M. Feugère (ed.) L'Equipement Militaire et l'armement de la République. Proceedings 10th ROMEC. Montpellier, 26-28 September 1996. Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies, JRMES, 8, 1997, pp.251-270 Gladius hispaniensis : an archaeological view from Iberia F. Quesada Sanz The archaeological identification of the Hispanic proto- rations in their writings (the desire to avoid repeating terms). type of the gladius hispaniensis (the Republican Roman Thus, we should often avoid interpreting a word in its most sword from the Second Punic War onwards), and that of the technical sense. and instead understand it only in the broa- the gladius hispaniensis itself. has been the subject of deba- dest sense, for example, machaira as 'sword' and not 'one- te throughout this century, without being clearly resolved. edged., curved, slashing sword or knife' J Only now, in the light of recent discoveries and research, is These circumstances have led some scholars, notably H. it possible to suggest a clear line of development from the Sandars (1913:58-62). to suggest that the Romans never first to the second. adopted an Iberian sword. Sandars rejected the authority of the Suda on the hasis that it was a very late source dubiolls- Iy described as Polybianic; he denied that the Romans had A STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM: THE LITERARY adopted either the Iberian falcata (Fig. 2.1). or the short SOURCES sword of the Aguilar de Anguita type (Fig. I, type Ill), too The only text which explicitly mentions the adoption of short to provide an effective cutting or slashing action. Thus an Iberian sword by the Romans is the Suda, a Byzantine this author proposed that the Romans did not adopt a type, lexicon compiled at the end of the 10th century B.C. The but a form of manufacture, so the expression gladius hispa- relevant paragraph reads: «The Celtiberians by far surpass nicus might have been a term alluding to quality just as in other people in the fashion of their machairai. This has an more recent times the term «Toledo steel» has been used; or effective point, and a powerful down-stroke with either that it could be a technical term alluding to manufacture, edge. For this reason the Romans discarded their native just as 'damascened blade' in medieval contexts. Taken sword after the wars with Hannibal, and adopted the Iberian together. however, the literary evidence combined (Table 1) weapon. They adopted the form, but the actual quality of enables us to say that the Romans of the 2nd century B.C. the iron and the process of manufacture they were quite believed their forefathers had imitated a type of sword from unable to reproduce». It is generally accepted! that the text Hispania, and this was generally accepted by scholars in the is Polybianic because of its concordance with Polybius nineteen-twenties (Couissin, 1926;220 ff., especially 223- 6,23,6 (panoply of the Roman hastati), and 3,114,3 (Cannae. 224 is convincing). description of the Iberian sword). All the other literary refe- From the sct of texts we have collected (Table I) a series rences are indirect, and relate only to the gladius hispanien- of specific points can be summarized: sis in various contexts, some of which are even anachronis- a. Polybius tells us that by 225-221 BC the Romans were tic (see Table I for details). To complicate things even fur- fighting with a weapon used to wound wirh the point. a ther, it should be added that tbe classical literary sources are rhrusting sword very solid in comparison with the long. notoriously unreliable when naming types of weapons, blunt sword of the La Tene n type used by the Gauls, which especially those of the barbarian tribes fighting the Greeks was designed to fight with the blade alone in a slashing and Romans;2 this is due both to the ignorance of these motion. He does not specify if the Roman sword was also authors on barbarian customs and realia, and to the fact that useful for slashing or was just a thrusting weapon. they may have given more importance to stylistic conside-~ b. Polybius and Livy claim that the Iberians who  11 III I: 7. .~,I." ',.'1 . ,I ! i... )4J It I , l J.; ''1'': ~, i .. • , 'I l ~:~" -.~' (kt' ''? . ( -:".:. ,,", .", ,. ..... 1..... ; j~ .~:! ",-, ooj ' .~~.'"! ~ :1 \~~ ~J IV v VI Fig. 1: Types of antennae sword in the Meseta of the Iberian Peninsula,  ... TABLE l. Main literary sources for the glOOms hispaniensis problem. (English translations from \be Loeb Classical Library) SOURCE Dale of writing Date of evenlS referred to Events & coOlmenLary in the [eXt.. Suda, s.v. machaira. 10th cenlury AD Cel1iberian wars. mid 2nd Adoption by the Romaus of a CelLiberlan mnchaira after the Hannibalic War (c. 200 BC). "The Celllben'ans by far surpass orher people I" Ihe (Polybius) (mid 2nd century cenlury BC fashion of Ibeir mochairai. This has an ~tfeclive poinr, all a pClWeiful duwn-slroke wilh eilher edge. For Ihis reason Ihe Rof1UUlS discartkd BC?) Iheir narive sword after Ihe wars wilh Hmlmbal, and adopred Ihe Ibedan weapon. They adnpred Ihe form. bur Ihe aelual qualiry of Ihe iron and rhe process of man ufaclure Ihey were quile unable 10 reproduce" Only explicit teXt.. From Polybius. Polybius, 2.30-33 c. 150 BC Bailie of Telamon againsl H Comparison between Roman and Gaulish weapons. 'Ihe Gaulish sword [mochaira] being only goodfor a cui and nOlfor a Ihrusl . (2,30,8). the Gau)s, e. 225 BC. & Further comparisons: HThe Romans, on Ihe conlrary, in.sread of j'lashing, conrinued 10 Ihrusl wilh lheir swords which did nor bend, the poinls Later campaign agiaos( being very ~tfecliveH (2,33,6). No explicit mention of gladius hispaniensis. In fact, this Roman sword scems lo be a primarily lhrusling and Boii and lnsubres c. 224- nol a cutting weapon, and therefore NOT a Hispanic sword, but ralher like Greek xiphos. 