The archaeology of the steppes: The excavations at Endrőd 19 (Se Hungary). A particular viewpoint

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE STEPPES: THE EXCAVATIONS AT ENDRŐD 19 (SE HUNGARY). A PARTICULAR VIEWPOINT B. GENITO Department of Asian Studies, Università degli Studi di Napoli, L’Orientale, Piazza S. Domenico Maggiore, 12, I-80134 Napoli, Italia FOREWORD Many years have passed since the late Sándor Bökönyi, Director of the Institute of Archaeology of Hun- garian Academy of the Sciences (IAHAS) from 1981 to 1993, proposed, in 1982, to Is.M.E.O. (Italian Institute for the Middle and Far East) (now Is.I.A.O., Italian Institute for Africa and Orient, in Rome) to collaborate on the field, in one of the topics of possible common interest. The ancient nomadism of Eurasian origin was chosen for that purpose, a particular socio-economic phenomenon that played, inside the evolution of the archaeological cultures of the Carpathian lowlands, a not small role and that could have been connected with the topics of the ancient Asian cultures, representing these last ones the more proper scientific interest of Is.I.A.O. The financial support from the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (HAS) on one hand, and from the Italian National Research Council (CNR) on the other, made the first Italian archaeological activity in that country possible, in 1983 and 1984. These first contacts allowed the Italian archaeologists to participate in some of the Hungarian excavations as active observers, as for example, in Őrmenykút. Since 1985 the Italian work has been supported by grants from the Italian Ministry of Education and the Department of Asian Studies of Istituto Universitario Orientale (I.U.O) (now Università degli Studi di Napoli, L’Orientale) (U.N.O.). Furthermore in 1986 the research project received another grant from the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MAE), and in 1988 again from CNR. From 1985 to 1994 an autonomous Italian research project related to the studies and analyses of the no- madic peoples of the Eurasian steppes developed very much. During this period, a protocol of scientific co- operation between I.A.H.A.S. and Is.M.E.O. (now Is.I.A.O.), signed in January 1987 at Budapest, gave to the project a more definite framework. Its renewal in 1990 and 1993 furthermore consolidated its institutional frame. One of the points established in this protocol was the study of the cultures of the peoples of the Eurasian steppes who reached the Carpathian Basin. Italian scientific interest in this was quite new, comparing with the research work carried out by Is.M.E.O./I.S.I.A.O. and I.U.O./U.N.O. from the 1950s onwards, traditionally devoted to the ancient Asian civilisations. The innovative character of this archaeological activity in Hungary was based on two main aspects, both related to the subject of study of the Italian institutions: whereas previous interest had always been in ancient cultures in Asia, the “Asiatic cultures” of Hungary developed in the middle of Europe; and those cultures were nomadic in character and for this reason without any direct textual or literary tradition. Because of its geomorphologic setting, the Hungarian Great Plain constitutes the westernmost extension of the Eurasian plains, and thus, during the centuries, acting as a backwater, received constant arrivals of groups of nomadic peoples from east. The archaeological evidence of this in Hungary in Copper Age has taken the form of the characteristic burial- mounds, the kurgans of the so called pit-grave culture (end of the 4th and beginning of the 3rd millennium BC). These burial customs, mainly documented in south-eastern part of the country, have been DOI: 10.1556/AArch.59.2008.2.12 Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hung. 59 (2008) 353–3 0001-5210/$20.00 © 2008 Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest 354 B. GENITO always associated by scholars with the first stock-breeding peoples, speaking an Indo-European language, whose rites were practically similar and contemporaneous in the vast geographical area, stretching from the Volga basin to the Eastern Europe. Later the presence of these nomadic groups is furthermore documented in Iron Age, with the pre-Scythians, Cimmerians and Scythians peoples of Iranian origin (9th/8th–6th century BC) and during the Great Migration Period (a part from the Germanic Gepids and Lombards), the Huns, Avars, Bulgars and Magyars came to the Hungarian Great Plain at different times (from the 5th to 10th century AD) and in differing ways. INTRODUCTION The scientific premises of this Italian archaeological activity were very simple and, perhaps, to the light of the enormous potentialities today at disposition for such a topic, they may appear also too ambitious! The historical-methodological basis for the project was presented with great emphasis in March 1985 in Rome at the Academy of Hungary with a lecture with the title Prospettive dell’Archeologia italiana in Ungheria: Le culture asiatiche, and with another one in Los Angeles in February 1988, then published;1 those premises also subse- quently were confirmed, when the project was largely on its way, in another conference at Huhehote (Inner Mon- golia) in 1992.2 The project, in the frame of the study and analyses of the nomadic cultures of the steppes, and beginning from both a particular small and meaningful territory, as the Carpathian basin really was, was aimed at verifying, on the field, the archaeological consistence of the remains that had been to them differently related, and in which they had been historically always recognized: the Copper and Bronze ages, the pre-Scythian, Scythian, Sarmatian and the early-medieval (Hun, Avars, and Magyars). On this general topic a big International symposium was also held in Naples in 1992,3 which tried to put and clarify the methodological bases of an Archaeology of the Steppes. There were, as it is easy to imagine, different times! Europe was still divided in two parts, without pos- sibilities for scholars of both sides to meet and exchange opinions each others and read the related publications. The scientific initiative proposed by Sándor Bökönyi, was very welcome by the Italian counterpart, who consid- ered it charming and rich of promising scientific perspectives. Naturally in reality the things