Hibis Varia (§1-3): Diverse Liturgical Texts from Hibis Temple

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SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 4 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:52  Hibis Varia (§1-3): Diverse Liturgical Texts from Hibis Temple David Klotz Abstract Miscellaneous texts from the inner chapels from Hibis Temple are better understood by considering textual parallels from other temples and papyri from the New Kingdom through the Ptolemaic Period. These scenes include: (1) A procession of New Year’s vases, with a special reference to water generated underground in Heliopolis; (2) A widely attested offering text for idmy-linen; (3) A liturgical hymn celebrating the royal inheritance of Wennefer. Introduction Hibis temple is a true compendium of religious literature and iconography from the Late Period. Perhaps more than in any previous time in Egyptian history, 1 Oasis scribes decorated the temple walls with lengthy hymns, apotropaic rituals, and other texts which had previously been restricted to ritual papyri. As with the famous catalogue of divinities in the sanctuary, the wealth of ritual compositions might betray the anxiety of indigenous priests, who had witnessed the destructive invasion by Cambyses–or the Assyrians before him–and attempted to codify and preserve millennial sacerdotal knowledge on a more durable medium. Whatever the motives for the enhanced decoration program, Hibis represents a major step in the development of Egyptian temples, leading to Ptolemaic and Roman monuments where inscriptions cover all available surfaces.2 The substantial inscriptions extant at Hibis often provide valuable parallels and variants to liturgical texts attested in papyri, temples, and other sources. In addition to the five hymns to Amun inscribed within Hypostyle M,3 these compositions include:4 Plates 19-20 (bottom): Ritual of the Four Balls.5 Plate 20 (top): Book of the Dead, Chapter 175 (excerpt).6 Plate 22, East: Busirite Ritual for Osiris.7 1 Notable monumental forerunners include the Osirieion at Abydos and the Edifice of Taharqa in Karnak. 2 J. Assmann, Der Tempel der ägyptischen Spätzeit als Kanonisierung kultureller Identität, in: J. Osing (ed.), The Heritage of Ancient Egypt: Studies in Honour of Erik Iversen, CNIP 13, Copenhagen 1992, 9–25. 3 D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram: Five Hymns to Amun-Re from Hibis Temple, YES 6, New Haven 2006, with a list of parallels on pp. 223–5. 4 Note also that the cryptographic building inscriptions (Hibis III, Pls. 29, 51) reproduce extended sections of the dedicatory text of Ramesses II at Luxor: M. Boraik, Inside the Mosque of Abu el-Haggag: Rediscovering Long Lost Parts of Luxor Temple, a Preliminary Report, in: Memnonia 19, 2008, 125, n. 12; D. Klotz, Once Again, Min ( ): Acrophony or Phonetic Change? in: GM 233, 2012, 25–6. 5 E. Cruz-Uribe, Hibis Temple Project, I: Translations, Commentary, Discussions and Sign List (hereafter: HTP I), San Antonio 1988, 85–90; see also J.C. Goyon, Le Papyrus d’Imouthès Fils de Psintaês au Metropolitan Museum of Art de New-York (Papyrus MMA 35.9.21), New York 1999, 63–73. 6 A.-K. Gill, An Inscription from the Temple of Hibis in a New Light: The Second Register of the North Wall of Room H2 and its Parallel in a Late Period Papyrus, in: GM 241, 2014, 15–23. 7 E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 94–5, cf. also J. Yoyotte, Histoire, géographie et religion de l'Égypte ancienne: Opera Selecta (ed. I. Guermeur), OLA 224, Leuven 2013, 385–92, 397–400 (François Herbin is preparing a new edition of this text). SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 179 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  174 D. Klotz SAK 43 Plate 23, South: Hymn to Osiris from Mendes.8 Plate 23, North: Book of the Dead, Chapter 146w.9 Plate 32 (upper left): Hymn to Min, Lord of the Sehenet-shrine.10 Even the briefest quotations can signify broader liturgical contexts. The door to Chapel L, a room devoted to reaffirming the royal legitimacy of Horus and Darius I,11 contains two short texts addressing Horus with the phrase “greetings (inD-Hr=k)” (Hibis III, Pl. 8). The text on the right contains some minor omissions and graphic peculiarities, which resulted in a rather surprising translation by the first editor.12 Nonetheless, a direct parallel from Edfu clarifies the uncertain spellings:13 Hibis: Edfu: Hibis: Edfu: inD-Hr=k Greetings to you, Ha.ti m mnbi.t as you rejoice upon the throne!14 8 E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 97–100; D. Klotz, The Cult-Topographical Text from Qasr el-Zayyan, in: RdE 60, 2009, 26–7. This text contains excerpts of the hymn accompanying the Procession of Sokar; noted by J. Yoyotte, Opera Selecta, 40; J.-F. Quack, Eine Handschrift des Sokarrituals (P. Carlsberg 656), in: K. Ryholt (ed.), Hieratic Texts from the Collection, The Carlsberg Papyri 7, CNIP 30, Copenhagen 2006, 65, n. 1; F. Feder, Die verschiedenen Redaktionen des „Rituals des Herausbringens von Sokar aus dem Schetait-Sanktuar“, in: L. Gabolde (ed.), Hommages à Jean-Claude Goyon offerts pour son 70e anniversaire, BdE 143, Cairo 2008, 153, 160. 9 E. Cruz-Uribe, 100–2; see also U. Verhoeven, Textgeschichtliche Beobachtungen am Schlußtext von Totenbuchspruch 146, in: RdE 43, 1992, 169–94; F. Tiradritti, Il capitolo 146w del Libro dei Morti, in: VO 9, 1993, 71–106; A. von Lieven, Book of the Dead, Book of the Living: BD Spells as Temple Texts, in: JEA 98, 2012, 259; J. Yoyotte, Opera Selecta, 401. 10 E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 124–5; see further F. Feder, ,,Gruß Dir, Min-Amun, Herr der Sehnet-Kapelle!“: eine Hymne auf ihrem Weg durch die ,,Kultgeschichte“, in: C.B. Arnst, et al. (eds), Begegnungen: Antike Kulturen im Niltal. Festgabe für Erika Endesfelder, Karl-Heinz Priese, Walter Friedrich Reinecke, Steffen Wenig, Leipzig 2001, 111–22; E. Czerny, Remarques sur un hymne à Min-Amon et sur un bloc méconnu de Coptos, in: L. Gabolde (ed.), Hommages à Jean-Claude Goyon, 99–105. 11 Cf. J. Osing, Zur Anlage und Dekoration des Tempels von Hibis, in: S. Israelit-Groll (ed.), Studies in Egyptology presented to Miriam Lichtheim, Jerusalem 1990, II, 753, n. 2. 12 E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, p. 48: “Hail to you. May one rejoice over Montu (Haa.tw m MnTw), protector of the king of Lower Egypt (mk biti), for you have united the two lands together. You have hacked up the lands (bA.n=k idb.w), for your strength is great.” 13 Edfou VI, 270, 10–11. 14 For the various orthographies of mnbi.t, see primarily H. De Meulenaere, Notes ptolémaïques, in: BIFAO 53, 1953, 108–10; P. Wilson, A Ptolemaic Lexikon, OLA 78, Leuven 1997, 427–8. For the preposition m meaning “upon,” in the Hibis version, cf. J.C. Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar- SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 180 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  2014 Hibis Varia 175 zmA.n=k tA.wy n-zp Just as you united the two lands together at once, bA<k>.n=k idb.w so did you subjugate the shore-lands, (n) wr (n) nxt=k (because of) the greatness (of) your strength. The Edfu text occurs specifically in the context of the annual coronation of the local divine falcon (pA bik nTry). There it begins a detailed, 18-column hymn to the falcon recited by the king during the investiture ritual.15 In other words, the Hibis door jamb only records the incipit of what may have been a well-known hymn, suggesting that priests performed similar rituals at Hibis for the sacred ram of Amun. In the only complete translation of the temple, Cruz-Uribe often noted the existence of textual parallels that shed light on the terse, occasionally faulty hieroglyphic copies in Hibis,16 and I compiled synoptic editions of the major hymns to Amun in my own book. While all the offering scenes would benefit from such detailed textual comparisons, I will focus on some of the more interesting ritual texts in the following sections. 1. Libations for the New Year (Chapel I) Chapel I sits on the north side of the temple axis in Hypostyle B. Although the interior of the room is entirely anepigraphic, a considerable amount of decoration covers the area surrounding its outer door (Hibis III, Pl. 9). A horizontal inscription over the right side of the lintel indicates the general purpose of this space: “Come and behold the linen chapel! (mi mAA=k Hw.t-mnx.t),” while the inscription on the left mentions two terms for the temple treasury (pr-HD, pr-Sps, abA-n-DfAw).17 Further on, the horizontal inscription quotes a popular linen formula associated with Saite regional traditions: “Your cloth is upon the arms of the two crocodiles (mnx.t=k Hr a.wy n %bk.wy).” 18 Tayet, the goddess of weaving, appears twice, and the top register depicts Darius I consecrating four mr.t-chests with different types of ritual linen.19 The texts indicate that the room most likely stored linens and other sacred implements. Its position on the right side of the temple axis may also suggest that the room served as a type of Wabet, the setting for regular purification, anointing, and Osirian Unity. Cryptographic Compositions in the Tombs of Tutankhamun, Ramesses VI and Ramesses IX, OBO 198, Fribourg and Göttingen 2004, 296, n. 98. 15 Edfou VI, 270–3; M. Alliot, Le culte d’Horus à Edfou au temps des Ptolémées, BdE 20, Cairo 1949- 1954, II, 624–31. 16 See also E. Cruz-Uribe, Opening of the Mouth as Temple Ritual, in: E. Teeter, J.A. Larson (eds), Gold of Praise: Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honor of Edward F. Wente, SAOC 58, Chicago 1999, 69–70. 17 For the latter term, cf. D. Meeks, Dictionnaire et lexicographie de l’égyptien ancien. Méthodes et résultats, in: BiOr 56, 1999, 576. 18 The same statement occurs in the great hymn to Amun in Hypostyle B (Hibis III, Pl. 33, cols. 28–9; D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, 111, 113–4, n. F, Pls. 7, 21, 41), and frequently throughout the Late Period: LGG VI, 265; T. Mekis, The Cartonnage of Nestanetjeretten (Louvre AF 12859; MG E 1082) and its Enigma, in: BIFAO 112, 2012, 257–9, with n. 9. The term is sometimes spelled %bk.ty, but this probably reflects a diminutive expression, similar to zA.ty or rw.ty, as noted by U. Verhoeven, P. Derchain, Le voyage de la déesse libyque: ein Text aus dem ,,Mutritual“ des Pap. Berlin 3053, RitEg 5, Brussels 1985, 40–1, n. ar. At Esna, for example, the two young crocodiles are identified with Shu and Tefnut. 