222 BC. Polybius, 3,1l4,2-4 c. [50 BC 216 BC. baltle of Cannae "The shields [Ihureos] of Ihe Spaniards [Iberon] and Celrs [Kellon] were very similar, bUI rheir swords [xiphe] were enr/rely di.tferem, Ihose of rhe Spaniards thrusting wllh a deadiy ~tfecr as they CUI, bur the Cauush sword [machaira] being only able 10 slash and requiring a long sweep ro do so H. Bolh types are clearly different, the GauJish sword being clearly a tong La Tene type. The Iberian (or perhaps 'Celliberian' in this conteXt.) sword could be one lype in a choice: shortfalcaras (cutling alUi thrusting weapons, contrary to popUlar myth); short antelUlae ~ ::::. swords, or (he Celliberian version of the La Tene I sword, shortened and broadened. ~ B.. Polybius 6,23,6 c. 150·130 BC Mid 2nd century BC. Per- Panoply of Roman hasrall: 'Ihey also carry a sword, hanging On rhe n'ghr rhigh and called a Spanish sword (lbedke machaira). This is haps referring bae!.: 10 lhe excellenl for thrusting, and bOlh lIs edges CUI effectually, as rhe blade is very s"ong and/inn ". No positive Slalement is made aboullhe ~ >;;I Hannibalic War, bUl nol adoplion of a Spanish sword. A few paragraphs later, however, Polybins SlalCS clearly that the Romans copied Greek lances and cavalry o certain (Walbank. 1957: shields (6.25.5-11). ~ c;::: 703). Claudius Quadriga- c. 70 BC c. 361 BC Single duel between T. Manlius Torquatus and a huge Gaulish warrior. The Roman carries a gladius hispanicus: "Scu/o pedes/n° el gladio ~ ~. rius, Fr. lOb hispanico cinclUs [se. Tirus Manlius] conrra Gallum cinsririt... alque /fispanlco [se. gladio] pectus /uJ.#sil H. The teXt. is obviously anachIonis- lic: the gladius hispanicus (or hispaniensis) was adopled around the Second Punic War, and this episode is dated (0 a much earlier period. It ':? would seem that Quadrigarius used a well-known and eVOC.lllive word without much concem with hislorical accuracy. The whole episode mighl be a myth inven(ed to explain the eog1lom.en 'Torquarus' borne by the MCllllii. ~ Livy 7,10,5 c. 25 BC-AD 14 c. 361 BC From Quadrigarius, a well-known aOllalisl source for Livy. 'pedesrre SCUlum caplr, Hispatlo cingirur gladio ad proplorem habili pugnam". Anachronistic. Adds lhe remark lltatlhe Spanish sword is 'convenienrfor c1osefighting'. l~ .., Livy, 22,26,5 c. 25 B.C.-AD 14 216 BC. Balllc ofCannae From Polybius 3,114 (see above): "The Gauls and Ihe Spaniards had shields of almosr the same shape; rheir swords [gladir] were dffferenr in use and appearance, Ihose of Ihe Gauls being very long and poim/ess [praelongi ac sine mucronlbusl. whilsr Ihe Spaniards, who auacked as a ~ ::::>.. ~. rule more by Ihrusring /ha/ by s!JJshing [Hispono, punerlm magis quam caesim odsue/o pe/ere hosrem], had pointed ones lhar were shon and <0 handy [breviwte habiJes el Cum mucroniblts]. 00 ...... [.ivy, 3[,34 after 18 BC 200 BC. Against Mace- '0 After a cavalry skirmish, the Macenonians are horrified by the wounds caused by Roman swords: "jor men who had seen Ihe wounds deol/ by '0 don. javelins and arraws ... whenlhey !lad seen bodies chopped 10 pieces by rite Spanish sword [gladio Hispaniensi], arms /Om away, shoulders and 'J all, or heads seporaredjrom bodies, wilh 'he necks complerely severed, or virals laid open, and Ihe other feaiful wounds, realized [Ihe Macedonian soldiers] In a general panic wlrh w/ltal weapolLS and whar men the)' had 10 fighr". JUSl after the Hannibalic war, Rom.an soldiers carried the gladius hisparliellsis. A.C. Schlesillger, translalor for the Loeb, believed thal the 'giadjus hispalllensis' was a cavalry sabre, like thefalca/a, adapled lO slashing blows; and lhat the 'gladius hispalluj" WaS lhe infamry weapon, used for bOLh cutting and thruSling. This dislinction is probably LOO subtle and imposes upon Livy too precise a lerminology. Livy,38,21,13 18 BC-AD 14 e. 189 BC. Against "This 'Ype of soldier [vetes] comes a Ihree-fool shield and, in his rlghl hand, javelllls whIch he uses 01 101lg range; he is also equipped wl/h a Gauls. Spanish sword [gladio Hispaniensij". If Polybins Slales lhallhe has/all carried an Iberiki machaim (see above). Livy now also says that lhe lighter vellres were also anned with a gladio HIspaniensi. Aulns Gellius, NAil. c. i 70 AD c. 361 BC From Claudius Quadrigarius (see above): "SCIIlo pedesrn' e/ gtadio hispall/Co cimus contra Gallum COS/ltilil" (Armed wilh afoo/·soldier·s shield 9,13,14 alld a Spanish sword, he conjron/ed the Gaul ". Anachronistic. N TABLE I: Releyalll literary sources. v, u..> 254 Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 8 1997 ,.. 2 ==--- 10cm Fig. 2: Other types of Iberian fron Age swords. I. Falcaw. 2. Fronton. They are mainly Iberian types, quite rare in Celtiberia. with Hannibal at Cannae (216 BC) carried a solid sword, and heavy infantry. suitable both for thrusting and cutting. Livy called it «gla- From this data it can be inferred - although we cannot be dio hispano». certain - that the Roman sword before the war with Hannibal c. The Suda (Polybius) says that in the time of Hannibal was short and pointed, similar to the Greek xiphos, as the Romans adopted a type of sword capable of thrusting as Couissin suggested (1926:224 ff.), and that it was replaced well as cutting. This is the only text which states that such a by one which was longer, for cutting as well as thrusting. sword was adopted or copied: the rest only talk about a taken from the Iberians 4 In any case, the identification of a «Hispanic sword». It seems very probable that this sword possihle 'typical' Roman sword even before the gIadius his- was the one used at Cannae by the Iberian soldiers in paniensis is beyond the scope of this paper. Carthaginan pay. d. Livy says that in 200 BC the Roman cavalry carried a gladius hispaniensis that caused horrible slashing wounds; POSSIBLE CANDIDATES FOR THE PROTOTYPE he also states that in 189 BC the velites carried the gladius OF THE GLADIUS HISPANIENSIS hispaniensis. Polybius adds that in the 2nd century BC the Starting from here, the task remains to identify the Hispanic hastati carried an iberike machaira. Therefore, the Hispanic prototype of the Republican Roman sword. Thai this is dif- sword was Typically used by cavalrymen, and also by light ficult can be deduced ti'om the fact that. for example, two of  Journal of Roman Mililarr Equipnrenl Sfudie.1 8 1997 255 Fig. 3: This Franloll-sword frolTl Cordoba is an example of CUI eaI'll npe otlroll Age s\l'ol'ds in Spain. 