went in a more com- plicated way than expected, for different reasons which are not all referable to pure scientific aspects of the re- search. The main fact was that for the first time Italian archaeologists were focusing to a scientific topic, both Asian and European in character, in a country of the socialist block, and for the first time Hungary opened to the field collaboration with a country of the western block. In the future somebody will say if those cultural, but also political efforts have or less contributed to bring positive elements in the relationships among the two countries and if the scientific aspects were or not crowned with success. To all those that gave a contribution to the project go, on my behalf, my deepest thanks. The first seasons of work (1985–1986–1987) were aimed at effecting trial trenches at a site of Sarmatian age, Gyoma 133,4 selected especially because of the related area, originally belonged to a Kurgan, connoted in the landscape and cultural elements, as Asian. The continuation of the excavation, subsequently, starting from spring 1987 onward, was independently conducted in the site by the Hungarian colleagues who wanted autono- mously act, because of an emergency due to a rescue excavation.5 The Italian activity changed then, with a new project related to a site chronologically attributable between the Bronze and the Scythian period denominated, in the topographical series of IAHAS in the so-called mikro-region, Endrőd 19.6 The excavations begun in 1988 continued in 1989 and 1990 and ended in 1994. In 1996 and 1997 the Italian activity worked on a cemetery of Avar Age,7 in the framework of another agreement of archaeological cooperation between I.U.O (now U.N.O.) and the Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok Megyei Múzeumok Igazgatósága of Szolnok (Central Hungary). Cs. Bálint was one of the scholars who acted in the favour of the whole Italian-Hungarian cooperation and to him, with gratitude, this brief essay is devoted! 1 GENITO 1995. VADAY 1996) 5 2 GENITO 1992a. GENITO 1992b; GENITO 1994; CREMASCHI 1994; GUIDI 1994; 6 3 GENITO ed. 1994. CATTANI 1994. 4 GENITO 1988; GENITO 1990; GENITO 1993. 7 GENITO–MADARAS 2005. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008  THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE STEPPES 355 ENDRŐD 19 PROJECT The Endrőd 19 project produced results, mostly still unpublished, that synthetically I will try to illustrate in this occasion. I will focus on the preliminary results of the excavation of Endrőd 19, on which beyond the first indications provided by a preliminary article8 and from the following analyses provided on the ceramic materi- als,9 I will try to develop some considerations on the experience conducted on that site! The Iron Age and the Scythians The Early Iron Age in the Hungarian lowland represents one of the most complex period for the Euro- pean proto-history either for the considerable dispersion of the archaeological evidences on the territory, or for their rather various character, or for the great consequent difficulty in establishing clear border lines amongst the differing cultural complexes evidences. The archaeological evidence are, on one hand, the product of a local substratum, constituted by the combination of Late Bronze cultural elements (the heritage of Gáva and “Urn fields” culture of the middle Danube), with the “pre – Scythian” or “Thrako-Cimmerian”;10 on the other, they are also the result of elements external to this context, showing evident analogies with the territory of Scythia of the Herodotean tradition, the northern silvo – steppic area of the Black Sea and Caucasus. For the importance of such discoveries, in the first related publications the terms “Scythian Antiquities” or “Scythian Culture”11 were used, meanwhile in the works of the following years, a greater caution was much more used, spreading the indications of “Cultures of Scythian Period”12 or, in a more limited sense, “Culture of the Veker- zug Group”, geographically related, therefore, to the only Alföld region.13 They have also been using the definitions of “Scytho-Hallstattian Culture”,14 “Thrako-Scythian”,15 or “Alföld-Tisza-Slovakia region”,16 while the most recent works prefer to return more harmless to “Vekerzug Culture”, used, however, in a rather more ample territorial mean- ing (the whole Carpathian Basin, including the neighbouring zones of Slovakia and Transylvania), comprising cemeteries and settlements where objects of “Scythian type” have been brought to the light.17 The most important finds in the Carpathian Basin related to the Scythians are essentially elements of horse’s harness (bits, phalerae), weapons (axes, daggers, arrows and lance heads), personal decorative elements (jewels, bone and metal plates), mirrors, pole-top and pintadera.18 These objects would testify, on one hand, the 8 GENITO 1992b cit. with the objects from territories not historically occupied by the 9 MENNA 2004, unpublished PHD thesis; MENNA in print. Scythians as Podolia and southern Moldova (SULIMIRSKI 1936; 10 SZABÓ 1996; KEMENCZEI 1970; KEMENCZEI 1971; KEMENCZEI SMIRNOVA 1978; IL'INSAKJA–TERENOŽKIN 1983). In these last 1981. regions, in fact, as well as in the Carpathian Basin the scythian 11 PÂRVAN 1926; FETTICH 1928; ROSTOVCEV 1931. objects would not be anything else than imitations or re-elaborations 12 PÁRDUCZ 1965a; PÁRDUCZ 1965b; PÁRDUCZ 1973. of very far prototypes, probably realized for the first time in the 13 PÁRDUCZ 1952; PÁRDUCZ 1954; PÁRDUCZ 1955. Pontian town of Olbia (MELJUKOVA 1955) and transmitted to the 14 DUŠEK 1955. Carpathian Basin on the base of cultural influences or commercial 15 DUŠEK 1961. relationships (JETTMAR 1964). In this perspective the Hungarian 16 DUŠEK 1974. Lowland is fully comprised inside the trade system Olbia had with 17 CHOCHOROWSKI 1985; CHOCHOROWSKI 1998. the “barbaric” world (BONDAR 1955; BONDAR 1956). This city, in 18 On the question of the “Scythian” production of different fact, is often indicated as the place of origin for different categories classes of objects there are differing opinions: some think, in fact, of objects (bones plates, mirrors handles decorated with animal that in the Carpathian Basin there are no finds of objects imported protome), and also for the wheel technology, that from here would from southern Russia, and