19 See A. Egberts, In Quest of Meaning: A Study of the Ancient Egyptian Rites of Consecrating the Meret- Chests and Driving the Calves, EgUit 8, Leiden 1995, I, 99–100; II, Pl. 38 (discussing the latter scene in great detail). SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 181 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  176 D. Klotz SAK 43 clothing of sacred statues; 20 but such rooms are typically open-air spaces allowing for plenty of light, whereas Chapel I is dark and quite small. One relief deviates from the dominant clothing theme of the portal. Below the scene of the four mr.t-chests is another tableau in which four hieracocephalic deities kneel and carry vases of water (Fig. 1), followed by a kneeling figure of Hapi on the east wall. 21 The bottom register alludes to this scene, as a partially damaged figure of Hapi follows Darius I on the left side, standing before two water vessels upon a pot-stand.22 The caption above their heads labels them as “the Bas of Nekhen who consecrate cool waters (bA.w Nxn xrp(.w) obHw).”23 They face Amun-Re Lord of Hibis, who stands before a nms.t-vase on a pot-stand, and Hathor Lady of Dendera, Eye of Re, Lady of Hibis. Figure 1 – Water Procession, Hibis Temple from: Hibis III, Pl. 9 Hathor’s presence here is significant, as otherwise she appears only sporadically at Hibis.24 Indeed, the combined offering of new linens and ceremonial water vessels occurs specifically in a New Year’s festival culminating in the hieros gamos between Amun and Hathor.25 The inscriptions on Chapel I may thus refer to a New Year’s festival at Hibis, wherein the divine statues would have been washed, brought to the temple roof to unite with the sun disk (Xnm itn), adorned in fresh linens and jewelry, and finally returned to their shrines. Yet while the texts may commemorate a single annual festival, similar rites would have been performed daily throughout the year.26 20 F. Coppens, The Wabet. Tradition and Innovation in Temples of the Ptolemaic and Roman Period, Prague 2007, 219–21 (only discussing the rooftop chapels at Hibis, not the present chamber). 21 Hibis III, Pl. 13 (upper left). 22 Hibis III, Pl. 9, lower left. This motif is repeated in on the south wall of the sanctuary at Ghueita: J.C. Darnell, D. Klotz, C. Manassa, Gods on the Road: the Pantheon of Thebes at Qasr el-Ghueita, in: C. Thiers (ed.), Documents de Théologies Thébaines Tardives (D3T 2), CENIM 8, Montpellier 2013, 11–2, Fig. 5. 23 E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 50. 24 Hibis III, Pls. 13, 14, 49. 25 A. Gayet, Le temple de Louxor, MMAF 15, Paris 1894, Pls. 50–1; M.-L. Ryhiner, La procession des étoffes et l’union avec Hathor, RitEg 8, Brussels 1995; W. Waitkus, Untersuchungen zu Kult und Funktion des Luxortempels, AegHamb 2, Gladbeck 2008, I, 34–6, 278; II, 43–6. 26 D. Klotz, CdE 86, 2011, 179–182. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 182 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  2014 Hibis Varia 177 Typologically, this offering scene and divine procession derives from New Kingdom precursors which Claude Traunecker had simply dubbed “les rites de l’eau”27 (Figs. 2-4). Similar examples appear in the temple of Sety I at Abydos, the temple of Ramesses II at Abydos, and the temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu.28 Figure 2 – Temple of Sety I, Abydos Figure 3 – Temple of Ramesses III, Medinet Habu from: Calverley, Abydos II, Pl. 30. from: Medinet Habu VII, Pl. 526 Figure 4 – Temple of Ramesses II, Abydos from: Naville, Détails relevés, Pl. 36 27 C. Traunecker, Les rites de l’eau à Karnak d’après les textes de la rampe de Taharqa, in: BIFAO 72, 1972, 195–236; neither Traunecker nor E. Cruz-Uribe (HTP I, 50), noted the similarity of the Hibis scene to the New Kingdom examples. 28 A.M. Calverley, The Temple of King Sethos I at Abydos, 1930, II, Chicago 1935, Pl. 30; E. Naville, Détails relevés dans les ruines de quelques temples égyptiens, Paris 1930, Pl. 36; (see most recently O. El-Shal, La chapelle d'Osiris (L/XIII) dans le temple de Ramsès II à Abydos, in: BIFAO 111, 2011, 346–7, 356–7) The Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu VII, Chicago 1964, Pl. 526; discussed by C. Traunecker, in: BIFAO 72, 1972, 222, 222–3 (Fig. 6), 227–8 (Fig. 7). SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 183 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  178 D. Klotz SAK 43 The accompanying inscription has thus far received only one complete translation, containing numerous uncertainties.29 In a review of my book, Adoration of the Ram, which focused exclusively on hymns to Amun-Re from Hibis, Carsten Knigge Salis questioned why I did not also include a translation of this text, deeming it “a eulogy to Amun-of-Hibis by the Bas-of-Nekhen” which “matches the hymns [to Amun] perfectly.”30 The reason is quite simple: the text is not a hymn addressed to Amun, but simply a developed offering formula. Besides a single divine epithet (cols. 1–2), the inscription focuses on the water being offered, and does not praise the god. Indeed, the Hibis text echoes the captions from the Ramesside examples, and briefly quotes the more common libation formula associated with the nms.t-vessel.31 Furthermore, this text is directly paralleled at Edfu (E1), in a bandeau inscription from the so-called “Chambre du Nil,” a transitional room used for introducing and blessing purification water. 32 The final section, meanwhile, resembles similar passages in the water-offering inscriptions from the ramp of Taharqa in front of Karnak temple (K), and an additional text from the “Chambre du Nil” at Edfu (E2). The existence of multiple variants demonstrates that this text is not a eulogy specific to Amun of Hibis, as Knigge Salis asserted, but a liturgical formula recited while introducing water into temples around Egypt. The parallels enable the restoration of many lacunae in the Hibis inscription, and they clarify some of the more unusual orthographies. Texts H Hibis III, Pl. 9, cols. 2-13. E1 Edfou II, 240, 2-5. E2 Edfou II, 244, 4-6. K Karnak, Ramp of Taharqa.33 1 H 2 H 29 E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 50. 30 C. Knigge Salis, in: JEA 96, 2010, 284; Knigge Salis also singled out a short hymn to Maat (Hibis III, Pl. 12, top), and a hymn to the Ram of Mendes (Hibis III, Pl. 23, south wall), but neither of these, by definition, were germane for my study of Amun hymns. 31 R. Lucarelli, A Libation Text in the Book of the Dead of Gatseshen, in: A. Amenta, et al. (eds), L’acqua nell’antico Egitto: vita, rigenerazione, incantesimo, medicamento, Egitto Antico 3, Rome 2005, 319–28; F. Contardi, Il Naos di Sethi I da Eliopoli: un monumento per il culto del dio sole (CGT 7002), Catalogo del Museo egizio di Torino, Monumenti e testi 12, Turin 2009, 197–208; A. Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult. Eine Studie zur Tradition und späten Rezeption von Ritualen im Alten Ägypten, SSR 2, Wiesbaden 2011, I, 74–7, 106–17, n. e; N. Tacke, Das Opferritual des ägyptischen Neuen Reiches, OLA 222, Leuven 2013, I, 83–92, 257–62, 273–6. 32 Edfou II, 240, 2–5; cf. M. Alliot, Le culte d’Horus à Edfou, I, 48. The parallelism was noted already by S. Cauville, Dendara. Le pronaos du temple d'Hathor: Analyse de la décoration, OLA 221, Leuven 2013, 190, who offered a brief translation. 33 C. Traunecker, in: BIFAO 72, 1972, Fig. 3, D. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 184 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  2014 Hibis Varia 179 3 H E1 H E1 4 H E1 5 H E1 6 H E1 7 8 H E1 9 H E1 10 H E1 11 12 13 14 H E1 SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 185 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  180 D. Klotz SAK 43 15 H 16 17 18 H K E2 19 H K E2 20 21 H K E2 Translation D(d)-mdw in bA.w Nxn n it=sn Recitation by the Bas of Nekhen to their father, Imn-Ra nb-ns.wt-tA.wy Amun-Re Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, pXr p.t-tA-Dw.w m nfrw=f (a) who surrounds heaven, earth, and the mountains with his goodness. in=n n=k obHw We hereby bring to you cool water pr(.w) m Abw which came forth from Elephantine. nms.(wt)=k m [Dam] your nms.t-vase(s) are of [electrum], s[nb].w(t)=k m nbw (b) your s[nb.t]-vases are of gold, (c) Hr(.w) m xsbD with lapis-lazuli faces. [iw imy.w=k Hr pr(.t)] hA(.t) (d) [That which was within you comes forth] and descends, Hr (e) swab [pr=k m nfrw=k] purifying [your temple with your perfection], swab.n tw Ra Ds=f Re himself has purified you! iw nms.(wt)=k mH(.w) Your nms.t-vases are filled m Hbby.t (f) with cooling inundation waters, msw.w(t) @api (g) the manifestations of Hapi, SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 186 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  2014 Hibis Varia 181 pr(.w) m Abw (h) which came forth from Elephantine, xpr(.w) m tA m Iwnw (i) and came into being in the ground in Heliopolis. wab(.w) (Hr) a.wy n nTr nfr (j) May it be pure (upon) the arms of the Good God, (k) in bAw=k waf tA.wy (for) it is your power which curbs the lands. zA=k ( )| anx(.w)-D.t mry=k Your beloved son <Darius>, may he live eternally, [wDA].w xr wdH.w (l) has [come forward] bearing the ceremonial vessels, ii.(w) tp nwy returning from the flood waters; nTr.w nb grt (m) all the gods, meanwhile, a.wy=sn (Hr) xrp obHw their arms consecrate cool water; nms.t anxy.t (n) r anx-[wAs] the nms.t- and anx-vessels are for life and [dominion], [Hr s]Htp [Imn-Ra nb]-![b] [app]easing [Amun-Re Lord] of Hi[bis], Hna psD[.t]=f together with his Ennead. (a) Jan Assmann included this epithet in a collection of texts describing the omnipresent beauty (nfrw) of the solar god.34 Nonetheless, this phrase finds a closer parallel elsewhere at Hibis, where Amun is called “the great god who comes forth from Thebes and surrounds the mountains with his perfection (nTr aA pr m-xnt WAs.t pXr Dw.w m nfrw=f).”35 The latter epithet alludes to the Oases, which are often referred to simply as “mountains (Dw.w).”36 Given the present context, the phrase nfrw might refer specifically to the Nun waters produced by Amun, as it does later in the present text (Hr swab [pr=k m nfrw=k]).37 (b) The traces suggest restoring s[nb].w[t], “vases.” 