1II eXlSfence durillg the fifll1 and fourth centuries BC. Allhough it c(ll1nol be described as ({ prolOI)pe for Ihe Roman g/adius. it proves rhat short. Ihruslillg and cuuing swords were ill existence 1/1 Iberia sillce [he beginning or rhe Iberian CIIIII/re. Blade lenghf: 36.6 cm. (pholO MAN) the most recent syntheses on Roman weapons (Bishop and sons: because by the end of the 3rd century BC it had hard- Coulston, 1993 :53-54; Fe-ugere, 1993;97 ff.) are very vague ly been lIsed in the Iberian Peninsula for a century -It is a on the subject. very old type, dated to the 5th and 4th centuries BC and no Spanish scholars have proposed numerous alternatives later; because the share and size of the blade are qUIte dif- for the Iberian prototype of the Roman sword. which we ferent, being very wide for its lengh!; ancl because the struc- cannot discuss in detail here, bUl which we examine ehew- ture of the flat. rhomboid, flanged hilt is dlstinclIve and here (Quesada. 1997). The Iberian faJcata (Fig. 2.1) has completely different I ram the simpler tang of the Roman been suggested as the prototype (for example A. Arrjhas. swords. 1965;58; Guadan, 1979;36; Broncano et alii 1985;97, Thirdly, the most Widely-held opinion is tbat lhe Romans Grangel, Nebot, EstalL 1987:217). This suggestion is copIed an Htspanic weapon, and thi, must have been a obviously mistaken because the Roman gladius was not a varia(ion of the antennae sword: this is the view held by De curved sabre. It is the result of Polyblus' imprecise use of La Chica (1957:316). The only HIspanic version of the atro- the term Iberike machaira in 6,23,6 to speak of a cutting phied antennae sword that could have been the prototype of blow from a sword, which does not necessarily imply a cur- (he gladills hispaniel/sis would be our type VI (<<Arcobn- ved sword. ga») (Qucsada, (997). It W<lS capable of a slashing action Another 'candidate' that has been suggesled is thefranlon because of its waisted blade, and was used in the Meseta sword (Fig. 2.2, Fig. 3) (Aguilera y Gamboa. 1916: 13: during the Jrd-2nd centuries BC. I also had a longer blade Connolly, 1981:150 ill., probably taken mistakenly as ao than usual in Iberia. (Fig. I. Type VI). The average blade example of the 'Arcobriga type' about which more will be length of this type of atrophied antennae sword is 34.4 cm., said later). Although ilS typological characteristics - a sword while the longest known e,\ample IS 50 cm. However, 61 (7c of medIUm length, designed for cutting and thrusting. with a of these weapons have a blade measuring only between 32 Wide blade and sometimes slightly waisted in shape- would and 40 crn. They are therefore very shon swords by Europ- make it the ideal candidate, the fronton sword cannot be ean or ItaliC standards, and much shorter tbat the c. 62 cm. considered the prolotype of the Roman gladius for three rea- Roman Republican gladij (see Cabre and Moran, 1982; 256 Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 8 1997 .>' ••.•• ,•... ~ ... ,;'"-::--;" , ..,,,".'¥ ~ ,; ~ < < 'NAN'CE, te k.MAX, 4' ' "fS h· + l!lflE' . . . .' . ~ii~8N.iJ . :,,.,(, ." ': ~. .'. ·······f .. '(j$'$~l . ATRO·PHIED ANTENNAE SWORDS OF TYPE VI ('waisted' blade) Mean value of 3rd-2nd BC 445 34.4 4.4 Leather scabbard with melal Quesada (1996 forth.) 3.1 29 swords frame and decoratives plaaues. ex.q.) STRAIGHT BLADE SWOR·DS OF 'LA TeNE' TYPE IN THE SOUTHEAST (IBERIAN AREA) Cigarralejo, 8. 54 c.350/300 BC 63 52 4.6 Iron scabbard with rings. Cuadrado (1987, 1989) 3.4 No suspension loop Quesada (1990) Cabecico. B. 142 c 2501200 BC 70 64 4 No scabbard. Ouesada (1989) 35 No Qroves or mid rib. Ouesada (1990) STRAIGHT BLADE' SWORDS OF 'LA TENE' TYPE IN OTHER AREAS La Osera, B. 201 End 41h-3rd 71.5 60.5 4 Leather or wooden scabbard. Cabre, Cabre (1933) 3.6 Lost. 2 rinQS for suspension. Gomnaz, 8. 'N' 3rd-2nd BC 68.4 59.7 4.4 Midrib on blade. SchOle (1969) 3.7 No scabbard among grave ooods. Gormaz, B. 'F' 3rd-2nd BC 74.4 63 4 No midrib. SchQle (1969) La Azucarera 2nd-1st BC 55.5 5 Wooden (=) scabbard and iron Iriarte et al. (1996) 3.8 frame. 2 rinQs. (ex.q.) L'Esquerda End3rd BC c. 73 c. 60 5 Deposit. No scabbard or Ollich, Rocafiguera remains of iron frame. 1994 STRAIGHT BLADE OF LOCAL MANUFACTURE LOOSELY INSPIRED IN LA TENE TYPE Gomnaz, B. 'M' 3rd-2nd BC 43.5 33 3.9 Bronze scabbard. SchWe (1969) 32 Grooves on blade. Atance, B. 12 s.d. c.69 c.56 c.4.5 Very rare hilt. Escribano (1980) 3.9 Strono, arooved blade. Cabre de Moran (1990) Atance, B. 66 s.d. c.68 c.55 c.5 " Escribano (1980) Cabre de Moran (1990) PROBABLE EXAMPLES OF ROMAN REPUBLICAN SWORDS Es Soumaa c.130-110 BC 70-75 c. 60 Atypical bronze sheet scabbard Ulbert (1979) 3.10 (Numidia) Mouries c. 100 BC 76.5 63.7 4.5 No scabbard Feuqere (1994) 3.14 Baver 80.5 67.5 Feuaere (1994) Berry-Bouy c. 20 BC c. 80 66.6 5.5 Four rings in suspension system. FeugEHe (1994) 3.13 Iron frame. Delos c. 69 BC 76 63.1 Leather scabbard with iron frame. Feugere (1994) 3.12 Two suspension rinas. EA,RL,Y EMPIRE GI,ADII (1st. century AD) Mus. Macon 20 BC to 64.2 52.5 >4 'Mainz' Type Feugere (1990) 3.15 AD 50? Mus. Chalon c. AD50 to 58 44.7 4 'Pompei'Type Feugere (1990) 3.16 AD100 TABLE II: Characteristics of different sword types.  Journal of Romnn Military Equipment Studies 8 /997 257 R:,')) A~. a I ','1 ) , f ,.) I I I [ , 8 16 \' 15 10 5 / 1 ~u 11 1J 14 ~ sI 5 to ~ -= =JC.:_ ~~ ~ "--:--=(7~~~~-,~-=,-_---- . ' ~-=~_.~_.~~- .