that, on the contrary, there are some have spread over the whole Carpathian Basin (ALEXANDRESCU imitating Scythian prototypes which produced in situ (MELJUKOVA 1977). Some finds, in fact, find comparisons with those from Cis- 1955; PÁRDUCZ 1973; BAKAY 1971); others, instead, think that the caucasian region, for instance: pintadera, the lion protome in Assyr- local elaborations only begun when “influxes” of Scythian people ian-Babylonian style from Mezőkeresztes-Zöldhalompuszta interrupt (responsible of the arrival of the first “original” objects), at (FETTICH 1928), the buck of Tápiószentmárton (Fettich 1927), the beginning of the 5th century BC (CHOCHOROWSKI 1975; discoveries related again to the culture of Kelermes (MURŽIN 1984), CHOCHOROWSKI 1985). However, single categories of Scythian which had absorbed numerous elements from Assyrians, Babyloni- objects do not find direct comparisons with those coming from ans and Urartians. Pontus or eastern Ukraine, and, on the contrary, there are strict links Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008 356 B. GENITO ample variety of the contacts of the Scythians of the two regions (the proper Scythia and the Hungarian lowland) during an arc of short time, rather limited to the phase of the “archaic” (550–480/70 B.C.) Scythian culture,19 and, on the other, would help scholars in determining the nature of these relationships: the majority of the finds, in fact, is constituted by weapons or horsemen equipments, which have allowed one to suppose a like-military inva- sion in the Carpathian Basin from “east”.20 This hypothesis would also be confirmed by the presence within the cemeteries of animal’s bones be- longing to the Tarpan21 race of horses, of Altaic origin. In this perspective it is still to be emphasized that scholars are convinced the Scythians came in the Carpathian Basin, having again a prestige role in the local society, as evidenced by the graves presenting scythian-type materials distinguished from the others for the wealth’s de- gree.22 The continuous recalls to the material culture of the Scythians of southern Russia have brought to the conclusion that the passage from the early to the late Iron Age in the Carpathian Basin is tied up with the appear- ance of “Scythian”-type materials, which cannot be defined episodic but, contrarily, correlated to the “political” expansion of the Scythians from Pontus or the middle Dnepr and Sula regions,23 into the Carpathian Basin in the 5th and 4th century BC.24 This presumed migration would have taken place in two separate waves: the first around the 600 BC – which would have interested only Transylvania, while the second – in the second half of the 5th century BC – which would have involved the whole Carpathian Basin.25 In the sources any reference to a break- in of the Scythians in the region of the Carpathians26 is missing, although these had already shown interest for the tied up events to their history, with the military campaigns in the Near East27 and the attack from Darius I.28 The Scythians involved in this hypothetical migratory or movement of conquest, arrived to the Carpa- thian Basin through two main routes, probably attracted by territories rich in metals (gold, copper, iron) or by commercial expectations, basically the sale of horses in western territories:29 the mountain footsteps that from Ukraine bring to the northeast of Hungary and the progress of the Danube and Tisza rivers, with the tributaries Maros and Körös conducting in the heart of the Alföld. 19 PÁRDUCZ 1954, 91. Callipides, Alazones, Neuri, Budines, Melancleni), and who properly 20 PÁRDUCZ 1971; BUKOWSKI 1977. show numerous cultural traits similar to those of the so-called 21 PÁRDUCZ 1971, 592, note 20. Scythians. There is a little distinction, therefore, among these “Royal 22 The funeral ritual is characterized by an extreme variety, and Scythians” of Herodote and the populations inhabiting the steppe- comprises both burials (in supine or huddled up position), and incin- forest zones, basically related to what extent they do belong or not to eration (the ashes picked in the urn or shed on the bottom of the the same ethnic group sharing, however, with the Scythians the same grave). This variety in such a narrow geographical area is unusual, material culture (GRAKOV–MELJUKOVA 1954; BONDAR 1955; basically if one considers that in the steppe-forest zone of southern IL'INSKAJA 1968; MELJUKOVA 1989; MELJUKOVA 2001). Russia (IL’INSKAJA 1968, IL’INSKAJA 1975), among the Royal 24 FETTICH 1928; MELJUKOVA 1955; PÁRDUCZ 1971; SMIRNOVA Scythians (ROLLE 1979) and the Thrakians (VULPE 1971; 1993. More recent studies, have nevertheless shown that, in the MELJUKOVA 1979; MELJUKOVA 1995), the structural elements of the interfluve region between the rivers Danube and Dnestr, an increase burying system (presence of the tumulus, forms and position of the in the number of installations and Scythian cemeteries is recorded grave, and location of the grave goods) are much more uniform. In only in the 4th century BC, reflecting a population process of the this perspective scholars, in past, (FETTICH 1928; BOTTYÁN 1955) peripheral areas of the Scythian political unity and perhaps prelude hypothesized that the finds of Scythian-type in Hungary occurred to their entry in the Balkans region (ANDRUH 1991). inside the incineration graves and that, accordingly, a hold corre- 25 PÁRDUCZ 1954; GALÁNTHA 1982–83; KEMENCZEI 1994. spondence could be established between groups of population and Nevertheless, the positions of different scholars are different: J. the practiced funeral ritual. Already PÁRDUCZ (1973) has disprove CHOCHOROWSKI (1985) proposes a lower dating, the first half the this hypothesis showing, instead, that the objects of “eastern” origin 6th century BC, while SMIRNOVA (1993) hypothesizes even the end have been recovered in all the types of burial (in supine or huddled of the 7th and the beginning of the 6th century BC; E. JEREM (1981), up position, incineration with or without urn) PÁRDUCZ 1973; on the base of the Scythian imports to Sopron in the Transdanube CHOCHOROWSKI 1975. area, supposes instead the 5th century BC (Ha D2–3). 