38 Descriptions of their precious mineral components are extremely common in such texts.39 (c) Alliot translated the Edfu version as “(enrichis) de lapis-lazuli,” 40 but the Hibis redaction reads “with faces (made from) lapis lazuli (Hr(.w) m xsbD).” This phrase must denote the theriomorphic vases traditionally used in this ritual, which are usually topped with the heads of local divinities (cf. Figs. 2, 4).41 34 J. Assmann, Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom: Re, Amun and the crisis of polytheism, London and New York 1995, 76–7; noted by E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 50, n. 44; C. Knigge, Das Lob der Schöpfung: die Entwicklung ägyptischer Sonnen- und Schöpfungshymnen nach dem Neuen Reich, OBO 219, Fribourg and Göttingen 2006, 274. 35 Hibis III, Pl. 18 (bis); E. Cruz-Uribe overlooked the parallelism and translated the second example differently: “who goes forth from Thebes to go about” (HTP I, 83). 36 O.E. Kaper, How the god Amun-nakht came to Dakhleh Oasis, in: JSSEA 17, 1987, 153, n. d; idem, Egyptian Toponyms of Dakhla Oasis, in: BIFAO 92, 1992, 123, n. 35; D. Klotz, in: RdE 60, 2009, 30, n. f. 37 For nfrw denoting the Inundation, see (inter alia), D. van der Plas, L’Hymne à la Crue du Nil, EgUit 4, Leiden 1986, I, 109; Dendara III, 104, 15; Dendara V, 99, 3 and 12; Dendara XII, 332, 16; Esna II, 12, 7; Esna VI, 491, 6; Opet I, 191. For Amun’s control over flood waters, see primarily M. Gabolde, L’inondation sous les pieds d’Amon, in: BIFAO 95, 1995, 235–58. 38 For the snb.t-vase used in this ritual, see C. Traunecker, in: BIFAO 72, 1972, 205, n. 3; P. Wilson, A Ptolemaic Lexikon, 861. 39 E.g. Edfou II, 231, 15; 235, 10; 241, 17; 242, 2; 145, 15; 249, 18; 260, 17; cf. C. Traunecker, in: BIFAO 72, 1972, 205, n. 6. 40 M. Alliot, Le culte d’Horus, I, 48; S. Cauville recognized the conjunction Hr, “and” (Dendara. Le pronaos du temple d'Hathor, 190: “en or et en lapis-lazuli”), but this does not fit the Hibis version. 41 See also C. Traunecker, in: BIFAO 72, 1972, 211–4. Egyptian texts only mention the “face (Hr)” of anthropomorphic or theriomorphic cult statues, whereas Egyptological terminology refers to the entire “head” SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 187 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  182 D. Klotz SAK 43 (d) The Edfu parallel has the more frequent combination pr-hAi (Wb. I, 521, 9–14), indicating that the apparent verb hAb, “to send” at Hibis is simply a graphic or phonetic error for hAi, “to descend.”42 (e) Despite its determinative, the word ihAy is not a word for jubilation,43 but a non- etymological spelling of the preposition Hr (Coptic: hi). Although rare in hieroglyphic inscriptions, similar examples appear in later Hieratic and Demotic texts, which render the same preposition as ih, Ah, r-Ah, or iH.44 (f) Cruz-Uribe rendered the term Hbb.t as “festival water” (HTP I, 50), but no spellings of this word would support a derivation from H(A)b, “festival.” Although a relatively banal designation of clean potable water – appropriate for drinking, ritual, and medical purposes – this word corresponds to “rejuvenating” or “fresh” water (mw rnp) in the Edfu parallel. If there is any etymological connection to Hnbb.t, “cool wind,”45 perhaps this term specifically designates chilled water, roughly synonymous with obHw-waters, but without any immediate semantic connection to the First Cataract region (also ObHw). (g) From the determinative in the Hibis version, this would seem to be a unique reference to the “children of Hapi (ms.w @api).”46 Such a translation might suggest that the androgynous deity Hapi would give birth to inundation children each New Year. Perhaps the naked dwarfs that populate Roman Nilotic scenes were simply baby genies of the Nile. 47 However, despite the determinative, this is more likely the related term msw.t, “divine image; manifestation.”48 In this case, the “images” of Hapi would simply be the ubiquitous fecundity figures who process along the lower register of temple walls, perhaps specifically those who emerge from the ground bearing water.49 (i.e. “ram-headed” or “criocephalic”); cf. Wb. III, 126, 4; S. Cauville, Un inventaire de temple: Les papyrus Berlin 10.472A et 14.400, in: ZÄS 122, 1995, 53, 58; for this phrase applied to vessels, see already Urk. IV, 732, 14 (Annals of Thutmosis III): dd.wt Hr.w n kA.w, “ceremonial dishes (with) bull heads.” 42 This particular error is attested in texts going back to the New Kingdom: S. Bojowald, in: BiOr 70/5–6, 2013, 702; cf. also D. Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische: eine Grammatik mit Zeichenliste und Übungsstücken, Hützel 2008–9, I, 508, n. 5. 43 Cf. E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 50: “Rejoice purify [...].” 44 M. Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, DPBM III, London 1987, 58, n. b to line 7; B. Backes, Three Funerary Papyri from Thebes: New evidence on scribal and funerary practice in the Late Period, in: BMSAES 15, 2010, 4; D. Kurth, Einführung ins Ptolemäische, II, 705, with n. 1. 45 D. Klotz, Caesar in the City of Amun: Egyptian Temple Construction and Theology in Roman Thebes, MRE 15, Turnhout 2012, 295, n. 436. 46 LGG III, 425a, only noted the Hibis text, not the Edfu parallel; so also E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 50: “the children of Hapy.” There are, nonetheless, isolated references to the son or daughter(s) of Hapi: LGG VI, 88 (zA-@api), 110 (zA.t-@api), 114 (zA.ty-@api); cf. also M. Müller, Niltöchter, Nymphen und die Nilbraut: Weibliche Wassergenien in Ägypten 2000 v. Chr. bis 2000 n. Chr., in: Imago Aegypti 3, 2010, 91–151. 47 For a recent interpretation of those figures, see P.G.P. Meyboom, M.J. Versluys, The Meaning of Dwarfs in Nilotic Scenes, in: P. Bricault, et al. (eds), Nile into Tiber: Egypt in the Roman World, RGRW 159, Leiden 2007, 170–208. 48 Wb. II, 141, 14; J. Baines, mswt «manifestation»? in: Hommages à François Daumas, Montpellier 1986, I, 43–50. 49 So also S. Cauville, Dendara. Le pronaos du temple d'Hathor, 190. Note especially Medinet Habu VI, Pls. 410–1; and cf. J. Tattko, Die hydrologischen Prozessionen – Verkörperungen einzelner Aspekte der Nilflut und des Fruchtlands, in: A. Rickert, B. Ventker (eds.) Altägyptische Enzyklopädien: Die Soubassements in den Tempeln der griechisch-römischen Zeit, Soubassementstudien I, SSR 7, Wiesbaden 2014, I, 361–440. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 188 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  2014 Hibis Varia 183 (h) S.H. Aufrère read this group as the “Nil (Hâpy) qui sort d’Abydos,” and offered various explanations for this “expression inattendue.”50 Nonetheless, the text clearly writes “Elephantine” ( ), precisely the expression one would expect to find in this context (cf. 1.1). (i) For this phrase, see the discussion (infra, 1.1). (j) In the Medinet Habu scenes, the Bas of Pe and Nekhen claim that the water is actually “upon the arms (Hr-a.wy)” of the king (Fig. 3). In the relief from the temple of Ramesses II at Abydos, meanwhile, the king runs behind the water carriers while holding multiple libation vessels in both hands (Fig. 4). (k) Note the pun on the Bas (bA.w) of Nekhen, and the prestige (bAw) of Amun of Hibis. (l) Cruz-Uribe imprecisely translated this term as “offerings,” 51 but wdHw more properly refers to the vessel stand (Wb. I, 393–4). In the specific context of water rituals, the related term wdH.w denotes the ceremonial vases themselves.52 (m) The Hibis version deviates from the rituals texts of Karnak and Edfu. The reference to divine arms recalls a caption from the corresponding scene in the temple of Ramesses II at Abydos (cf. Fig. 4):53 [...]=k [...] your [...], a.wy=n Xr snb[.w]t r sHtp kA=k our arms bear vases in order to appease your Ka. In the Hibis text, however, the group ( ) proceeds the mention of arms, so it cannot function as a preposition.54 Instead, it might simply be the enclitic particle gr, “meanwhile.” (n) Similar anx-shaped vessels often occur in related scenes (cf. Fig. 3, upper right corner), and they can even be combined with theomorphic lids.55 1.1 The Primeval Water of Heliopolis A large number of Graeco-Roman offering scenes mention water from both Elephantine and Heliopolis.56 Yet while these two cities, situated at opposite poles of Egypt, stand in 50 S. Aufrère, La liste des sept oasis d’Edfou, in: BIFAO 100, 2000, 83–4, n. b (italics mine). 51 E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 50, with n. 51. 52 C. Traunecker, in: BIFAO 72, 1972, 203, n. 4; E. Graefe, M. Wassef, Eine fromme Stiftung für den Gott Osiris-der-seinen-Anhänger-in-der-Unterwelt-rettet aus dem Jahre 21 des Taharqa (670 v. Chr.), in: MDAIK 35, 1979, 113, n. ax; P. Wilson, A Ptolemaic Lexikon, 520; CDD W (09:1), 205–6 (wtH, “dish”); Crum, CD 499a (ouoth, “pouring thing; cup”). 53 Naville’s copy of the text (as shown in Fig. 4) is slightly inaccurate; cf. O. El-Shal, in: BIFAO 111, 2011, 347. 54 Cruz-Uribe’s literal translation, “All gods are bearing their arms (nTr.w nb Xr a.wy=sn)” (HTP I, 50), makes little sense. 55 A. Sugi, Iconography and Usage of an anx-vessel in New Kingdom Temple Ritual, in: B. Haring, A. Klug (eds), 6. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung: Funktion und Gebrauch altägyptischer Tempelräume, KSGFH 3/1, Wiesbaden 2007, 237–55. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 189 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  184 D. Klotz SAK 43 apposition here and elsewhere, these texts do not necessarily imply the existence of two sources for Nile in Upper and Lower Egypt. 57 As scholars have explained previously, Heliopolis, or more precisely Old Cairo (Kheraha/Babylon), was home to “the Grotto (ImH.t)” or “the cavern of Nun (TpH.t Nwn),” whereas the “cavern of Hapi (TpH.t @api)” and twin sources of the Nile (orr.ty) were located near Elephantine. 