-:--_:'::'r I 17 Fig. 4: Evolution afthe gladius npe. Quesada, 1997), This is the alternative which P. Connolly de Hoffmayer (1972:46, following Schulten in many ques- (1981: 130-131 and Fig. 7) and Feugere (1993:98) favoured tionable respects but looking for his candidate amongst the recently, However, as we shall see. the examples of swords of La Tene II), Republican Roman swords - gladii hispanienses - recently In his detaded study of Roman weapons, P Couissin discovered have virtually nothing in common with these (1926:227) was of the opinion that at the end of the 3rd cen- swords, except for the suspension system: they are much, tury the Romans changed their short, pointed sword of the much longer, much less waisted, have no complex grooves Greek type (the kind used in Telamon against the Gauls) for and the pommel is not of the antennae type, a La Tene I sword which would be -in his opinion- typical Finally, some authors have believed that the prototype of of the Iberian tribes during the Second Punic War (pp. 230- the gladius hispaniensis had to be the La Tene I sword or a 231), complete with Gallic suspension system and every- Hispanic imitation of it. Although this idea was attractive in thing else, Recent studies in Spain have dearly demonstra- principle, various authors have come up against two diffi- ted this claim to be mistaken (Cabre, 1990; Quesada, 1997). culties: chronological and culturaL On one hand, almost a In fact, both Schulten and Bruhn de Hoffmayer and also century separated «real» La Tene I swords in Iberia from the Couissin, particularly the latter, put forward suggestions arrival of the Romans; on the other, it is thought that the La along the lines we believe to be correct, although with Tene I sword, even if it survived in Hispania until the late various differences which we cannot discuss in detail here, 3rd and early 2nd century, would have been a rare weapon Basically Couissin was wrong in believing that antennae in the Peninsula, and not at all characteristic of the Iberians swords had disappeared in Iberia by the 3rd century BC, that or Celtiberians. Schulten tried to get over the chronological the La Tene I sword was predominant, and above all in the difficulty with a piece of specious reasoning: the prototype question of the weapons' suspension system which, as we would not be the La Tene I sword, but the La Tene II type, shall see, is the key to this problem, modified and shortened by the Celtiberians to look like a La Tene I sword (Schulten, 1937:5). Variations of these ideas TOWARDS A NEW STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM have also been put forward by D, Fletcher (1960:59), Briihn As we can see, almost all the possible alternatives have 258 Journal o.f Roman Military Equipment Studies 8 J997 1 ".:,.;.: : ;'1 ~,.' .': ':,' ·:·:d· :' -.-,:::~. ~: "~"l . , • .. ' . . ... . :- ', : . " "-. .-.:.,?' .: .', .'.r.~i.:": ~., '. '. " ·1 '~I .' ',' ..... ft;~~y;;'j ";\~·::-:.·:..fl- ; : .. ';' ~.' ...' ."..: ."'.: .;.'; '" Fig. 5: Locally modified La Tene I swordfram Quintanas de Gormaz (after Lenerz de Wilde, J986). been considered, which proves what a difficult task it is to I swords were old-fashioned by tbe mid-3rd century BC, and identify tbe prototype of the gladius hispaniensis. The basic moreover rare in Iberia. As a result, by the mid-eighties the reason for this difficulty is that until very recently we have situation had reached an impasse from which it could only had the two ends of a chain, but not the intervening links, be extricated by means of new archaeological data. as the On one hand, we knew what the main types of sword were existing literary sources had been squeezed dry. like in the Iberian Peninsula during the 4th century BC, but not later, in the 3rd-2nd centuries BC; on the other, we knew NEW ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA the main types of Roman swords of the Early Empire, In practice, very often the problem we are studying has conventionally refened to as 'Pompey' and 'Mainz' types been badly stated, The only way of answering the question: (Fig. 4, nos. 15-16, also Table II), but no definite examples What was the Hispanic prototype of the gladius hispanien- of Republican Roman swords datable to the 2nd-l st cen tu- sis like ') is... knowing first what the Roman gladius hispa, ries were known. None of the types characteristic of the niensis was reaIly like. Only on the basis of that knowled- Peninsular panoply (falcatas and short antennae swords) ge can we look for its elements of origin amongst the wea- seemed to be suitable prototypes for a Republican Roman pons of the Celtiberian panoply. sword which, on the other hand, was only known from At one end of the chronological chain, the later one, we sculptures and literary descriptions.The Iberian falcata, with owe to Ulbert (1969), amongst others, the definition of the its curved blade, could be discounted (Fig. 1. I); also the old two main types of Early Imperial infantry sword. During frohton type; The other antennae swords were too shorr to the late 1st century BC and the first half of the I st century be useful as slashing weapons, an essential characteristic of AD (Augustus-Claudius period), the 'Mainz' type predomi- the Republican Roman gladius, according to the literary nated. It had a tapering blade, with edges meeting in a long sources (Table I, Polybius 6,23,6, Livy 31,34) The La Tene point. It was of medium length (for n=8 and n= I 0 respecti-  Journal of Roman Military Eqllipl7lenr Studies 8 1997 259 ---------_ ......:.:- .. _......- Fig. 6: Arcobriga, burial 'D' (Afrer Cabre Aguil6. 1939·40). vely, with a total average length of 6.2 cm.; average blade three or even all four ,vere employed' (B ishop and CoulslOn, length, 50.0 cm.; based on data from Feugere, 1993: 140). 1993:74. conrra Hazel!. 1984; 74 Fig, I). New Iberian evi- From the mid-1st century AD onwards. this lype was gra- dence whIch we cannot delai I here may help to resolve thiS dually displaced by the 'Pompey' type, which had a much question. shoner blade (42-50 cm .. although only rarely as long as SO At the other end of the chronological continuum we have cm, Bishop, Coulslon, 1993:7 I, Feugere, 1993. 