23 The Scythians of southern Russia do not represent a cultural 26 MELJUKOVA 1955. uniform world. Those communities, rather studied, are certainly 27 Herod. IV, 1, 12. those identified on the northern coast of the Black Sea, who owe a 28 Herod. IV, 102, 118, 121–142. It is true as well that the same big part of their development (social, cultural and commercial) to the sources are absolutely missing when it is necessary to deepen the proximity – or to the cohabitation – with the Greek colonies and the knowledge of the events occurred in so distant regions from Greece, world of the Near and Middle East. In the vast steppic zones consti- and for which they had very little interest, also of commercial-type tuting the hinterland of the Pontic coast, nevertheless, other groups (CHOCHOROWSKI 1975). of population have been localised (which also Herodote talks about: 29 PÁRDUCZ 1965b; HARMATTA 1968; BÖKÖNYI 1982. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008  THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE STEPPES 357 Nevertheless, it is an unusual fact that up to now “Scythian” finds occurred isolated only on the territo- ries crossed by these two routes and, on the publications of the “Scythian” type objects in eastern Europe, two free zones remain: the Karpatho-Ukrainian lowlands to north and south territory of the Maros river.30 Therefore, on the base of these difficulties, the work of Soviet scholars has also influenced those European scholars who put in evidence, instead, how much eastern Europe of Iron age was characterized by a mixed “Thrako-Scythian-type” culture, resulting to be much more close to the north-eastern Bulgarian cultures, basically for the burial ritual and the wheel-made pottery forms.31 The bearers of this new cultural “wave” would have been, therefore, the Thracians, who would have inherited from the Scythians on the Black Sea, through exchanges and relationships of various type, a part of their material culture, transmitting, then, it to the zones submitted to their political con- trol.32 Since Transylvania33 occupies a limited area and from the point of view of the archaeological cultures of 34 Iron Age shows a most unitary aspect, it is really the analysis of the more heterogeneous materials found in the Hungarian lowland, that has led one to identify different groups of Scythian finds,35 distributed over different geographical areas36: the north-west (Chotin),37 the north-east (Alsótelekes)38 and south (Szentes-Vekerzug).39 Differences are based, above all, both on different chronological location of the archaeological remains, the varia- tions of the funerary ritual and the presence of the wheel-made pottery, completely absent in Transylvania.40 The first Scythian objects (dated to c. the half of the 6th century BC) are found in the northern part of the Carpathian Basin, at Alsótelekes41 and they have often been interpreted as the result of a movement of popula- tions that, from the right shore of the Dnepr, behind the pressure of the Scythians, moved toward west, crossing the routes that put in communication the middle Dnepr with the Tisza valleys.42 The arrival of this new migratory wave, would have determined, in turn, a movement of populations of the Mezőcsát43 culture (or post-Gáva) from the north-eastern zones of the Carpathian Basin toward the south of Alföld,44 where the “Scythians” would be arrived only at the end of the 6th or at the beginning of the 5th century BC (phase II).45 It is a common opinion that, once settled in the Alföld, these populations have diminished the relation- ships with the “historical” region of the Scythians, in how much new evidences about the arrival of further ele- 30 KRUSZELNICKA 1979; PÁRDUCZ 1973; POPOVICH 1997. postulated that this group is to be identified with the Syginnoi 31 MELJUKOVA 1979. (Herod. V, 9), a people of Iranian origin settled in the Carpathian 32 DUŠEK 1978. Basin after the defeat of the Cimmerians from the Scythians. 33 POPESCU 1962; CRIŞAN 1965; VASILIEV 1976. 40 VASILEV 1980. 34 Some scholars have related the elements of this culture to the 41 (PATAY–KISS 2001–2002) Agatirsi of the Herodotean tradition (IV, 48, 100, 192, 104) border- 42 SMIRNOVA 1993; CHOCHOROWSKI 1998. The repeated pres- ing with the Scythians at north and located, according to the Greek sures of the Scythians of 6th century BC on the not Scythian popula- historian, in the country from whose the Maris comes (the actual tions of southern Russia, whose effects are known up to the eastern river Maros) (CRIŞAN 1967; VULPE 1967; VASILIEV 1980; Europe, would be intensified, perhaps following the military action MELJUKOVA 1989). Despite the attempts to give a name to the popu- of Darius I against them (514/513). lations of Iron age in Transylvania, many doubts still remain if the 43 There are not known at the moment, unfortunately, classes of Agatirsi belong to the Cimmerians, Thrakians or Scythians materials or architectonic structures attributable to the phase of (PÁRDUCZ 1971). passage from the Mezőcsát to the Scythian culture. There is a hiatus 35 CHOCHOROWSKI 1985. in our knowledge, therefore, as it regards the period that goes from 36 N. FETTICH (1928) had identified as areas of Scythian culture, the half of 7th to the half of 6th century BC. This gap could be in the Transylvania, the Tisza and Transdanubian region; À. BOTTYÁN some measure filled up, perhaps, with the discoveries of Me- (1955), had replaced this last region instead with the Karpatho- zőkövesd-Mocsolyás (north-eastern Hungary) (KALICZ–KOÓS Ukrainian, and included in the Tisza region together with the Alföld, 1998). also the north-eastern group; PÁRDUCZ (1965b) had inserted Tran- 44 In the Final Bronze age, the highest concentration of inhuma- sylvania, putting Slovakia with the north-eastern group. tions occurred in the zones of north-eastern Hungary interested by 37 Chronologically this is the most recent group, formed follow- the Mezőcsát culture (CHOCHOROWSKI 1993), but the push of the ing the Scythian invasion of Slovakia in the second half of the 5th Scythians causes their move in the Alföld, where the burials in century BC, characterized in prevalence by burial rite (DUŠEK 1966). supine or huddled up position constitute one of the fundamental 38 The group formed before the others in the half of the 5th cen- conditions to the birth and to the affirmation of the Vekerzug culture tury BC (PATAY–KISS 2001–2002), connoted by the presence of the on a precedent local substratum primarily characterised by the Scythian-type elements more archaic and the incineration ritual. incineration practice (for instance Gáva culture, CHOCHOROWSKI 39 The archaic Scythian-type elements are rare and the burial rite 1998). predominates. T. SULIMIRSKI (1961) and J. HARMATTA (1968) have 45 CHOCHOROWSKI 1985. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008 358 B. GENITO ments related to the Scythian culture of southern Russia46 do not seem to exist. A site that countersigns the most ancient level of this new occupation would be Szentes-Vekerzug, that gives the name to the whole culture.47 The question related to the chronology of numerous cemeteries is still far from an interpretative a solu- tion: Chochorovski48 dates, in fact, the site of Alsótelekes to the beginnings of the 6 century BC, as some Tápiószele49 and Csanytelek graves,50 while the Ártánd cemetery51 is almost unanimously dated to the half of the 6th century BC only thanks to the presence of a bronze hydria of Spartan production.52 The Excavation The mikro-region project promoted by the IAHAS originated from the idea to explore, with a modern territorial approach a flat and poorly inhabited area of the Hungarian lowland, enough vast to include archaeo- logical remains but, at the same time, rather homogeneous from the point of view of its material evidence.53 Inside this selected area, the I.A.H.A.S. had already started a project of topographic surveys, aimed at finding and numbering all the sites present within arbitrary limits chosen in the Körös basin, in the Békés county (South-Eastern Hungary) (Fig. 1), close to the border with the Szolnok county; the area is irregularly polygonal- sh, with the vertexes touching at north the cities of Gyoma-Endrőd, at east Szarvas and at south Örménykút (Figs 2, 3). The project was aimed at conducting both a long term and small scale investigations and archaeological excavations, and at studying the evolution of the archaeological cultures, following the chronological and cultural processes that had brought to the formation of the Hungarian State in the 10th century.54 Campaigns of excavation at Endrőd 19 (1987–88, 90, 94) This integrated program of topographical survey, geo-physics, geo-archaeological and archaeological detections using non destructive methods of study working on different scales, was mainly useful to identify and interpret the territorial and cultural changes occurred in the site-areas in different epochs, and try to establish a rank-size settlement analysis (relationship order-greatness), aimed lastly at analysing the relationships among every site inside the region according to their periods of occupation. Preliminary operations, before the real ar- chaeological excavation, were done in order to analyse and understand the area from physical and geo- archaeological point of view, resulted as particularly meaningful, basically in such an area characterised by the lack and the insubstantiality of macroscopic architectonic traces left by the presence of the settlements: stone in the Hungarian lowland as material of construction was practically unknown in ancient time; clay, reeds and wood were, instead, mostly used, and the housing structures are dug in the clay bench.55 The geo-physical prospecting constituted therefore a valid and irreplaceable help, that have allowed one to locate the areas object of future archaeological investigation with a better precision and detail in comparison with a much less systematic tradi- tional topographical survey.56 The integrated system of geo-archaeological surveys takes the origin from the geo- 46 PÁRDUCZ 1973. 51 PÁRDUCZ 1965a; 1965b. 47 PÁRDUCZ 1952; 1954; 1955. 52 The Ártánd hydria, nevertheless, constitutes one of the few 48 CHOCHOROWSKI 1998. Greek finds on the Hungarian territory (SZILÁGYI 1963) and could 49 Párducz dates, instead, the beginning of the cemeteries back to be, more easily, a prestigious object (of antiquarian market) found in the last third of the 6th century BC thanks to the presence of a the grave of a Celtic commander, received in gift or taken as loot of bronze handled mirror decorated by a ram protome, that finds com- war following the military consignments in Greece of the 3rd cen- parison with the material of the northern coast of the Black Sea tury BC. (PÁRDUCZ 1966, 87). 53 JANKOVICH–MAKKAY–SZŐKE 1989. 50 GALÁNTHA 1981; GALÁNTHA 1982–83; GALÁNTHA 1984; 54 GENITO 1995. GALÁNTHA 1986. The author of the excavations dates the beginning 55 CATTANI 1994. of the cemeteries thanks to the presence of a ship-shaped fibula of 56 GENITO 1992b; GENITO 1994. the half of the 6th century BC (GALÁNTHA 1981, 58). Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008  THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE STEPPES 359 Fig. 1. General Map of Hungary; on the background Fig. 2. Map of mikroregio, from IAHAS the boundaries of the counties, from Google Fig. 3. On the background the outlines of the Mikroregio, from Google Fig. 4. General outline of sites nos. 19 and 18, from Military Map, 1:10.000, 1968 Fig. 5. General map with contour lines by M. Mascellani and I. Chiesi Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008 360 B. GENITO physical, geo-morphological, photo-interpretation and aerial-photos investigations and analyses, from the study of the stratigraphy through core-drillings as well.57 This long and complex series of analyses was of big help in identifying areas to be dug, greatly reducing the time of excavation, and yielding additional data, to be used in the final interpretative process, especially in relationship with the spatial distribution of sites and settlement models in use on the territory.58 In 1987 the first geophysical investigations on Endrőd 19 started, aimed at widening the area of survey and starting vast scale operations of archaeological investigation. The site is mapped on the cartographic sheet Endrőd 609–231 (1:10 000, published in 1968) (Fig. 4); the area, nearly flat and very ample, had been using as a maize field. In 1988, a new topographical survey produced a detailed map of the whole area, with particular evi- dence of the different curves and levels (Fig. 5), whose wavy alterations and changes could correspond to the outlines of the underlying archaeological layers. In order to verify on the field the different consistency among the site-areas and the non-site areas, to test the