market research, accessing loan finance and grant aid, inter-cooperative networking and federation building. For such grass-roots support to work effectively, co-operatives need a secure legal framework governing their status (ILO 2003: 52). In France they refer to the intersection of the legislative and infrastructural support as the ‘network effect’: ‘The most essential reason for a successful takeover as a cooperative is probably what is called the network effect. This network effect consists of the existence of an advisory environment and substantial financial arrangements’ (ILO 2003: 189). This ‘network effect’, alongside a receptive legislative framework and insti- tutional capacity, also includes an active role for national labour movements. Unions and local co-operative federations are usually the first actors as they are directly in contact with the workers. They provide co-operatives with feasibil- ity studies, co-operative legal structures and governance, legal assistance for the preparation of the buyout offer at business court and support for accessing grants and capital loans. In relation to ailing businesses and their conversion, this support is critical in order to ensure a successful conversion considering the potential risks being taken by workers. Rescuing businesses happens in emergency situations when workers have limited time and knowledge to make important decisions. These can be difficult and emotional times where workers are motivated not by thoughts of excessive profits and quick wins but primarily are acting in order to save their jobs and livelihoods. This can make it harder to 110 Irish Journal of Sociology recognise a failing business which cannot be reinvigorated by a conversion to a co-operative (CGSCOP 2011). In Europe, unlike Ireland and Britain, it is not uncommon to find workers who are active members of their union participating in a buyout. It is often the case indeed that the union plays a significant leadership role in the conversion process. Significantly trade unions have access to their own consultancy agencies at a sectoral level that aid in providing a forensic analysis of the fea- sibility of a conversion to a co-operative. They are also given an important role in lobbying with public authorities in the conversion process, recognising that maintaining employment through worker buyouts is good for society and that all social partners have a role to play. However, trade unions do not always pursue co-operative transformation as a unique solution. Some have criticised trade unions for not doing more and for only supporting transformations into co-operatives as a last resort when all other possibilities have failed. If conversions are considered a last-ditch attempt it can have a negative impact on the conversion process, as the engagement is too late to resuscitate the ailing firm. In a vicious circle this leads to a worse survival rate of conversions, which in turn encourages trade unions to be more careful with rescue attempts and instead opt for alternative solutions such as state subsidies that are more likely to preserve employment in the short term. In the case of Sea France, a French ferry company put into compulsory liqui- dation in January 2012, the workers decided to set up a co-operative. However, the trade unions initially argued against it, favouring either state subsidy or a private business takeover (Landré 2012). This can be explained by the trade unions’ tendency to rely on the state as the rightful protector of workers’ live- lihoods and a reluctance to encourage workers to risk their own capital (often from redundancy payments). Nonetheless in 2012, following Sea France going into receivership a tribunal awarded the assets to Eurotunnel on condition that the company operated under the French flag and leased the ships to a newly established workers’ co-operative, restoring 560 jobs as a result. Putting the sector on the map It makes sense that worker co-operatives and worker buyouts should be part of the business development landscape. Relatively small infrastructure and capacity-building investments can protect and create sustainable jobs that are rooted in the local area and help ensure longer-term economic security and social stability. The alternative vision is of a ‘competitive region’ with a ‘frictionless en- vironment’ characterised by low wages, insecurity, low skill levels, zero-hour contracts and a hire and fire culture. This approach will not create jobs or re-­ distribute wealth. It will not make the region more equal nor will it make it a better place to live and raise children. It is a dangerous race to the bottom based  Saving jobs, promoting democracy: worker co-operatives 111 upon flawed and failed economic arguments. An economy is not just about creating employment, it is about creating good employment, for a democracy, characterised by sustainability, social stability and equitable outcomes. Worker co-operatives are part of that vision and the means by which to achieve it. While there is no barrier to the establishment of worker co-operatives under the existing legislation in both jurisdictions (I&PSA 1892–2009), and (IPS NI 1969), recommendations from the Workers Cooperative Network ‘believe that legislation specific to the sector will put worker cooperatives on the political and economic map’ (Gavin 2013). Significantly this would create an awareness in the business community including accountants, solicitors, financial institu- tions, trade unions and educators: Hughes suggests that part of the problem for the lack of prevalence of worker cooperatives is that the key individuals who advise business start ups are ignorant of the worker cooperative as an enterprise vehicle or even hostile to it … [if] the worker cooperative is not understood by accountants and solicitors … it will be continued to be viewed among entrepreneurs a weak business structure (De Barbieri 2009: 40). Workers’ co-operatives can play a vital role in economic recovery. However in order for co-operatives to display