58 Furthermore, the formulaic texts express this spatial-theological distinction through a subtle difference in syntax. While the cool water “emerges from (pri m)” Elephantine, it “comes into existence (xpr)59 amidst the earth (m-m tA)” in Heliopolis. The latter phrase differs from the former by including an additional geographic detail, and it usually employs a different compound preposition m-m (or m-a): m ,60 ,61 m-a ,62 ,63 ,64 m-m ,65 ,66 ,67 ,68 ,69 ,70 ,71 ,72 .73 Marc Gabolde noted the peculiar use of the reduplicated preposition m-m, which he translated in its “sens locatif « de dedans »,” suggesting that “le but est d’insister sur le fait que l’eau est profondément enfoui dans le sol.”74 However, such a meaning for m-m or m-a 56 For many examples, see M. Gabolde, in: BIFAO 95, 1995, 241–4; F. Contardi, Il Naos di Sethi I da Eliopoli, 198, b. To these, one can also add the present example from Hibis, as well as Dendara X, 330, 5–6; 336, 1; Dendara XI, 53, 3; 99, 3–4; Philä II, 81, 1–2 (partially damaged). 57 Cf. M. Gabolde, in: BIFAO 95, 1995, 240: “Mais le fait le plus remarquable en relation avec la crue est l’existence d’un autre source du Nil au sud du lieu-dit Kher-âha.” 58 D. van der Plas, L’hymne à la crue du Nil, I, 171–9; M. Gabolde, in: BIFAO 95, 1995, 240–4; J. Yoyotte, Un nouveau souvenir de Sheshanq I et un muret hèliopolitain de plus, in: RdE 54, 2003, 247, 251. 59 A few examples also use the verbs pri, “to come forth,” ini, “to be brought forth,” or simply employ an adverbial phrase: “he brings to you the Hapi of Upper Egypt, from within the earth in Heliopolis (m-m tA m Iwnw)” (e.g. Edfou II, 242, 7). 60 Hibis, Pl. 9 (above); JE 95838. 61 Dendara X, 336, 2. 62 G. Bénédite, Philae, 123, 13; Dendara IX, 145, 12; Dendara X, 180, 3. 63 P. BM 10064. 64 Edfou II, 150, 13; Dakke I, 106. 65 Edfou II, 241, 17; 242, 7. 66 P. Clère, La Porte d’Évergète, Pl. 39; Dendara XI, 146, 1; Esna II, 50, 4; Dendara II, 83, 19. 67 G. Bénédite, Philae, 9, 2 = Berlin Photo 1121. 68 Dendara VII, 126, 4; Dendara IV, 253, 9. 69 Edfou I, 320, 7; Médamoud I, 53, 2. 70 Edfou II, 240, 4-5. 71 Dendara II, 53, 7; Dendara IV, 253, 11; Dendara X, 330, 6. 72 Edfou II, 465, 18; Dendara VII, 132, 15. 73 Dendara VII, 70, 5. 74 M. Gabolde, in: BIFAO 95, 1995, 241; similarly F. Contardi, Il Naos di Sethi I da Eliopoli, 207: “le preposizioni (...) insistono sul concetto che l’acqua del Nilo sgorga dal profondo della terra.” SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 190 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  2014 Hibis Varia 185 is not otherwise attested,75 and the most literal translation would not be “from out of,” but “amidst the earth.” In other words, the preposition does not denote the origin of the water (as in the phrase: pr m Abw), but rather the location of its genesis. At the same time, the compound preposition helps disambiguate from the set expression xpr m NN, “to transform into NN.”76 An earlier precedent to this phrase occurs in the similar water-offering scene from the temple of Ramesses II at Abydos (cf. Fig. 4). 77 Behind the procession of the Souls of Nekhen is the following caption, the speech of the king: ii.n=i xr=k it=i Wsir That I have come before you, o my father Osiris, in=i n=k pr.t m Nwn is so I might bring you what came forth from Nun, HA.t pr.t m Itm the first (water) that emerged from Atum. This text, meanwhile, is an excerpt of a longer, widely-attested liturgical text accompanying the offering of nms.t-vases, known from both mortuary rituals and the Daily Statue Cult.78 While these texts usually employ the verb pri, variants from the tomb of Rekhmire and the Mut Ritual state that cool water came into existence (xpr) in Atum.79 In other words, the body of Atum, buried in the grotto (imH.t) of Heliopolis, was the source of the primordial waters that come into being (xpr) and emerge (pri) from him. Consequently, Nun itself originates deep below the ground, precisely amidst the earth in Heliopolis (xpr m-m tA m Iwnw). The conception that Atum was a deceased, primeval creator whose efflux provided water and sustenance dates back to the Pyramid Texts.80 In later periods, the liquifying corpse was attributed specifically to Sepa or Osiris-Sepa.81 As deceased ancestors and gods of kingship, Atum and Osiris shared many traits in common.82 The burial mound of Atum- 75 Wb. II, 2, 20–3, does register an abusive use of m-m, “wie blosses m oder im-”, but many of the examples come precisely from the examples listed above. 76 For this problem in other texts, see H. Buchberger, Sargtextstudien 1: Transformation und Transformat, ÄgAbh 52, Wiesbaden 1993, 219–25. 77 O. El-Shal, in: BIFAO 111, 2011, 346, 357, Fig. 11. 78 A. Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult, I, 250; II, 52–3 (NS05γ); N. Tacke, Das Opferritual des ägyptischen Neuen Reiches, I, 91, 257, 273; II, 83 (27.4a), 286 (63.3a), 308 (67.3, 6-7). In addition to the numerous parallels assembled in those works, one should add the present example from Abydos, as well as Esna VI, 476, 5. 79 N. de Garis Davies, The Tomb of Rekh-mi-Rē at Thebes, PMMAEE 11, New York 1944 II, Pl. 78 (discussed by A. Pries, Die Stundenwachen im Osiriskult, I, 108, with n. 343); N. Tacke, Das Opferritual des ägyptischen Neuen Reiches, I, 273; II, 308 (Episode 67). 80 J. Assmann, Das Leichensekret des Osiris: zur kultischen Bedeutung des Wassers im alten Ägypten, in: N.-C. Grimal, et al. (eds.), Hommages à Fayza Haikal, BdE 138, Cairo 2003, 5–16. 81 D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, 121–2, n. J (with references); see especially D. Meeks, Mythes et légendes du Delta d’après le papyrus Brooklyn 47.218.84, MIFAO 125, Cairo 2006, 173–4, 209, n. b. 82 K. Myśliwiec Beziehungen zwischen Atum und Osiris nach dem Mittleren Reich, in: MDAIK 35, 1979, 195–213; the two were closely associated at Heliopolis, cf. E. El-Banna, À propos des aspects héliopolitains d’Osiris, in: BIFAO 89, 1989, 101–26. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 191 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  186 D. Klotz SAK 43 Osiris-Sepa in Heliopolis served as the prototype for divine cemeteries (iA.t-nTri.t) throughout Egypt.83 As Marc Gabolde discussed, a similar theme occurs frequently in the Graeco-Roman period inscriptions from Medinet Habu, which was also said to contain a “grotto of Nun (TpH.t-Nwn).”84 This is because Kematef, the deceased primeval creator form of Amun, was essentially a local, ophidian manifestation of Atum.85 Buried within the Mound of Djeme, the serpent Kematef maintained control over the flow of subterranean Nun waters, and Re himself would travel south to Thebes to request a good inundation from his father.86 Belief in ancestral serpents who controlled the flood prevailed in the Late Period, and the local agathoi daimones of each nome were supposed to ensure good harvests and plentiful irrigation water.87 Yet this tradition ultimately derived from Heliopolis, which had long been home to a group of divine serpents called the “Council over the Flood Waters (DADA.t tp.t nwy).” 88 Although the flood emerged from Nubia or Elephantine, this body regulated the Inundation in Northern Heliopolis. This peculiarity is explained in epithets of one of the snakes most commonly associated with the Inundation (PXr-Hr):89 xnty m Iwnw r tA-%ty He who travels south from Heliopolis to Elephantine, ii m xdi and who then returns northward, @api m-xt=f with the Inundation behind him, Xr wADAD n tA bearing prosperity for the land. According to this text, PXr-Hr somehow voyages south to the First Cataract region, in order to bring the annual flood with him as he returns to his base in Heliopolis. As Jean-François Pécoil has discussed, 90 this and other passages indicate that the ancient Egyptians conceived of the Inundation as a North-South pendant to the East-West solar cycle. The flood-waters arose from Elephantine in the south, traveled north above ground to Heliopolis-Kheraha. At Cairo, apparently near Istabl ‘Antar, at a toponym called war.t,91 the 83 This Heliopolitan template is made explicit, for example, in Edfou II, 51, 12–13; cf. D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, 118, n. D. 84 M. Gabolde, in: BIFAO 95, 1995, 248–50. 85 For the connections between Atum and Kematef, see D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, 49, n. B, 138, n. A; idem, Caesar in the City of Amun, 134–5, 170–4 (Mut-Tefnut, daughter of Kematef-Atum). 86 D. Klotz, Caesar in the City of Amun, 140–1. 87 W. Waitkus, Die Heiligen Schlangen von Edfu, in: W. Waitkus (ed.), Diener des Horus. Festschrift für Dieter Kurth zum 65. Geburtstag, AegHamb 1, Gladbeck 2008, 265–83; idem, Die Beziehung der Heiligen Schlangen zur Urgötternekropole (jAt nTrjt) und zu den verstorbenen Urgöttern, in: D. Kurth, W. Waitkus (eds.), Edfu: Materialien und Studien, ITE-B 6, Gladbeck 2010, 131–62; R. Preys, Les Agathoi Daimones de Dendera, in: SAK 30, 2002, 285–98; S. Cauville, Dendara. Le temple d’Isis, II: Analse à la lumière du temple d’Hathor, OLA 179, Leuven 2009, 108–10. 88 L. Kákosy, The Astral Snakes of the Nile, in: MDAIK 37, 1981, 255–60; J.-F. Pécoil, Les sources mythiques du Nil et le cycle de la crue, in: BSEG 17, 1993, 91–110; S. Baumann, Die Beschreibung der Nilflut in der Nilkammer von Edfu, in: ZÄS 139, 2012, 1–18. 89 Edfou II, 260, 7; Philä I, 70, 12–14; S. Baumann, in: ZÄS 139, 2012, 12–14; for PXr-Hr in general, see LGG III, 110. 90 J.-F. Pécoil, in: BSEG 17, 1993, 91–110. 91 For this Heliopolitan toponym, identified elsewhere with Pr-@api, cf. D. Meeks, Mythes et légendes du Delta, 75, n. 158. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 192 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  2014 Hibis Varia 187 Nile would come to a standstill (aHa), spread across the fields of the Delta (Sm Hr wDb.w),92 and reenter the earth in the grotto (imH.t) of Nun. Just as Re would traverse the Duat from west to east each night, so the Inundation waters would move underground from north to south. This cycle might explain the particular spellings of xpr encountered in many examples. Although earlier texts like the Hibis version clearly write xpr, “to come into existence,” Graeco-Roman attestations often use xp (admittedly an extremely frequent variant of xpr), 93 once even employing the orthography (Dendara II, 53, 7). Such variants suggest that the common expression may have been reinterpreted with the verb xpi, “to travel; wander,” possibly with the specific nuance of “to pass away.”94 Accordingly, one could translate those attestations as more explicit references to the cyclical nature of the flood: “(the waters) which come forth from Elephantine, but which pass away (xpi) among (m-m) the earth in Heliopolis.” The same verb xpi applies to inundation waters in relation to the Heliopolitan Council over the Flood: “I make the srm-waters hurry to you (sin=i n=k srm), after they have passed away (Hr-xt xpi.w).”95 Such a north-south trajectory through the Underworld appears in other sources.96 For example, the Ogdoad were originally from Hermopolis, but they were believed to have “ended their lives in Heliopolis (skm aHa=sn m Iwnw),”97 and “entered back into the Nun waters within the Benben Temple (ao m Nwn xnt Hw.t-Bnbn).”98 From there, “they traveled south to Thebes,”99 where they ultimately “entered the Duat of Kematef (Ssp=sn dwA.t n Km-A.t=f),”100 that is in the Mound of Djeme at Medinet Habu. A text from Edfu elaborates that Thoth himself brought the Ogdoad to their final resting place:101 Hts.n=f tpy.w-a That he mummified the ancestors, m-xt km aHa=sn was after their lifetimes ended, xnty=f Xr=sn he went upstream bearing them, r spA.t-imnt.t IA.t-TAm.t to the Western District of Djeme, dwA.t n Km-A.t=f the Duat of Kematef. 92 Edfou II, 260, 2; Philä I, 70, 7–8; S. Baumann, in: ZÄS 139, 2011, 6. 93 E.g. Dendara IV, 253, 9 and 11; Dendara VII, 70, 5; 132, 15; Dendara X, 180, 3; 336, 2; Edfou II, 240, 4-5; Bénédite, Philae, 123, 13 94 Wb. III, 268, 17–259, 5; E. Graefe, #pj « weggehen, zur Ruhe gehen, sterben », in: RdE 22, 1970, 203– 4; LGG V, 686; S. Bojowald, Eine ägyptisch-semitische Parallele in Bezug auf die übertragene Bedeutung „sterben“ von Verben der Bewegung, in: UF 44, 2013. 95 Edfou II, 259, 13; S. Baumann needlessly emended the last phrase to read, with hesitation, “auf die Beete (Hr-xt spw (?))” (in: ZÄS 139, 2011, 3, with n. 24). 96 D. Klotz, Caesar in the City of Amun, 181–2. 97 Opet I, 27; for similar texts, see Urk. VIII, 95c; Deir Chelouit I, 31, 10. 98 Urk. VIII, 145i. 99 Opet I, 27. 100 Urk. VIII, 90c. 101 Edfou I, 289, 6–7; cf. M.-L. Ryhiner, L’offrande du lotus dans les temples égyptiens de l’époque tardive, RitesEg 6, Brussels 1986, 142–4; D. Klotz, Caesar in the City of Amun, 182. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 193 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  188 D. Klotz SAK 43 Similarly, the prominent official Psintesous from Xois in the Delta, dedicated a statue to Amun in Karnak (JE 36576), where he wished for the following privilege after his burial in the north:102 pr=i m Iwnw May I depart from Heliopolis, r Xnm WAs.t in order to unite with Thebes, pXr=i iA.wt nw +A-mw.t so I might go around the mounds of Djeme. Meanwhile, the most complete copy of the Book of Traversing Eternity, P. Leiden T 32, diverges from its parallels with an extended description of Theban festivals. After mentioning various religious sites in the Delta, including Heliopolitan landmarks such as the Hapi Temple (Pr @api), Gebel Ahmar (Dw dSr), and the Lower Egyptian Djeme, this redaction suddenly breaks away from the geographic pattern and mentions Djeme in Western Thebes. François-René Herbin assumed the interpolated Theban section resulted from word-association, comparing the two homonymous Djemes of Giza and Medinet Habu.103 Yet just like the Ogdoad and Psintesous, the owner of P. Leiden T 32 may have hoped to voyage directly from Heliopolis to the sacred regions of Thebes underground. All these diverse texts imply that Heliopolis was the primary terrestrial entrance to the Duat, the ideal burial place for both humans, gods, and even the Nile; in other words, Heliopolis was where one went to die. The precise geographic localization of the Duat is amply attested in funerary texts and solar hymns,104 and the Late Period architecture at Heliopolis apparently reproduced the famous portals (sbx.wt) of the Netherworld.105 A similar tradition is also preserved in Papyrus Vandier. When the corrupt Pharaoh Sisobek falls ill, his courtiers select the general and magician, Meryre, to die in his place, performing an Egyptian version of the “substitute king” better known from Mesopotamian omen texts.106 First, however, Meryre sends the king to Heliopolis to discover how one might gain access to the Duat (II, 14-15). After performing number of ceremonies at the solar temple of Re-Harakhty, Meryre enters the Underworld specifically in Heliopolis (III, 15).107 To summarize, certain Egyptian sources attest to an annual Inundation cycle, mirroring in many ways the daily solar circuit. Beneath the earth in Heliopolis, the corpse of Atum exuded primeval waters, specifically within the Grotto of Nun (TpH.t-Nwn). These did not leave the earth in Lower Egypt, but flowed underground towards Elephantine, under the direction of the Heliopolitan Council over the Flood Waters (DADA.t tp.t Nwn). Only there did the Inundation emerge from the ground, specifically from the Twin Caverns (orr.ty). 102 I. Guermeur, Le groupe familial de Pachéryentaisouy (Caire JE 36576), in: BIFAO 104, 2004, 256, D2, 258, n. e. 103 Fr.-R. Herbin, Le livre de parcourir l’éternité, pp. 132, 296. 104 See recently C. Manassa, The Late Egyptian Netherworld: Sarcophagi and Related Texts from the Nectanebid Period, ÄAT 72, Wiesbaden 2007, I, 424–7 (with many references). 105 J. Yoyotte, in: RdE 54, 2003, 230–6. 106 Noted by G. Posener, Le Papyrus Vandier, BibGén 7, Cairo 1985, 25, n. 3. 107 G. Posener, Le Papyrus Vandier, 27, 54–64. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 194 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  2014 Hibis Varia 189 The water flowed north until it reached Heliopolis, at which point it returned into the ground in the Grotto of Nun. Just as Re united with Osiris every night, so the Inundation waters would mingle with the corpse of Atum in Heliopolis, allowing the aquatic cycle to continue. In short, there were not two sources of the Nile, one in Heliopolis the other in Elephantine. The formula under discussion and its many variants emphasize that although the water may appear to arise (pri) from Elephantine, it actually originated (xpr) up north in Heliopolis. An echo of this tradition may be found in a later Arabic legend, the so-called “Abregé des Merveilles,” sometimes attributed to Mas‘udi (c. 900-950 CE). According to this story, a certain Haid seeks the mythical origins of the Nile, and receives the following information from a local devotee named ‘Amran:108 Marche dans la direction où tu te trouves, le long de ce lac. Tu arriveras en un lieu où tu trouveras une bête monstrueuse, dont tu verras le commencement, mais non la fin. Ne t’effraie pas et monte dessus. Cette bête est l’ennemi du soleil. Quand le soleil se lève, elle fond sur lui pour l’avaler, et n’est arrêtée que par l’ardeur de ses rayons. Quand il se couche, elle se précipite sur lui dans l’autre sens, espérant encore l’avaler. Monte donc sur cette bête et chevauche-la jusqu’à ce que tu aies rejoint le Nil. Descends-en alors, et remets-toi en marche (...) tu arriveras à une terre d’or: c’est dans celle-là que les mystères du Nil te seront révélés. After riding the beast and traveling through the lands of iron, copper, and silver, Haid reaches the land of gold, where he finally beholds the source of the Nile: Il vit l’eau descendre de cette muraille et se rassembler sous la coupole; elle s’y divisait ensuite et rejaillissait en quatre fleuves; trois de ces fleuves, sortant de trois des portes, s’enfonçaient sous la terre, le quatrième s’écoulait à la surface du sol: c’était le Nil. Certain fantastical elements of this story, such as the various mineral lands, have little to do with ancient Egyptian traditions. However, the enemy of the sun who tries to swallow the solar disk every day instantly calls to mind Apophis. Egyptian sources going back to the Coffin Texts specify that Apophis resided in a red mountain near Heliopolis, namely Gebel Ahmar.109 Just as in the Arabic legend, the crew of Re would battle the colossal serpent each morning and evening in this location, often called “the mound of Yak.” In other words, the late Arabic account also situates the subterranean origin of the Nile in the vicinity of Heliopolis. 108 Translation of B. Carraux de Vaux, L’abrégé des merveilles, traduit de l’arabe d’après les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris, Paris 1898, 348–9. 109 J.F. Borghouts, The Evil Eye of Apopis, in: JEA 59, 1973, 114–5; J. Yoyotte, Apopis et la montagne rouge, in: RdE 30, 1978, 147–50; A.P. Zivie, Les carrières et la butte de Yak, in: RdE 30, 1978, 151–62. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 195 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  190 D. Klotz SAK 43 2. Red idmy-Linen (Chapel I) As mentioned above, the decoration of the facade to Chapel I features several references to ceremonial linens. Immediately above the door is a scene in which the serpent-headed goddess Tayet presents cloth to Amun, Osiris, and Isis (see Fig. 5). Cruz-Uribe already noted the existence of several parallels to this text within the “Cloth Chapel” of Edfu, but many more versions exist. Indeed, this text is the standard formula for presenting dark red idmy-linen, found in both the Daily Statue Ritual and the Ritual of Opening the Mouth, with at least eighteen full or partial parallels.110 Certain passages ultimately derive from the Coffin Texts,111 while others are briefly quoted in Graeco-Roman Period offering scenes. Figure 5 – Red Linen Offering at Hibis from: Hibis III, Pl. 9 While the text is thus relatively well known, the Hibis redaction contains various textual corruptions or other idiosyncrasies, and is perhaps closest to P. CG 58031 (C). Comparison with all available versions improves the previous translation of the Hibis example, and resolves some difficult passages in the liturgical formula itself. 110 Many of the parallels were noted by É. Chassinat, Le mystère d’Osiris à mois de Khoiak, Cairo 1968, II, 650–1, and A. Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, I, 139, n. 4. For the P. Berlin and Abydos versions, see now also N.S. Braun, Pharaoh und Priester – sakrale Affirmation von Herrschaft durch Kultvollzug. Das Tägliche Kultbildritual im Neuen Reich und der Dritten Zwischenzeit, Philippika 23, Wiesbaden 2013, 169–171. 111 Notably Spells 231 (CT III, 299b-f; discussed by H. Willems, The Coffin of Heqata (Cairo JdE 36418): A case study of Egyptian funerary culture of the early Middle Kingdom, OLA 70, Leuven 1986, 82), and 608 (CT VI, 221; discussed by F. Servajean, Le tissage de l’Œil d’Horus et les trois registres de l’offrande. À propos de la formule 608 des Textes des Sarcophages, in: BIFAO 104, 2004, 523–52). SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 196 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  2014 Hibis Varia 191 Abbreviations H Hibis III, Pl. 9. A Amun Ritual: P. Berlin 3055, vs. XXX, 3–8.112 M Mut Ritual: P. Berlin 3014 + 3053, XXV, 5–XXVI, 3.113 S1 Abydos, Temple of Sety I, Isis Chapel.114 S2 Abydos, Temple of Sety I, Horus Chapel.115 S3 Abydos, Temple of Sety I, Amun-Re Chapel.116 S4 Abydos, Temple of Sety I, Re-Harakhty Chapel.117 C P. CG 58031, II, 3–7.118 E1 Edfou I, 122, 8–12. E2 Edfou I, 123, 7–9. E3 Edfou I, 433, 2–3. E4 Edfou VI, 248, 15 – 249, 2.119 E5 Edfou I, 31, 12–3. D1 Dendara IV, 265, 15–6. D2 Dendara X, 220, 1–4. D3 Dendara X, 415, 14–5. P G. Bénédite, Philae, 40, 2–5.120 L P. Louvre N 3155 (E 3061).121 PC P. Carlsberg 395 A, 1, 19–21.122 112 A. Erman (ed.), Hieratische Papyrus aus dem Könglichen Museen zu Berlin, Leipzig 1896–1901, I, Pl. 30; A. Moret, Le rituel du culte divin journalier en Égypte, d’après les papyrus de Berlin et les textes du temple de Séti Ier à Abydos, AMG 14, Paris 1902, 188–9. 113 A. Erman, Hieratische Papyrus Berlin, I, Pls. 57-59; A. Moret, op. cit. 114 A.M. Calverley, The Temple of King Sethos I at Abydos, I, Pl. 20 (south). 115 Ibid, I, Pl. 28 (south). 116 Ibid, II, Pl. 8 (south). 117 Ibid, II, Pl. 16 (south) 118 W. Golenischeff, Papyrus hiératiques, CatGen 57, Cairo 1927, 160. 119 A. Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, I, 137–9. 120 Collated from the relevant Berlin photographs: H. Beinlich Die Photos der preussischen Expedition 1908-1910 nach Nubien, Teil 6: Photos 1000-1199, SRAT 19, Dettelbach 2013, B1059-60. 121 E. Otto, Die ägyptische Mundöffungsritual, ÄgAbh 3, Wiesbaden 1960, I, 131; II, 118–9 (Scene 53). 122 J.-F. Quack, Fragmente der Mundöffnungsrituals aus Tebtynis, in: K. Ryholt (ed.), Hieratic Texts from the Collection, Copenhagen 2006, 100, Pl. 12–12A. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 197 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  192 D. Klotz SAK 43 1 2 H: A: M: S1 : S2 : S3 : S4 : C: NN L: NN PC: P: E1: E5: D1: D2: D3: SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 198 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:57  2014 Hibis Varia 193 3 H: A: M: S1 : S2 : S3 : S4 : C: L: P: E1: E5: D1: D2: SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 199 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  194 D. Klotz SAK 43 4 H: A: M: S1 : S2 : S3 : S4 : C: L: PC: P: E1: E2: E4: E5: D1: D2: D3: SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 200 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  2014 Hibis Varia 195 A: M: S1 : S2 : S3 : S4 : P: E1: H: A: M: S1 : S3 : S4 : C: L: P: E1: E2: E3: E4: SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 201 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  196 D. Klotz SAK 43 H: A: M: S1 : S3 : S4 : C: L: P: E1: E2: E3: E4: D1: D3: SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 202 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  2014 Hibis Varia 197 5 H: A: M: S1 : S3 : S4 : C: L: PC: P: E1: E4: E5: D2: SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 203 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  198 D. Klotz SAK 43 H: A: M: S1 : S3 : S4 : C: L: P: E1: E4: E5: D2: SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 204 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  2014 Hibis Varia 199 6 H: A: M: S1 : S3 : S4 : C: NN L: NN P: E1: H: A: M: S1 : S3 : S4 : C: L: PC: P: E1: D1: SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 205 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  200 D. Klotz SAK 43 Translation Szp Imn !b m(a) ST=f (b) May Amun of Hibis receive of his garment m idmy consisting of dark red linen! a.wy ¦Ay.t r iwf=k (c) The arms of Tayet are at your skin, dmi nTr r nTr (d) so that god cleaves (dmi) to god, sTAm(.w) nTr.w(e) and so that the gods are clothed, <m rn=s pwy n idmy> <in this its name of idmy-cloth.> iai ntt={s}<k> in @api (f) <Your> sweat is washed away by Hapi, sHD{=s}(g) Hr=k (i)n Axw your face is illumined by the Radiant One. mnx.t nty m Hr=k This cloth which is before you, m sSn.n Is.t n/m msn.n Nb.t-Hw.t (h) was twined by Isis and twisted by Nephthys, iry=sn sSp (i) mnx.t n Ra they make luminous the cloth of Re (n) Imn-!b (j) (and of) Amun of Hibis, mAa-xrw=k r xfty.w=k so you might be justified over your enemies (a) Only two versions (H, E1), insert the superfluous preposition m here, seemingly prefiguring the direct object marker known from Demotic and Coptic but rarely attested in hieroglyphs.123 However, since that marker properly follows infinitival (durative) forms, one might interpret both examples as rare partitive uses of the verb Szp, not recorded in the Wörterbuch, but comparable to the phrase mH m, “to seize; grasp” (Wb. II, 119). (b) Cruz-Uribe translated the cloth as “bandages (ST).” However, as E. Otto already noted, the scenes of this ritual from Abydos indicate that the cloth in question is a type of cloak wrapped around the statue.124 The variants choose between different spellings for this divine garment: ST (H, A, M, P, E1, D1), sd (S1-S4), and sT.t (H, C, D2); although listed separately in dictionaries,125 these may all reflect the same word. (c) Compare also Esna II, 37, 2 (cloth offering scene): a.wy &Ay.t r iwf=k. As Moret already noted, the Berlin versions (A, M) employ the preposition Hr, “upon,” while others use m, “from” (E5, D1, D2), and thus those examples should read: “Amun/Mut receives his/her garment of dark red linen from upon the arms of Tayet upon his/her skin.” (d) Cruz-Uribe assumed the first group ( ) was a god named “Demy (bandages deified)” – spelled here with three determinatives – and thus translated: “Demy will be the god who bandages the gods.” 126 However, the additional examples he cited do 123 Cf. D. Silverman, An Emphasized Object of a Nominal Verb in Middle Egyptian, in: Orientalia 49, 1980, 199–203. 124 E. Otto, Die ägyptische Mundöffnungsritual, II, 118–9, n. 1; for more on this cloth, see U. Rummel, Weihrauch, Salböl und Leinen: Balsamierungsmaterialien als Medium der Erneuerung im Sedfest, in: SAK 34, 2006, 381–407. 125 Wb. IV, 349, 3; 365, 7–8; 558, 5–14; P. Wilson, A Ptolemaic Lexikon, 973, 1039–40. 126 E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 51, n. 60; similarly Wb. V, 455, 4; LGG VII, 541b. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 206 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  2014 Hibis Varia 201 not support his translation,127 and the parallels to the present text (particularly the book-roll determinatives in early versions: A, M, S2, S3, S4) clearly demonstrate that there are two distinct words, dmi and nTr. Conceptual puns linked the verb dmi, “to attach, cleave,” to the noun idmy, “dark red linen,” going back to the Coffin Texts (CT VI, 221h): “it (the cloth) cleaves to your flesh in this its name of dark red linen (dmi=s r iwf=k m rn=s pw idmy).”128 As others have noted, the first “god” denotes the sacred garment, while the second is the statue or mummy.129 For this reason, Sylvie Cauville argued that in all examples, the first word should actually be nTry, “divine cloth,” due to the ambiguous use of the falcon on a standard (G7), a sign that could logographically write both “god” or “idmy-cloth.” 130 However, in most versions of this formula, including the earliest examples from Abydos, this word is determined by a seated god (H, P, S1-S4, C, E2), not the cloth sign or falcon.131 Accordingly, the application of divinized idmy-cloth upon the divine statue results in a union of two distinct gods, recalling a passage in the Tempest Stela of Ahmose II: “gold (Ahmose) encountered the gold (Amun) of this statue (nbw Hz(.w) m nbw sSm pn).”132 That is, the two golden or solar entities (Ahmose II and Amun) met face to face. In the Abydos versions, the word is further determined by a sandal, presumably because idmy-cloth was specifically associated with feet and movement.133 (e) Several examples present this phrase as a purpose clause, employing either a subjunctive sDm=f (S1-S4) or the pseudo-verbal r + infinitive (C, E2). (f) Cruz-Uribe’s translation (“May their spittle wash Hapy”) is puzzling, as it is Hapi (i.e. the inundation water brought by the Bas of Nekhen, supra 1.1), that washes spittle off the statue or mummy’s face.134 In view of the parallels, and the general context of libation and clothing, this passage should read iai Hr=k in @api. The erroneous third person feminine singular pronoun (=s), here and in the following phrase, may suggest the Hibis text was copied from a ritual papyrus originally composed 127 Edfou I, 126, 16–17, is a speech of the king: “I attach the “god” (dmy(=i) nTr) in order to cover your limbs.” Edfou I, 129, 11–12, meanwhile, is a caption: “Tayet, who comes from the Temple of Neith with red linen on her arms (tAy.t xnd(.t) m Hw.t-N.t ir/iw idmy Hr a.wy=s), who attaches “god” to the body of god (sdmi nTr r Haw nTr), in order to clothe the gods through her work (r sTAm nTr.w m kA.t=s).” 128 The same paronomasia occurs in Episode 50 of the Opening of the Mouth Ritual: F. Contardi, Il naos di Sethi I da Eliopoli, 149 (33g), 158, 161, n. g (with many parallels); cf. also Dendara X, 222, 11-12: “take this dark red linen (idmy), so it might cleave (dmi) to your limbs.” 129 E.g. F. Servajean, in: BIFAO 104, 2004, 525; U. Rummel, in: SAK 34, 2006, 400–1; N.S. Braun, Pharaoh und Priester, 169. In Dendara XII, 237, 8, the king is compared to Hedjhotep, “who attaches ‘god’ onto the god (dmy nTr Hr nTr).” 