archaeological deposits as well, it was decided to open a north- south long trench cutting the area of the deposit to north, characterised by the accumulation of alluvial material from dead branches of the Körös river to south, fundamentally deprived of any archaeological evidences. The trench, called section no 1, 50 long and 1,5 m deep, reached the level of the virgin soil, constituted by the bench of sandy ground, yellow coloured (Fig. 6). The analysis of the stratigraphic sequence shown in the section re- vealed three main levels: the first, the present arable, characterized by a fat and a soil very rich of nourishing substances, called “černozëm” (Fig. 7); the ancient arable, mixed with sacks mixed with the archaeological de- posit, which, in turn, was covered by the third, the bench virgin, characterized by a slimy ground yellow coloured (Fig. 8). Every these three main levels could be sub-divided, in turn, in further micro-layers. At 34 m from the southern point of the section, a clear change was, however, observed in the archaeo- logical deposit: first of all from a geological point of view, it changed from a soil of alluvial accumulation left by the river (south portion of the section) to an alluvial mixed with an anthropic one toward north; to this it was added, besides, also a definite change in the archaeological deposit, evidenced by a more consistent presence of ceramic fragments and a better state of theirs conservation, not to say that some points of this part could also be tracked down in the section by holes and remains of structures, perhaps even housing unity. The archaeological materials brought to the light confirmed, therefore, the hypothesis of the presence of an archaeological layer, extending from 34 m c. from the southern point, to north, therefore.59 The evidence of ceramics, however, did not entirely serve to the localisation of the site area, furnishing therefore the pretext to start an extended archaeologi- cal investigation; thanks to the dating of the fragments and the examination of their stratigraphic position in the deposit, contributed to its identification as well: the later ceramic material representing, in fact, a clear terminus ante quem for the chronology of the whole area subject to investigation. Eleven ceramic fragments among the fourteen collected are located in the zone more to north of the sec- tion: the limits of the archaeological deposit were visibly clear therefore.60 Unfortunately their distribution and the simple position of the layers did not help one to interpret for sure the archaeological deposit, for which it was therefore necessary to make an enlargement of the investigations, with the purpose to verify its extension and consistence. After few months the results of the new survey allowed one to enlarge the excavation area and the origi- nal trench had widened for 28 m to north, and 20 m to south, to understand the whole area in which the more consistent archaeological deposit and traces of ancient structures were found (Fig. 9). The area so identified was denominated sector A and, after having been cleaned up by the vegetation, was divided in five different sectors (A I–V) for a detailed surface survey (Figs 10, 11). After these operations, the excavation started through the use of a mechanical scraper, in order to quickly reach the archaeological level, in the less possible destructive way as well. The technique used provide the operations with an earth moving according to regular cuts, whose thickness were calibrated on the depth of the archaeological deposit, as resulted from the analysis of the stratigraphy of section no 1. In the specific case, we reach the ancient level of arable mixed with the archaeological deposit (Figs 12, 13). 57 CUCARZI 1992a; CUCARZI 1992b. 59 GENITO 1992b, 350–352. 58 GENITO 1994. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008  THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE STEPPES 361 Fig. 6. Sectioon no. 1, from North, after MAI, IsIAO Fig. 7. Section No. 1 by M. Cattani, I. Chiesi and M. Cremaschi Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008 362 B. GENITO Fig. 8. Section No. 1 by M. Cattani, I. Chiesi and M. Cremaschi The appearance of first traces of an elliptic course of a small canal (Fig. 14) and of numerous isolated spots with ceramic material started after some cuts. In other areas interested by digging, apparently without some connection among them, the rests of numerous pits were located, from which it has been possible to collect mate- rial ceramic for a large extent attributable to the Late Bronze and early Iron Age, with sporadic presence of frag- ments of the Celtic and Sarmatian periods. Probable structural elements came to the light in the central and in the southern portions of Sector A, suggesting the presence of a housing unity. In the southern part appeared on the surface, besides, also the remains, not in anatomical connection, of a horse: the skull, some vertebrae and a hoof (A 4) (Fig. 15). The outline of a structure (A 33) on the ground nearly circumscribed an ovoid area measuring 5 x 3 m, came to the light: already from the first phases of excavation it was evident that it could be a structure dwelling- like in character, probably a pit-house (Fig. 16). As it was already previously defined, a technique of excavation was used including only in the first phase a partial emptying of the structure: once dug the first half, the stratigraphic sequence was analysed in sec- tion and only then the excavation continued of the second half. In structure A 33, after having identified its edges, it was decided to go on with cuts of 6 cm each. To the seventh cut, to a depth of –45 cm c., the bench resulted cut by the outlines of different pits and post-holes (Fig. 17). Along the north-eastern side of the structure a narrowing profile due to the presence of a structural element was identified, perhaps belonging to the steps or an oblique plan for the access. Reached the bottom of the hut and made empty all the holes, it was begun the excavation of the other half of structure A 33, always beginning from the edges and proceeding toward the centre. It was much probably a semi-buried residence [(pit-house much widespread over these zones of alluvial lowland, where very poor and scarce (essentially mud and reeds) are the materials for constructions and housing