their whole potential in terms of long- term strategy (long-term employment, inter-enterprise co-operation, resilience to crises and regional development), there is a need for a strong national and regional policy in favour of sustainable employment directly linked with policies in favour of enterprises that remain embedded in local communities. In order to be really efficient, these policies need to be clear, focused and well- coordinated. Worker buyouts clearly offer a workable alternative but in order for them to succeed, a comprehensive infrastructure is essential. Workers, trade unions, liquidators, banks and public authorities must be made aware of the possibility of converting a business into a co-operative before insolvency, especially when employees’ redundancy payments can contribute to provision of equity capital. Across the globe, government programmes supporting social economy enterprises have positively affected the growth of workers’ co- operatives (Craddock and Kennedy 2006). The example of France shows that with government and trade union support as well as the creation of a strong network, worker co-operatives have a viable role to play in the development of sustainable and democratic employment. There are approximately 400 worker co-operatives in the UK (with 2,000 members and 2,000 employees) and only a handful in the Republic of Ireland. Even though there is access to capital from specialist lenders such as the Baxi Partnership and Co-operative and Community Finance, there are very few examples of workers’ buyouts (such as the factory ‘Alphabeds’ in Wales). In the Republic of Ireland, the practice of workers’ buyouts is non-existent. The rarity of workers’ buyouts in the UK and the Republic of Ireland can be explained by the lack of a network effect as well as a lack of interest in, and 112 Irish Journal of Sociology understanding of, worker co-operatives. In the UK, there has been a reduction in government funding of co-op support organisations which play a major role in worker co-op development. Therefore, the number of worker co-operatives has decreased since the end of the 1980s. In Ireland, the closure of the Cooperative Development Agency at the height of the speculative property bubble in 2002 clearly indicated the government’s interest in the potential for worker co-­ operatives. By creating a network effect, with the commitment of the state and the trade union movement, the UK and the Republic of Ireland could see more workers’ buyouts and the growth of worker co-operatives in the private sector. According to a report by Co-operatives UK and the Employee Ownership Association (EOA), almost a third of company closures are succession failures – viable businesses which shut up shop because no suitable successor can be found. Worker buyouts and co-operative conversion is a solution that deserves some investigation. Worker co-operatives offer at least one innovative alterna- tive in this crisis: ‘Redundancy, no! We bought the company’ (Gulland 2008). There are a range of ways to enhance the role of worker-owned co-­operatives as a transformational vehicle towards a better democracy. These include awareness raising and measures to encourage understanding about the viability of the option of worker co-operatives and provision of examples of successful worker co-op buyouts. More could be done to explore worker co-op options with traditional business development agencies and local government. There is a need to ensure availability of experienced worker co-op development profes- sionals to explain the issues of risk, commitment and responsibilities of owner/ membership as an option and provide advice and guidance in the development of financing packages to purchase and operate the business. Initiatives could encourage and build the capacity of trade unions to be supportive of worker co-op buyouts of unionised businesses and to utilise the experience of those unions that have been involved in worker buyouts. Crucially, there needs to be more appropriate co-operative legislation including protection, definition and recognition of both co-operative identity and worker co-operatives in law; these should include that at least a majority of the members of a worker co-operative will be employees of the worker co-operative; that a majority of the employees of the worker co-operative shall be members of the worker co-operative; that members have equal control and right to participate in the co-operative’s activities (one member, one vote); that between 30 per cent and 50 per cent of profits (or losses) must be allocated to an indivisible reserve that cannot be transferred outside the co-operative movement, thus preventing its privatisa- tion; that between 5 per cent and 10 per cent of profits must be allocated to a worker co-operative development fund and all of the voting stock of a worker co-operative shall be owned by members while allowing nonvoting stock to be issued to investors.  Saving jobs, promoting democracy: worker co-operatives 113 Conclusion The system that is in crisis is not absolute. It is always resisted, challenged and transformed. Whether in the struggles of labour against capital or in those co-operative spaces where the market’s grip is loosened, we are challenged to look beyond the system for answers. We can perhaps look to alternative structures where participative democracy is practised and where collective forms of ownership exist. What can make a difference in co-operatives is precisely the presence of political consciousness expressed in co-ops through core values; values such as the sovereignty of labour, the subordinate nature of capital, democracy, inter-cooperation and sustainability. Co-operatives offer opportunities for political engagement and expose workers to tangible democratic experience. In distinguishing themselves as democratic, and as community-focused, worker co-operatives offer new experiences and can act as spaces of collectivism and social solidarity. 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