146), paral- a wide variety of Celtiberian sword~. which include SIX dif- lel edges and a very short point. It is imponanlto emphasi- ferent types of antennae swords (Fig. J), the fa1cata and the se that both types of sword often have a scabbard complele- fronton sword (Fig. 2): the Miraveche type, imported La Iy or partly built with a metal frame made from U-shaped Tene I and II swords (Figs. 5, 13), and at least two locallmi- ribs, like the Celliberian ones. The scabbard itself, which tal ions of the La Tene I swords (Figs. 9 and 12). Only if we could be of leather or sheets of wood (e.g of lime and birch, add to this sequence a new link will be able lo try and deter- see Feugere, 1990;95), was often covered by decQl'ali ve mine which one or more of these lypes may have been the embossed metal plates, also like in the much earlier origjn of the Roman sword. Celuberian weapons. The sword was hung using a system In thiS respect, there have been some new fine's since the of three or four rings. This characteristic suspension system beginning of this decade, and others made III the 'eighties has presenled problems, since it is not entirely understood: have been evaluated. which enables liS to know what the 'we cannot be certain of whether only two suspensIOn rings. Roman glad/us was like in [he 2nd century BC. Briefly, i[ 260 Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 8 1997 ft ~~ f~t ~ B ~ / .~fil~- ft"'iO\ -=-- l\.~ ......,- 1 )l 0 I 0 Fig. 7: La Osera (Avila). Burial 201. 3rd century BC. (After Cabre & Cabre, 1933). \11 can be said that in size and shape these pieces are reminis- the blade measuring 63.1 cm. (Table Il and Fig. 4.12). The cent of the La Tene I sword, which in Gaul had disappeared point is short and triangular. It has a tang hilt with a complex in the 3rd century to be replaced by the long blunt swords of pommel. The scabbard is leather with an iron frame. Instead La Tene II (Brunaux and Lambot, 1987;120; Stead, of the suspension system characteristic of the La Tene I 1983:490, 505), but they are not, obviously, La Tene I (suspension loop to hold it vertically along the leg), this swords, above all because of the notable differences in leng- sword has a system of two metal clasps that, in addition 10 th, scabbard and suspension system. reinforcing the frame of the scabbard, hold in place two Recent studies (especially Feugere. 1994, complemented rings for a Mediterranean type of suspension, probably a by Feugere 1993 and Bishop and Coulston, 1993) render a baldric, hung from the shoulder and crossing over the chest, very detailed description of the Roman gladius hispaniensis although not necessarily6 This system had been characte- unnecessary; a brief outline will suffice. In particular, the ristic of the Greek world and also of the Iberian Peninsula, Delos sword (Fig. 4.12), discovered in 1986 but not proper- where, as we shall sec. the Gallic system of vertical suspen- ly evaluated until the early 'nineties, provides a good defi- sion was never widely used. nition. It is a weapon with -apparently, since it was found in The other known examples of Republican gladii docu- its scabbard- parallel edges'> and an overall length of 76 cm, mented in France have been well smdied by Feugere (1994),  Joumal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 8 1997 261 Bunsl 9 Bunal 66 .1 0 " ~\ ;, 1 ,'~ .' "" . ~. '.; -_., ;.'; Fig.9: Arallce, (after Escribano. j 980). suspension system using two rings.7 Given their context amongst other Roman weapons (the scutum bosses and knob-crest helmets are very rare in indigenous contexts in the Meseta), these swords can be added to the incipient cata- logue of examples of the Republican Roman gladius. Fig. 8: Gormaz (50ria). Weapons from two differen.r late Finally, the sword from Es Soumaa in Algeria (Ulbert, 1979; burials. Late 3rd-2nd c. SC (after Schr1le. j 969) Feugere, 1993, 98) (see Fig. 4.10) seems to belong to this generic type. and share a number of basic characteristics with the Delos All these swords with their straight blade and straight sword (Fig. 4, 13-14; Table II): blade length around 60-67 edge measuring about 60 cm, and long, triangular point are cm.; straight blade with a triangular point, and iron-framed suitable for cutting and thrusting blows, and thus fit well scabbard and Mediterranean type of suspension system with the literary descriptions (Table {), using rings. While, in the case of the De10s sword, there As for the alleged relevance of waisted blades associated were two rings (there is no need to imagine that two have to iron-frame scahbards. and of both characteristics to the got lost, as Feugere thinks, 1993:98; there are abundant ear- Roman glad/us" as expressed by some scholars, we should lier Hispanic parallels with two rings), the Berry-Bouy piece like to mention some facts. It may well he that for practical (Fig. 4.13 and Table II) already has four, as in the imperial reasons waisted blades are associated with iron frame scab- gladius and daggers. The swords from Mouries (Fig. 4.14, bards in Roman imperial gladii, because of the special shape Table II) and Boyer (Feugere, 1994:14) are of the same of the blade, but this was not so in Iron Age Iberia. In fact, length and appearance. nearly all types of sword in Iberia, waisted or not, have the To the French examples we can add those very recently same type of framed scabbard, and we should note that published from La Azucarera (Alfaro, La Rioja, ancient parallel and tapering blades are earlier than the waisted Graccurris), next to the River Ebro iu Spain (Table n, Fig. types (see Fig. I). Therefore, an iron frame scabbard does 2.8, Fig. 11). The swords were found in a site excavated in not necesarily imply a waisted blade, and vice versa; it then 1969 (Marcos Pous, 1996) together with a Montefortino hel- follows that we should not expect Roman gladii hispa- met and shield umbones (today lost). Although the set has nienses to be waisted because they have metal-framed scab- been dated to the Sertorian period, c. 82-72 BC (Irial1e et al. bards, This is actually what happens: the sword from Delos 1996: 182), it could perfectly well be older, from the second and the gladius from Beny-Bouy do not appear to be wais- half of the 2nd century