units]. The typology of the entrance to south and marked by two post holes, that probably supported a small roofing system, besides it, follows a scheme that has evident analogies with a lot of other housing units of Celtic period. In other areas of Sector A were brought to the light holes and isolated finds of ceramic fragments. An- other big structure, denominated A 38 (Fig. 18), was located in the area covered by a canal and next to the eastern border of excavation. Unlikely from A 33, this last structure, presented a irregular curvilinear outline, interested by a post-hole on the eastern side. In the southern portion, it was possible to distinguish the bench of ground virgin yellow coloured that also constituted the bottom. In the eastern and northern part, instead, it quickly de- scended gradually and could be reached only after some further cuts. In the western portion of the structure they were found, instead, the remains of two hearths, parallel and set the one to the other, that presented traces of ash and coal mixing to the yellow ground of the fund (Fig. 19). After having identified other three areas of finds isolated by the well defined contours near the western border of the sector of excavation and one on the southern limit (A 36), we went on emptying the respective fill- ings, not reaching, nevertheless, to some meaningful aspects, both from the structural, and material point of view. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008  THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE STEPPES 363 Fig. 9. Archaeological deposit (IsMEO, Dep. Neg. 16698/12; 16698/11) Fig. 10. The areas of section and of Excavation Fig. 11. Sector A after the cleaning from the vegetation, , after MAI, IsIAO after MAI, IsIAO Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008 364 B. GENITO Fig. 12. Earth moving with the scraper, after MAI, IsIAO Fig. 13. Earth moving with the scraper, Fig. 14. First remains after the earth moving operations, after MAI, IsIAO after MAI, IsIAO Fig. 15. Horse’ skull and hoof, after MAI, IsIAO Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008  THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE STEPPES 365 Fig. 16. Sector A traces of structure A33, Fig. 17. Structure A33 after the excavation of the first half, after MAI, IsIAO after MAI, IsIAO Fig. 18. Structure A33 after the excavation, from North, Fig. 19. Structure A38 after the excavation, from North, after MAI, IsIAO after MAI, IsIAO Fig. 20. Sector B structure B9, from South, Fig. 21. Structure B8, from East, after MAI, IsIAO after May, IsIAO Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008 366 B. GENITO Already after the first operations effected with the mechanical scraper, two big areas were identified with irregular perimeter interested around by edges of ground with different pedological characteristics from the basal ground, in an area close to sector A, denominated B, one in the north-western angle, denominated B 9 (Fig. 20), the other in the north-eastern, B 8 (Fig. 21). For both the areas, the search of surface has yielded numerous ceramic fragments, indicators of the existence of a consistent archaeological layer in the underlying levels. Other zones of the sector were interested instead by pits (B 11), and isolated finds of ceramic spots (B 1, 2, 3) and an unusual type of quadrangular hole, whose emptying does not have nevertheless given back any trace of archaeo- logical materials. Others operations interested basically the enlargement of Sector B toward North and the opening of a new adjacent to sector A toward East, denominated C. In Sector A, all the activities were located instead, in the western portion, behind the limit of excavation. The attention was concentrated on a small area with enough regular circular outlines already identified and called A 37 (Fig. 22). We could go on, as usual, digging the only western half in which two pots-holes were located cutting the bench of ground of yellow colour. The fact that the bottom of the structure could be reached only after two cuts put many doubts about the real destination of the use of the structure. However, some post- holes were found. The operations moved therefore toward South, where the situation looked like very complicated because the area seemed to have been interested in ancient by numerous interventions and earth-moving. We could go on excavating the structure A 36 clearly visible after the enlargement of the area of excavation of the Sector toward south. This last structure shared with A 39 the superficial layer rich in coal and had a filling constituted by ter- rain brown dark coloured; to the fourth cut, besides, wide spots of ground burnt with coal remains but little ce- ramic elements were underlined. Three holes were individualised on the yellow bottom, of which two rather deep (1 and 3) set to the centre of the structure according to a model already identified in the structures of this sector; two post-holes have been identified in the western half. Immediately behind the perimeter of A 36 toward north, isolated holes were recovered, characterised by a scarce depth and ceramic material. In Sector B the limits of excavation were extended toward north: both the structures identified (B 8 and B 9), were emptied through cuts up to reach the bench virgin. In structure B 9, a great deal of ceramic elements, some of notable dimensions, were brought to the light in the third cut, when in the archaeological deposit, consti- tuted by very soft and of almost terrain black coloured, were identified also numerous traces of clayey concre- tions combusted and coal frustules. This layer of burnt ground went down up to the tenth cut, where it assembled more and more toward the centre of that that seemed to be a real structure of ample dimensions and consistent depth. The superior cuts did not represent other, therefore, than the area of dispersion of this burnt area. Once reached the yellow bench, around the twelfth cut, were located on the bottom structural traces of post-holes and, really to the centre, a sort of very hard and compact base constituted by a sandy ground of yellow colour, with traces of clayey concretions perhaps due to the exposure of atmospheric agents. In two post-holes that cut the bottom traces of combustion and some fragments of decorated coarse ceramics were identified. The