130 S. Cauville, Le temple de Dendara: Les chapelles osiriennes, II: Commentaire, BdE 118, Cairo 1997, 111, n. 246. 131 Noted already by J.-F. Quack, who also preferred the translation “Gott möge auf Gott treffen” (in: K. Ryholt (ed.), Hieratic Texts from the Collection, 100, n. b). 132 M.H. Wiener, J.P. Allen, Separate Lives: the Ahmose Tempest Stela and the Theran Eruption, in: JNES 57, 1998, 3–5 (Front, line 12; Back, line 14), 14. 133 M. Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507, 93–5, note to line VI, 15; F. Servajean, in: BIFAO 104, 2004, 547–8; T. Mekis, in: BIFAO 112, 2012, 259, n. h. 134 H. Willems, The Coffin of Heqata, 82, 392, n. b; E. Cruz-Uribe already noted that the Hibis scribes may have been confused here (HTP I, 51–2, n. 61). SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 207 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  202 D. Klotz SAK 43 for a goddess. 135 The same phenomenon occurs in P. Berlin 3055 (A, M), where the feminine pronoun appears in both redactions, for Mut and for Amun. As in S1, the Hibis version writes n for the agential in, “by”136 that occurs in most other versions. 137 The converse situation occurs later in the phrases concerning Isis and Nephthys. (g) The spelling of sHD at Hibis ( ) most likely results from hieratic 138 confusion. The following =s may be a confused suffix pronoun (cf. supra, n. f), or an abbreviated spelling of the coordinating particle is that occurs in this position in E3. (h) These two verbs, commonly translated as “to spin; weave,” refer to the primary stages of linen production.139 (i) As N.S. Braun recently noted, only the Abydos versions (S1-S4) reinterpreted the verb Szp, “to become luminous,” as Ssr, “to dry out,” appropriate for recently dyed or washed linens.140 (j) Papyrus C explicitly repeats this phrase (ir=sn Ssp mnx.t) twice, once for Re and once for the deceased. This extended version indicates that one should translate all versions as if the names of Re and the local divinity had been written in split columns. 3. The Inheritance of Wennefer (Staircase K) The distinctly mortuary decoration of the northern staircase K terminates in a false door, featuring a depiction of Thoth awaking Osiris who lies facedown on his funerary bier (Fig. 6). Although this scene closely resembles a famous funerary scene attested in Theban, Tanite, and Napatan tombs, 141 the text at Hibis has nothing in common with the cryptographic inscriptions accompanying those scenes. Instead, the caption states that this text is spoken by Isis and Nephthys, while Horus “responds (Hr wSb),” apparently stage directions for a performance. 135 E. Cruz-Uribe claimed that a similar mistake occurred elsewhere in the temple version of BD 146w (Hibis III, Pl. 23, North, col. 6), where he argued scribes must have copied the space-filler “mn” plus a seated- woman determinative from a papyrus originally belonging to a woman (HTP I, 100, with n 457; idem in E. Teeter, J.A. Larson (eds), Gold of Praise, 70). However, multiple parallels confirm that the phrase he translated as “the gates of the netherworld of so and so (mn),” should actually read “the portal of the Grotto. O Hidden- one... (Imn)”; cf. U. Verhoeven, in: RdE 43, 1992, 180; F. Tiradritti, in: VO 9, 1993, 78. 136 For this phenomenon, see E. Edel, Altägyptische Grammatik, §756; H.G. Fischer, Occurences of , agential and dative, in: GM 107, 1989, 69–70. 137 A. Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, 139, n. 5. 138 D. Kurth, Der Einfluß der Kursive auf die Inschriften des Tempels von Edfu, in: D. Kurth (ed.), Edfu: Bericht über drei Surveys; Materialien und Studien, Edfu Beiheft 5, Wiesbaden 1999, 83, n. bb; P. Der Manuelian, Living in the Past: Studies in Archaism of the Egyptian Twenty-Sixth Dynasty, New York 1994, 78; D. Klotz, “The Statue of the dioikêtês Harchebi/Archibios (Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art 47-12),” BIFAO 109, 2009, p. 297, n. aa. 139 D. Bidoli, Die Sprüche der Fangnetze in den altägyptischen Sargtexten, ADAIK 9, Glückstadt 1976, 66, nn. a-b; F. Servajean, in: BIFAO 104, 2004, 533–6; G. Lapp, zSn Dwjt und zSS wAd, in: GM 239, 2013, 51–5. 140 N.S. Braun, Pharaoh und Priester, 170, n. d. 141 See recently J.A. Roberson The Awakening of Osiris and the Transit of the Solar Barques. Royal Apotheosis in a Most Concise Book of the Underworld and Sky, OBO 262, 2013 (who did not mention the Hibis relief); for additional examples, see also C. Manassa, The Late Egyptian Underworld, I, 149, n. 392. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 208 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  2014 Hibis Varia 203 This inscription belongs to the genre of inheritance texts, outlining the territories bequeathed to Horus by Re at the request of Osiris.142 Although Horus does not actually feature in this tableau, he appears on both the north and south walls of staircase K wearing the double crown (Hibis III, Pls. 24-25). The coronation of Horus was a popular theme in Egyptian religious literature, and brief parallels for the incipit to this particular text are attested at Opet and Philae temples (see infra, 3.1), but otherwise the composition appears to be entirely original. Nonetheless, comparison with a related inscription on the rear exterior wall at Hibis facilitates the interpretation of the final portions.143 Figure 6 – Awakening Osiris at Hibis from: Hibis III, Pl. 24, right. 142 For similar inheritance decrees of Re, cf. P. Derchain, Miettes §12. – L’Âge du décret de Ra, in: RdE 46, 1995, 93–7; Philä II, 16–21; J.F. Quack, Das Dekret des Amun an Isis. Papyrus Kairo CG 58034 + 58028, in: J. Hallof (ed.), Auf den Spuren des Sobek: Festschrift für Horst Beinlich zum 28. Dezember 2012, SRaT 12, Dettelbach 2012, 223–41. As Quack noted, the Philae texts and P. CG 48034 all exhibit features of Late Egyptian, suggesting they belong to a similar tradition (ibid, 233); the same can be said of the Hibis decree, similar in many ways to these texts. 143 The following copy and translation are based on the copy of N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III, Pl. 24, right; collated from the Author’s photographs. SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 209 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  204 D. Klotz SAK 43 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 ? 8 9 10 11 12 13 TAy @r HD.t Horus takes the white crown, (Hr) Xnm dSr.t while receiving the red crown, dmD.n=f sxm.ty m Htp (a) having united the double crown in peace! pXr-wr Sn-wr (b) (Hr) nhm (c) n rn=f The pXr-wr and Sn-wr rejoice to his name (saying): sw (m) HoA n Sn-itn (d) “He (is) ruler of the circuit of the sun disk, iwaa (?) (e) iAw.t (f) inheritor (?) of the (royal) office, n Dd.t.n it=f Wn-nfr through what his father Wennefer said: di(=i) (g) n=f rsy(.t) r SAa TAw ‘(I) hereby give to him the South as far as the wind, mHy.t=f wAD-wr his North the Great Green, wbn=f itn n Sww his East the disk of the sun, imnt.t=f Htp=f (h) his West its place of setting: st m-di=f nHH D.t (i) they shall be in his possession for ever and all eternity, Hr nty @r zA Is.t zA Wsir because Horus son of Isis and Osiris iT.n=f wrr(.t) (j) has taken the double crown!’” SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 210 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  2014 Hibis Varia 205 (a) Numerous texts celebrate the union (dmD, Xnm) of crowns for Horus or the king.144 (b) Cruz-Uribe alternatively translated: “in order to drink the waters of the ocean (r swr mw n Sn-wr),” assuming dittography of the first r.145 However, the present spelling of pXr ( ) is commonplace (cf. Wb. I, 544), and these two bodies of water are often mentioned jointly to denote the limits of the created world.146 (c) Emending: to , instead of: “may I jubilate (nhm=i) in 147 his name.” (d) Although Davies copied a simple circle, collation confirms that the small sign is really a Sn-ring, resulting in the set phrase Snw n itn, “circuit of the sun disk.” Cruz-Uribe read “for he is a strong ruler” (i.e. * ) 148 , but this interpretation is not supported by collation. (e) The first group ( ) is problematic as it stands.149 One might emend the first two signs (* : dd.in Ra, “then Re gave”), but the resulting geminating form would be unexpected for the sDm.in=f. Alternatively, one could correct the group differently (* ),150 resulting in a preferable translation. (f) This spelling of iAw.t, “office,” conflates the similar signs and .151 (g) Based on the context, what follows is the text of the decree. The simplest option is to restore the first person suffix pronoun, just as in the similar text from the rear exterior wall (cf. infra, n. h), or the oracular pronouncements of Amun-Re for Osiris and Horus.152 Less likely would be a passive verbal form (i.e. di(.w) n=f, “May he be given...”), as Cruz- Uribe understood the passage. 144 J. Vandier, Le papyrus Jumilhac, Paris 1971, 207–8, n. 667; for Xnm, “to put on; receive” a crown, cf. Wb. III, 378, 20–1. 145 E. Cruz-Uribe, 103, n. 492. 146 This toponym also occurs in Hibis III, Pl. 32, col. 15 (D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, 149–50, Pl. 24); for additional examples, cf. ibid, p. 45, n. A; C. Traunecker, Coptos: hommes et dieux sur le parvis de Geb, OLA 43, Leuven 1992, 220, n. w; S. Cauville, Le temple de Dendara: La porte d’Isis, Cairo 1999, 283, n. 139. 147 E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 103. 148 The epithet HoA-on occurs famously in the Horus name of Alexander with a similar orthography, but it is otherwise rare. See recently F. Bosch-Puche, The Egyptian Royal Titulary of Alexander the Great, I: Horus, Two Ladies, Golden Horus, and Throne Names, in: JEA 99, 2013, 133. 149 E. Cruz-Uribe divided the text differently, resulting in an unconvincing translation: “May (my) two arms be upraised (Tni a.wy(=i)), when Re comes to the offices of which he has spoken (ii Ra n iAw.t n Dd.t.n=f)” (HTP I, 103, with n. 494). 150 In the Ptolemaic period, iwaw, “heir,” and related terms often appear with two initial ‘ayins: Wb. I, 50. 151 D. Klotz, Two Curious Orthographies for Khepri, ENIM 3, 2010, 70, nn. 21-22. 