BC. The swords are almost identi- ted at all, although their respective framed scabbards obscu- cal to those described, with a blade measuring about 55-60 re the details (Fig. 4.12.13); and the gladii from Mouries cm., a scabbard possibly of wood with a metal frame and (Fig. 4, J 4) and Boyer are definitely not waisted. Some of the  Journal of Roman Military Equipmenl Swdies 8 1997 • • ~­ ~-. ,~- ~- Fig.l0: Atance (Detal of hilt). (After Cabre de Moran, Moran Cab re, 1992) swords from La Azucarera are very slightly, almost imperceptibly, waisted (much less so than the so-called Iberian prototypes in Fig. Fig. 11: La Azucarera (Graccurris). Republican Roman swo nrds (After I, type VI), but some are not. In all, we Iriarte et al., 1996) believe that although the Roman gladius his- paniensis had a metal frame scabbard along the whole On the other hand, if we look in the other direction. lenght of the blade, the blade was not necessarily waisted. towards the imitations of the La Tene swords, we will see Some swords may have a slightly waisted profile, or more much closer precedents (see Figs. 4 and 16). often a marked triangular point, but this can be attributed to Some swords have been found in the Iberian Peninsula the very local and artisanal manufacture processes, just as which can be classified as European imports of late La Tene there are as many types of pommel and hilt as known survi- I and La Tene H swords (e.g. Fig 13). Most of them have ving examples. appeared in Catalonia (Ampurias, Cabrera de Mar, BUITiac, Now that we know what the gladius hispaniensis looked Puig Castellar, Tur6 de Is Dos Pins, etc., see Quesada, 1997. like, we can tackle with more confidence the question of its forth.) but some have been found in the Meseta (some Celtiberian prototype. swords from Saragossa). The most significant fact is that The atrophied antennae and type VI waisted swords (Fig. these swords are not found on their own, but are systemati- I, Fig. 4), have an average blade length of 34.4 cm., almost cally associated with bosses typical of oval scuta (Fig. 13) half that of the Republican Roman swords. Its antennae and sometimes Celtic-type helmets (Vallfogona de pommel and its very waisted blade are furthermore poor Balaguer, Ampurias, Can Miralles, etc.); that is, they belong candidates for the prototypes of Roman swords we have just to a panoply which is essentially Celtic or Gaulish, not described. But its metal framed scabbard with embossed Iberian or Celtiberian. These swords always use the Celtic plates over leather or wood, and its suspension system using system of an iron scabbard and vertical suspension using a rings, are without doubt a forerunner of the system used by loop (Fig. 13, Fig. 4.3). However, this type of scabbard and the Roman sword, which was very different from the suspension system is very rare in the rest of the Peninsula. Gaulish swords of La Tene H. For many years the vast majority of swords with a  Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 8 1997 263 • 8-- - -- 01 S 10 Fig.12: La Tene [-type swords from the area of Murcia Fig.l3: Real La Ten.e sword & umbofram Turo dels (after Quesada, 1990). Dos Pins (Barcelona). (After Garcfa RoseJl6, 1993). straight blade and parallel edges measuring more than 50 bards is significant: these weapons are locally produced; cm. found in Iberia, such as those from Arc6briga in they imitate La Tene types, but they are shorter and have not Saragossa and many others from other sites (Gormaz, La Celtic scabbards. Instead, they were used with traditional Revilla, El Atance, Cigarralejo, etc.), have been classified as Celtiberian type scabbards made of perishable materials, 'La Tene'. The discussion has centred around trying to dis- and suspended with a combination of rings and without tinguish these 'imported' swords from others supposedly loops. locally produced (the 'Castilian' type as described by Moreover, it is possible to document archaeologically a Schille, 1969 and Stary, 1982) on the basis of their form and process of local adaptation and modification of late La Telle structure. We think that this discussion is irrelevant and that I Celtic swords which led to the creation of a model almost it is impossible to distinguish two types of La Tene swords identical to the Republican Roman gladills in ~hape, size in the Meseta. Instead we believe that the immense majori- and suspension system. We shall now describe this process, ty of them are local productions, more or less faithful to the which took place in three phases. originals from Catalonia and the Northern Pyrenees. They !.- A sword found in Quintanas de GOlmaz (Soria) (Figs. 5 are obviously hand made, and from subtle marginal diffe- and 14) is dated to the latter decades of the 4th century BC. rences in length or shape of the point it is impossible to clas- It is - in this particular case - an imported European piece sify a sword into one variant or another. dating from the late La Tene I with a scabbard of iron sheet But most important is that swords found in grave goods decorated with a dragon-pair of De Navan'o's type II with metal scabbards of the 'true' Celtic type are extremely (Lenerz de Wilde, 1986, De Navarro, 1972; Stead, 1984). rare in the Meseta - even in Arc6briga, where more than However, in has a very peculiar characteristic: to the Gallic forty swords of this type were dug. In most cases no suspension system ('pontet' or 'suspension loop') have been remains of a scabbard are found, and if they are these consist added a pair of horizontal metal clasps holding two rings, of an iron frame over a leather or wooden base. Since all the probably for a baldric. This is the traditional system throu- other types of swords (antennae, falcatas, front6n) are usual- ghout the Iberian Peninsula in the Iron Age (in Iberian fal- ly deposited in tombs with their scabbards -always framed, catas, Fig. 2, and also in Celtiberian antennae swords, Fig. this absence of the characteristic Celtic metal plate scab- 1)8 In the Arc6briga cemetery in Saragossa at least one 264 Journal of Roman Militar\' Equipment Studies 8 } 997 Fig. 14: Modified La Tene sword from Quintanas de Fig. 15: Modljled La Telle-type swordfrom El Cigarralejo, Gormaz (Soria). Late 4th-early 3 I'd centuries BC It is an grave 54 (Mw"cia). Here the Celtic suspension system has european weapon decorated with a dragon-pail; but the been disposed of and only the 'Iberian' or 'Mediterranean' scabbard has been modified with the addition of two clasps rings remain. (photo author). Second half of the 4tb centu- fitted with rings, probably for a baldric. The original Celtic r\' BC pOlltet is still there, however: End of the 4th century BC.