completed dig of B 8 was done during the last work campaign (1994): it was a semi-buried structure of irregular form, characterised inside by numerous holes, some also rather wide, but without any element of structural character that could led one to think it was a residence (Figs 23, 24). A new sector was opened to east of the Sector A, north-south oriented, Sector C and measuring 5 x 20 m; cuts of 10 cm were effected for reaching the level of the archaeological deposit but the only structural rests brought to the light, and datable, on the basis of the ceramic finds, to the medieval age was a pit. A further trench was opened in a new area, D, separated from sector A and B. The area was not very am- ple, and presented nevertheless isolated spots of pottery fragments, post-holes and other remains of activities of medieval and modern period (D 6, D 4, D 2, D 5, D 8) (Fig. 25), below which two refuse pits were found con- taining material ceramic of Celtic period (D 1 and D 7). In the northern portion of the excavation the outlines of a big structure of rectangular form, enough regular (D 3) were brought to the light (Fig. 26), which was progres- sively emptied for cuts of c. 8–10 cm. In the southwest corner, following the removal of the fifth cut, a strati- graphic unit was underlined, clearly characterized by a very compact lime (US 3) that, once removed, disclosed a Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008  THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE STEPPES 367 Fig. 22. . Structure A37 with post-holes, after MAI, IsIAO Fig. 23. Outline of the remaining part of Structure B9, Fig. 24. Remaining part of Structure B9 during, after MAI, IsIAO the excavation in 1994 after MAI, IsIAO Fig. 25. Structure D4, 2, 5, after MAI, IsIAO Fig. 26. Structure D3, after MAI, IsIAO Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008 368 B. GENITO a – 4x; Nicol//:Matrix with clayey aggregate b – 4x; Nicol//: Dis-homogeneity in the body c – 4x; Nicol X: Evidences of dishomogeneity d –4x Nicol X: Example of fine body with clayey inclusions (ARF) with mica crystals without dis-homogeneity e –4x Nicol X: Example of body fine without dis-homogeneity Fig. 27. Microscopical optical observations Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008  THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE STEPPES 369 rather deep pit, filled with material ceramic of unloading. In the rest of the structure, instead, we reach up to the sixth cut, which covered the layer of sterile lime: this last resulted as very compact and presented some edges of terrain carefully levelled and compressed. CONCLUSIONS The excavation’s seasons conducted at Endrőd 19 have revealed interesting aspects of a multi-layered settled area. The use of excavated-areas, although not everywhere fully recognised as inhabited areas, led one to make some considerations: the site was occupied in differing periods by people sharing the same way and tech- niques of life. To excavate pits, graves, dwellings, ditches and channels constituted different aspects of the same modes of occupying and living in such a given territory. The clay was the main and direct resource for those people to be used in order to plan and regulate every kind of local activities due also to their profound knowledge of the soil and terrain at disposal. The particular use of excavated dwellings could suggest the presence of tempo- rary living systems there, constituted by sheds of uncertain function and of difficult architectonic reconstruction. We cannot say for sure to what extent they represent living traces of nomadic character, but certainly the periods recognised in the area and the architectonic evidenced relate to different historical times of their presumed inva- sion or coming to the Carpathian Basin. The wheel-making ceramic production present on the excavated struc- tures, and about which others are elaborating and formulating specific considerations, in particular about the presumed its Scythian origin (Menna in print), will certainly contribute to a most complete comprehension of the whole archaeological excavations of Endrőd 19.61 The presence of numerous post-holes, fire-places and a quite large amount of pottery (c. 5000 fragments, the un-diagnostic and the diagnostic together) gives, furthermore, evidence of settling modalities which according to different morphological, typological ceramics coordinates are each other chronologically related. The fragments have been analysed not only in their morphological and typo- logical evolution,62 but also in their fabrics consistence; this is an added value to be considered to the light of the full knowledge of the site. A part from the macroscopic observations on the whole set of the fragments, made on the field, optical microscopic and chemical XRF analyses have been effected on a small number of samples by the ISTEC (Istituto di Scienze e Tecnologia dei Materiali Ceramici of Faenza), whose preliminary microscopic results were discussed by Dr. Menna in her PHD dissertation,63 and shortly here represented (Fig. 27, a-b-c-d-e), whilst the nine samples submitted to the XRF analysis, are characterised as well by the following main chemical compositions: Further, already planned, analyses will be of great help in understanding the general aspects of the ce- ramic production evidenced at the site. Table 1 Chemical Composition of the body clay (% in weight of the oxides) Samples SiO2 Al2O3 TiO2 Fe2O3 MnO MgO CaO Na2O K 2O P2O5 P.F. en B19 2 68,80 17,78 0,78 5,86 0,06 1,60 1,16 0,94 3,03 0,26 1,60 en B8 3 67,29 19,05 0,77 5,60 0,10 1,48 1,53 0,75 3,43 0,41 4,76 en B9 6 67,43 18,91 0,77 5,59 0,06 1,69 0,75 0,75 4,08 0,21 5,72 en B9 8 65,22 20,85 0,80 5,88 0,04 1,67 0,81 0,66 4,08 0,12 5,76 en D3 10 66,92 20,43 0,94 5,18 0,06 1,68 1,11 0,83 2,83 0,18 n.d. en D3 11 66,08 20,49 0,87 5,19 0,05 2,23 0,96 1,31 2,82 0,28 0,98 en D3 14 67,13 19,33 0,83 5,70 0,08 1,69 1,45 0,81 2,98 0,16 1,57 en D3 15 68,52 17,88 0,79 5,60 0,06 1,66 1,01 0,90 3,59 0,14 5,40 en A42 17 69,05 18,72 0,81 5,68 0,06 1,41 0,84 0,96 2,47 0,18 2,08 n.d. un-determined Hand made Fragments Wheel-made Fragments 60 GENITO 1992b, fig. 13, 16. 62 MENNA 2004; MENNA in print. 61 GENITO et alii in press. 63 MENNA 2004. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, 2008 370 B. 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