152 J.F. Quack, in: J. Hallof (ed.), Auf den Spuren des Sobek, 223–41; throughout that text, Amun-Re consistently employs the Third Future (e.g. iw=i r di.t). SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 211 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:58  206 D. Klotz SAK 43 Nonetheless, one might alternatively understand the verb ( ) as the abbreviated imperative form of rDi, “to give,” known best from Old Egyptian, but attested in a wide range of archaizing inscriptions including the so-called Saite Formula.153 (h) The grouping of signs are slightly unusual here, but this section defines Horus’s domain over the four cardinal directions.154 The south extends to the (origin of) the winds (Wb. V, 351, 8), the north up to the Great Green (the Mediterranean),155 the eastern origin (wbnw)156 of the sun disk, and the west is the location of the sunset (Htp).157 A very similar text appears on the west exterior wall of Hibis, where Isis promises an expansive dominion to Darius I (Hibis III, Pl. 48):158 rdi(=i) n=k rsy(.t) (r) rA-a TAw I give to you the south as far as the wind, mHy.t r Dr.w wAD-wr the north to the limits of the Great Green, imnt.t r Hp(.t) n itn the west unto the course of the sun-disk, [iAbt.t] r wb[n]=f m Sww [the east] to its place of rising as light. (g) The spelling of the conjunction m-di=f (or: m-a=f) is noteworthy ( ).159 (h) Already in the Pyramid Texts, the wrr.t-crown must be “captured (iTi)” by Horus.160 153 Wb. I, 76, 14; E. Edel, Altägyptische Grammatik, §§607-8; J.P. Allen, The Inflection of the Verb in the Pyramid Texts, Bibliotheca Aegyptia 2, Malibu 1984, §§180, 183; for later examples, see primarily D.A. Werning, Linguistic Dating of the Netherworld Books attested in the New Kingdom: A Critical Review, in G. Moers, et al. (eds), Dating Egyptian Literary Texts, LingAeg StudMon 11, Hamburg 2014, p. 243. For its use in the Saite Formula, see D. Klotz, ‘Get Thee Behind Me, City-God!’: The ‘Saite Formula’ in the New Kingdom (in preparation). 154 For similar passages, cf. F. Hintze, Die Felsenstele Sethos’ I bei Qasr Ibrim, in: ZÄS 87, 1962, 39; G. Posener, Sur l’orientation et l’ordre des points cardinaux chez les Égyptiens, in: NAWG 1965, 69–78; S. Cauville, Dendara. La porte d’Isis, 269, n. 79. E. Cruz-Uribe only recognized two cardinal direction in his translation: “May the south up to its north wind and the great green be given to him. May he shine forth. May the light illuminate his west” (HTP I, 103). 155 For further examples – albeit with a different interpretation of the toponyms – see C. Vandersleyen, Ouadj our – WAD-wr: un autre aspect de la vallée du Nil, CEA 7, Brussels 1999, 67. 156 Just like the modern term “Orient” (< Latin oriens, “rising sun; the East”), the rare deverbal noun wbnw also designated the cardinal direction of the sunrise: cf. Wb. I, 294, 8–9; G. Posener, Pap. Ermitage 1116 B recto, l. 17 (Prophéties de Neferrehou), in: RdE 5, 1946, 255; idem, in: NAWG 1965, 75; R.L. Caminos, A Tale of Woe, Oxford 1977, 33, n. 4. 157 Compare Kawa V, line 16 (M.F.L. Macadam, The Temples of Kawa, I: The Inscriptions, London 1949, I, 26, 28; II, Pl. 10): “the East to the place where Re rises (iAbt.t r wbn Ra), the West to the place in which he sets (imnt.t r Htp=f im=s).” Similarly: Edfou VI, 294, 14; 338, 1; Esna IV, 425, 4-6; Dendara XI, 201, 8-10. 158 For this text, see also E. Cruz-Uribe, HTP I, 154, C. Vandersleyen, Ouadj-our, p. 270, neither of whom noted a connection to the other Hibis inscription. 159 E. Cruz-Uribe divided this text quite differently, translating: “May he propitiate them with his strong arm ((s)Htp=f st m xpS=f)” (HTP I, 103). SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 212 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:59  2014 Hibis Varia 207 3.1 Conclusion While this inheritance is decreed by Wennefer, most of the text refers to his successor, Harsiese, whose legitimate kingship is celebrated elsewhere at Hibis. The first phrase (TAy @r HD.t, “Horus takes the white crown!”) occurs in at least two other settings.161 The first example comes from the Opet temple at Karnak, in the south chapel dedicated to the local child god Harsiese. 162 In this scene of investiture, Harsiese stands upon the zmA-tA.wy symbol while receiving life from Osiris-Wennefer. The caption in front of Harsiese is not a typical speech or caption, but an excerpt of the Hibis text, perhaps intended as an incipit of the larger Hibis liturgy. The second parallel occurs behind one of the flag masts on the First Pylon at Philae. In both texts, Isis and Nephthys beseech Re and his celestial crew to settle the inheritance of Osiris. The inscription on the east side proceeds as follows:163 Dd-mdw i(n) Nb.t-Hw.t Recitation by Nephthys, xrw=s r Hr.t as she shouted up to heaven, pH xrw=s r wiA n Ra and her voice reached the bark of Re:164 (i)my n=i Hr=k pA nb nTr.w “Give me your attention, Lord of the Gods, ink mnx.t mH(.t) Hr sn=s I am the beneficent one, who cares for her brother, r rdi(.t) iAw.t=f n zA=f in order to give his office to his son.” After some deliberation, Re announces the good news: rSw n=tn nA Hmw.t m +dw Rejoice, ye ladies in Busiris, onb.t n.t Wn-nfr mAa-xrw the Council of Wennefer, justified: TAy @r tA HD.t Horus takes the white crown Xnm.n=f tA dSr.t having received the red crown: dmD.n=f wrr.t Hr tp=f thus did he unite the double crown upon his head! Both scenes at Opet and Philae allude to the same text quoted in extenso at Hibis. This may have been a festival hymn performed during coronations, Sed festivals, or mammisi rituals for newly crowned divine child gods, as at the Opet temple. 160 K. Goebs, Crowns in Egyptian Funerary Literature: Royalty, Rebirth, and Destruction, Oxford 2008, 36. 161 In a related context, Khnum concludes his speech to the king during the divine birth ritual at Esna by announcing: “just as you take the white crown, so do you receive the red crown (TAy=k HD.t Xnm=f dSr.t)” (Esna III, 300, 10; S. Sauneron, Les fêtes religieuses d’Esna, Esna V, Cairo 1962, 197. 162 Opet I, 135 (caption to Harsiese), Pl. VI; for Harsiese at the Opet temple, see also D. Klotz, Caesar in the City of Amun, 113–4 163 Philä I, 32–4; L. Martzolff, La décoration des pylônes ptolémaïques d’Edfou et de Philae: Étude comparative, Paris 2011, I, 60–1; J.F. Quack, in: J. Hallof (ed.), Auf den Spuren des Sobek, 233; S. Cauville, M.I. Ali, Philæ: Itinéraire du visiteur, Leuven 2013, 106. 164 Similar statements occur in magical and ritual texts: e.g. Urk. VI, 25, 4–5; A. Klasens, A Magical Statue Base (Socle Behague) in the Museum of Antiquities at Leiden, OMRO 33, Leiden 1952, 26, 55, 92 (Text e6). SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 213 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:59  Inhaltsverzeichnis Abdel-Raziq, Abdalla Three Late Middle Kingdom Stelae from Al-Salam School Museum, Assiut (Taf. 1-3) ........................................................... 1-16 Antoine, Jean-Christophe Social position and the organisation of landholding in Ramesside Egypt. An analysis of the Wilbour Papyrus ......................................................................... 17-46 Breyer, Francis Vorlagen zur ›Punthalle‹ von Dair al-Baḥrī aus dem Alten Reich. Philologisch-epigraphische, textkritische und ikonographische cruces im Zusammenspiel von Darstellungen und Inschriften ................................................. 47-91 Di Biase-Dyson, Camilla Multiple Dimensions of Interpretation. Reassessing the Magic Brick Berlin ÄMP 15559 (Taf. 4) ....................................... 93-107 Díaz Hernández, Roberto A. The Role of the War Chariot in the Formation of the Egyptian Empire in the Early 18th Dynasty .................................................... 109-122 Hellum, Jennifer Toward an Understanding of the Use of Myth in the Pyramid Texts ....................... 123-142 Hsu, Shih-Wei Pharaos Körper: Tiere als bildliche Ausdrücke in den Königsinschriften ............... 143-157 Kahl, Jochem Assiut – Theben – Tebtynis. Wissensbewegungen von der Ersten Zwischenzeit und dem Mittleren Reich bis in Römische Zeit ............................................................... 159-172 Klotz, David Hibis Varia (§1-3): Diverse Liturgical Texts from Hibis Temple ............................ 173-207 Lapp, Günther Totentexte der Privatleute vom Ende des Alten Reiches bis zur 1. Zwischenzeit unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Sargkammern und Särgen ......................... 209-222 Malaise, Michel Le calathos sur la tête d’Isis: une enquête ................................................................ 223-265 SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 5 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:52  VI Inhaltsverzeichnis SAK 43 (2014) Metawi, Dina The False Door of WDa-©ri (Cairo Museum, without number) (Taf. 5-7) ............... 267-276 O’Rourke, Paul F. The Book of the Dead of Ankhefenkhonsu in Brooklyn (Taf. 8-12) ....................... 277-315 Ramcke, Rainer Der Sothis-Zyklus und die zwei Anfänge des altägyptischen Verwaltungskalenders. Eine astronomische Simulation .......................................... 317-358 Ridealgh, Kim A Tale of Semantics and Suppressions: Reinterpreting Papyrus Mayer A and the So-called ‘War of the High Priest’during the Reign of Ramesses XI ......... 359-373 Rummel, Ute War, death and burial of the High Priest Amenhotep: the archaeological record at Dra’ Abu el-Naga (Taf. 13-15).................................... 375-397 Spalinger, Anthony John Eleventh Day, Twelfth Night: Further Remarks Concerning Three Feasts in Egyptian Civil Tooth ....................... 399-415 Stefanović, Danijela The overseer of mSa of the section of nfrw (stela London BM EA 1822) (Taf 16) ...................................................................... 417-421 Theis, Christoffer Zu den an der Pyramide Lepsius XIII gefundenen Namen. Die Frage nach Nfr-k# und B#-k#............................................................................... 423-438 El-Tonssy, Mohamed A. / Mohamed, Yossef Two Unpublished False Doors from Saqqara (Taf. 17-18) ...................................... 439-455 Anschriften der Autorinnen und Autoren ................................................................. 457-458 Tafeln 1-18 SAK-43_Druck_x3_2014-12-15.pdf 6 Dezember 15, 2014 13:50:52