(phoro MAN). other example with a scabbard modified in the same way it is possible [hat here we have a locally made sword very has been documented (Fig. 6). This is a clear indication that similar to the European prototypes, but with the suspension the Celtic suspension system was not popular in the system changed. Peninsula. 3.- The third step in the process of transformation can he 2.- The next step in the process of transforming Celtic wea- seen in a sword of the Sep. 201 of La Osera in Avila (Fig. pons taking place in the Peninsula can be seen in Grave 54 4.6 and Fig. 7), possibly datable to the first half of the 3rd at El Cigarralejo (Murcia), in Iberian telTitory (Figs. 4.4, century BC. Here the iron scabbard has disappeared, and Figs. 12.2, and IS), dated towards the end of the 4th centu- must have been substituted by one made of leather or wood. ry BC. Here a step further from in Quintanas de Gormaz has Only the two clasps for the suspension rings have been pre- been taken. The scabbard is metal, iron plate, but the sus- served. pension loop has disappeared and only the two rings of the The swords of La Osera 201 (Fig. 4.6), Gonnaz (Fig. 4.7) Iberian system remain. The scabbard is not decorated, and and Murcia (Fig. 4.5-1 I and Fig. 12), all with blades nearly  ,i ---------------- ___________ ----l __ - - - - - - - - -; - - - ~- - - ]' eEL TlBERIA i 300 ~--_. I Ij, ;:;. ;;:, :::; - 11-- 5 ~ ';'l:j Cl 200 ------------ _ _ _ ~_".,.l \1~, g ::, REPUBLICAN ROMAN / ~ ~ ~. -~ (:l , ~;;:: -So ., -I I ;::, ~ p; ;;; ....'" ~ 100 ~ l:>. f,,'J q ;:;. '"00 EARL Y EMPIRE / f1 V '- \Q ___ ~ ~ I I ~- \Q 'J -. \ ':.!---------..- ~~~ o .,.. rI/ ' --'---- " ---------~~-~ 1Dll.MJ__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ------ -------..---- N Fig. 16: SU[n{ested el'o/u/iOIl of Ce/tiberian and Iberian sword types and the origin of the gladius hispaniensis. ~ 266 Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 81997 Fig. 17: Local La Tene type sword from El Atance, burial 12, The scabbard, probably made of leather, was not preserved among the grave goods, Notice the peculiar hand grip and pommel and grooved blade,(photo author), 60 cm long (Table II), with parallel edges and a short point, Catalonia. In contrast, from the early 3rd century BC a scabbard of organic material and metal frame, and a sus- onwards, local imitations of the La Tene sword type are pension system of two rings held in place by clasps, are now increasingly frequent in Meseta sites, and become predomi- very similar to the gladii hispaniensis of La Awcarera (Fig, nant in later 2nd century contexts, when they were associa- 4,8), Delos (Fig. 4.12) or Berry Bouy (Fig. 4.13); so much ted with daggers with a big lobular hilt (in turn undoubtedly so that they could be considered to be their direct proto- the prototype of Lhe Roman pugio). Starting from some types. The La Tene II sword used by the Gauls at this time modified European imported swords, it is possible, as we (Fig. 4.17; Fig. 16) has now clearly departed from it in size have seen (Fig. 16) to folJow a process of local modifica- and shape, tions which led in the 3rd century BC to the creation of a Parallel with this line of development of the primitive La sword which was fairly frequent in later sites. This sword is Tene I swords in Iberia, a similar line of swords was produ- almost identical to the Republican gladius, which was thus ced which were rather more solid, with a grooved blade or a true gladius hispaniensis. one with a midrib (Fig. 9, 15 and 16). The most characte- ristic examples come from El Atance (Fig. 4.9) and GOlmaz CONCLUSION (TABLE III AND FIGURE 16) (Fig. 4.2), and some of them have a scabbard made of a If we accept that there was a Roman imitation of a penin- single piece of metal. Their hilt and pommel are distincti ve, sular sword. there are at present two possibilities with regard reminiscent of the atrophied antennae types (Fig. 10), and to the date: also of some depictions of Roman gladii with biglobular a. the gladius hispaniensis already existed before 225 pommels. BC and was thus the Roman sword described by Polybius There is only one possible objection to our proposal: the 01.33) as used by Romans during the battle of Telamon. apparent scarcity of La Tene SWOJds in the Iberian This is not very likely, because on one hand that text does Peninsula: it seems odd that the Romans adopted a type of not mention the essentially mUlti-purpose character of the sword very rare among the Celtiberians. In fact, if we were Hispanic sword (cutting and thrusting) and on the other looking for the imported European swords, we would find because the Suda insists that the Romans adopted the that they are very scarce, and most of them are confined to Hispanic weapon after the war with Hannibal.  Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 8 1997 267 0- The term 'Gladius hispaniensis' STARTING POINT alludes 10 1I1e type and/or quality or manufaclllre. Did the Romans really adopt a type of S'NJrd n does not imply the adoption or a type of Spanish (Iberian or Celtiberisn) origin? O.e. Sandars) YES ,. Mercenaries during the First Punic War (Walbanlc.) Y\'HEN? Before tihe Hanniballc War (Polybius on tihe bat1le of Telamon. c.225) -<:~7 Hannibalic War Perhaps we are asking (Suds, Pol)tlius). e-., loo much of Polybius in I-- MORE PROBABLE lerms of precision Indecisive VVHATTYPE? (Trevilio, Blazquez, Garcia-Gelabert) ~ ~ ~ AIrophied antennae Imported La Tene S\Wrds. Celtiberian version or Fronl6n s'NJrd s'NJrds (Couissin, La T ene I s'NJrd (M. Cerralbo) (Schullen. de la Chica) Salvador VagUe) (SchuJlen. Bruhn) Falcala ~ ~ ~ (Guadtm, Arribas) There are inter- Only type \11 rArc6brtgs') Very few swords of tih is mediate steps 'NJul d qu alify type in Iberia. (Gormaz. Cigarralejo) ~ ~ ~ Can be Perh aps 'waisted' blade Can be discarded. Neith er MOST PROBABLE C an be discarded discarded & type of scabbard? type nor chronology fit OPTION lJ. ? TABLE Ill: Summary of discussion. 268 Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 8 1997 b. it appeared during the Second Punic War, perhaps bet- Telamon (2,30-33) was already the gladius hispanien- ween 216 (Cannae) and 209 (the fall of Cartagena), or per- sis. In this case, we would jusl have to accept the posi- haps just after the war. This option fits the evidence of the tion ofWalbank, for whom "it is clear from ii.30.8 and literary sources and is the one we have followed. 33.3 that the sword used during the Gallic tumultus of The recent discoveries which have made it possible to 225 was virtually the same cutting and thrusting wea- define archaeologically the Republican Roman gladius also pon, and the Romans may have adopted it from enable us to discard some of the old proposals on the pos- Spanish mercenaries fighting for the Carthaginians in sible Hispanic prototype of the Roman sword, such as the the First Punic War. .. » (1957:704). The third possibi- falcata, the fronton sword or antennae weapons. lity is that we may be trying to extract too much from The modifications of early La Tene I swords imported lhe brief descriptions in Polybius, who was not after from Europe which took place throughout the 3rd century all writing a treatise on the evolution of Roman wea- BC led to a model virtually identical with the Republican ponry. Roman swords recently discovered in Delos, France and the 5. FEUGERE (1993:98) also speaks of 'tranchants paral- Iberian Peninsula itself. These modifications particularly leles'. affected the length of the blade (which remained at about 60 6. The rings could also be part of a suspension system cm., instead of being made progressively longer as it was in with a belt, although different from the Celtic type. France during La Tene IT); the material used for the scab- 7. The authors cited (IRIARTE er al. 1996) make a dis- bard (metal scabbards were replaced with ones made of lea- tinction between two types of swords: the La Tene and ther or wood with a frame of iron ribs); the suspension sys- the gfadius hispaniensis t\pes. Since we have been tem (two or three rings instead of the vertical fastener); and unable to examine the pieces al first hand, despite our finally the decoration (embossed plates on the scabbard). attempts, we cannot confirm this opinion. From the As a result, the prototype of the gladius hispaniensis is a drawings and photographs published such a clear typ- Celtiberian sword whose remote origin is not in the charac- ological distinction cannot be deduced, mainly bec- teristic Iberian types of the 5th-4tb centuries BC, but in the ause all the swords are more or less fragmented and in Celtic La Tene I sword substantially modified in accordan- a poor state of preservation. ce with local tastes from the late 4th century BC in the 8. This is the system also employed in Greek swords. Meseta and the Southeast. Baldrics are well documented in Iberian iconograpby, Nevertheless, the term hispaniensis or hispallicus came such as the sculptures from Porcuna (early 5th century in time to refer to any short, multi-purpose and robusl BC). bronze votive figures (5th to 2nd centur~es BC) double-edged sword with a straight blade, as a kind of and painted pottery (late 3rd century BC). See byword for quality, and it was used in this sense by later QUESADA, 1997 Incidentally, the Iberian case authors to describe anachronistically the episode of the proves A. Rapin wrong when he states that Greek single corn bat or duel of T. Manlius against a Gaul set in the hoplites used baldrics because their style of hand-to 4th century BC (see Table 1). hand fighting did not involve mucb running and forced movements, and could therefore afford 'du flottement de l' epee sous son aiselle gaucbe' ('combattant sta- tiqne'); while the Celts needed a system that kept their NOTES scabbards steady while running, jumping and slashing I. Some authors did cast doubts on the Polybius-Suda with their long swords (RAPIN. 1991:351-352). The line of transmission (see SANDARS, 1913:59; Celtiberians used hit-and-run tactics and wild charges DECHELETTE, 1927:636 n3), but the 'polybianic' more similar to the Celtic ways of fighting that to the line was generally accepted from COUISSIN Greek hoplite tactics: but they also used the supposed- (1926:223 ff.) to WALBANK (1957: 704). ly loose fitting baldric. We believe that the reason lies 2. Thus, Polybius often called the straight sword of the nOl in tactics bUl in sword lenghts: Greek, Iberian and Gauls machaira - possibly because of its slashing Celtiberian swords are all very short, and not very action, (e.g. 2,33.5); similarly, the Roman sword is cumbersome; Celtic swords are much longer and sometimes referred to as xiphos (2,33,4) and some- demand a system of suspension that does not get into times machaira (6,23,6). the way while fighting. In hand-ta-hand fjghting 3. See QUESADA, 1994 for the case of machaira and (when gladiis res geritur) violent and quick motion is kopis in the sources. the norm, independently of the tactical system 4. An alternative is to assume that the short and pointed employed, be it phalanx or warband. Roman sword described by Polybius in the battle of  Journal o.fRoman Military Equipment Studies 81997 269 REFERENCES Oxford. AGUILERA Y GAMBOA, E. (1916) Las necropolis ibe- ESCRIBANO, M.P. (1980) «La necropolis celtica de El ricas. Madrid. 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