Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
2013, Transition Online
“Nakhchivan is so attractive because of the unpaid work of local people and absurd unwritten rules of Vasif Talibov,” said Afgan Mammadov, 51, who as a teacher at a village music school for years did unpaid work called imecilik. Each Saturday he swept streets, watered trees, or cleared away demolished buildings
The article applies the model of the clan-state / captured state on the case of Azerbaijan. It discusses the types and forms of informal political institutions in Azerbaijan and explains restructuring of the informal networks that has occurred after Ilham Aliev’s arrival to the presidential office. The core of the article are several mini case studies based mostly on an analysis of local media resources and a primary data collected during field researches conducted in 2006–2014. The article shows that Azerbaijan’s informal political structures based on clientelism and endemic corruption have de facto taken over the country’s formal political scene and using manipulated public tenders transfer a large proportion of oil rents to bank accounts of the ruling elite.
2014 •
"The opposition in Azerbaijan has long been considered a dysfunctional political group that does not threaten the ruling regime. Large swathes of the Azerbaijani public see opposition forces as badly organized, poorly funded, and vulnerable, allowing the Aliyev regime to stand largely unchallenged in the political arena. The traditional opposition’s image of failure drove newly emerging groups to develop a different format, which focuses more on education and less on politics. This article examines the development and transformation of the political opposition in Azerbaijan since independence in 1991, teasing out the significant distinction between the old and new oppositions in challenging the ruling regime. Based on analyses of media reporting and scholarly works, as well as numerous interviews with opposition members, I argue that both branches of the opposition in Azerbaijan have so far failed to test the regime mainly because of the oppressive tactics employed against them, but also as a result of their failure to establish a new form of party politics."
Economy of Azerbaijan : 25 years of independence
Economy of Azerbaijan : 25 years of independence2016 •
The social and political processes, started in 1980s, resulted with the collapse of the USSR, and all union republics became independent. Azerbaijan was one of the first countries, which gained independence in those years. Azerbaijan declared independence on 18th of October 1991. Thus Azerbaijan became one of the countries, which balances economic and political relationships in the region. This characteristic comes from the geopolitical position of Azerbaijan. Located in the region of the Southern Caucasus, Azerbaijan has borders with the Caspian Sea to the east, Georgia and Russia to the north, Iran to the South, and Armenia to the southwest and west. A small part of Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic also has borders with Turkey to the northwest. The transition period in Azerbaijan was observed some problems. However the country could maintain independence. To do so, several economic, social and political problems were resolved. The main problem, which Azerbaijan confronted, was structural. Therefore, it was important to create economy, which can manage itself independently. Throughout the years, some important steps have been taken in order to liberalize the economy. Azerbaijan has huge natural resources, which triggered the development of economy. Oil and gas resources are the most important wealth of Azerbaijan. In 2015, 90% of the export belongs to the energy carriers. This figure also shows the importance of the energy sector in Azerbaijan economy. For this reason, energy resources should be used relevantly. It was not possible to have investment and then divert it to the relevant sectors, without the interference of the government in the transition period. Therefore regulator also should play role, with the invisible hand in order to stabilize free market economy. The political stability was obtained during Heydar Aliyev’s government. The strong political power triggered economic development. Ilham Aliyev, the successor of nationwide leader Heydar Aliyev continues to realize the political program of his father.
2014 •
THE SECRETS OF THE SOVIET EMPIRE THE SUMGAYIT PROVOCATION Today ethnic separatism is considered a serious threat to all progressive mankind. The aggressive Armenian separatism is certainly amongst its dangerous manifestations. This anti-human phenomenon openly instilling a sense of hatred towards everything Turkic is based on the territorial claims against neighbouring nations and achievement of the notorious idea of «The Great Armenia» via annexations, genocide, acts of terror, mass deportations and war, by pursuit of an aggressive policy. Pursuing these goals, Armenian nationalism operates on the principle «whatever it takes…» descending to the falsification of history and appropriation of other nations’ material and cultural resources.
Baku, Azerbaijan "Mutarjim" Publishing-Polygraphic Centre
Welcome to Azerbaijan MASMAKHANUM GAZIYEVA, SEVINJ ZEYNALOVA2018 •
We are pleased to further your interest in Azerbaijan with this book to serve as an appetiser for the many wonders (culinary included) to be found in this country. Truly a crossroads for major routes both North-South and East-West, Azerbaijan has traditionally welcomed and benefited from the many peoples and cultures that have passed through or stayed to enjoy the genuine hospitality. This is one of the secrets behind the triumph of multiculturalism in Azerbaijan. Whether your interests tend towards the academic: Education, History, Geography; to Political Economy; to Religion, Culture or Sport, Leisure and the customary Way of Life, then we are sure there will be something here to whet your appetite.
2013 •
But Baku also supports the very same media that local journalists and rights monitors like Reporters, Amnesty International, and Freedom House say are under attack. Indeed, since 2010 the government has handed out millions of dollars to newspapers and other outlets through the State Support Fund for the Development of Mass Media. For many news outlets, the aid is the only thing keeping the proverbial presses running in Azerbaijan's anemic advertising market. Prominent editors say they have no choice but to apply for the money despite the conflict of interest and other drawbacks, namely the risk of self-censorship.
The Ideology and Politics Journal
Whither the Veten? The Framing of Homeland in Official Discourse vis-à-vis Georgia's Azeri Population2020 •
This article unpacks the notion of “homeland” as it has developed in post-Soviet Georgia and Azerbaijan vis-à-vis the Georgian Azeri-Turks of Kvemo Kartli. The author engages in top-down analysis of homeland-framing in official Georgian-Azerbaijani discourse from 1992-2017 to answer the following query: How and why have leaders of Georgia and Azerbaijan framed their respective territorial states as the vətən, or “homeland”, of Georgian Azeri-Turks since 1991? Findings demonstrate that Georgia’s Azeri-Turk population is effectively caught between the rhetoric of two homelands, one autochthonous, or “organic” (i.e. Azerbaijan), the other allochthonous, or “inorganic” (i.e. Georgia). Both states benefit from the inclusion of Georgian Azeri-Turks into the conception of the “worldwide Azerbaijani Diaspora”, albeit for different reasons; while Azerbaijan grows its politically motivated “worldwide Diaspora”, Georgia benefits from Azerbaijan-sponsored investments within disadvantaged minority communities. Through the triangulation of data from official statements and speeches, original interviews, participant observation, and landscape analysis, this article seeks to shed further light upon the implications of such homeland-framing within the lives, livelihoods, and subject positions of Georgian Azeri-Turks.
The “four-day war” between Armenia and Azerbaijan in early April 2016 drew the attention of the international community to the mountainous region of Karabakh, the location of one of the so-called “frozen conflicts” in the South Caucasus. During intense fighting, dozens were killed, hundreds were wounded, and many driven from their homes. This military confrontation demonstrated that the ceasefire negotiated more than twenty years earlier between Azerbaijan and Armenia has not worked and has not helped to bring the two alienated neighboring nations any closer to a lasting, peaceful settlement. This article provides an overview of over a century of Armenian–Azerbaijani confrontation by analyzing the roots of this difficult relationship and how historical legacies still impact the situation today.
2013 •
Azerbaijani Multiculturalism
Religious diversity in Azerbaijan, Relations between state and religion in Azerbaijan.pdf2018 •
LEGAL ENVIRONMENT FOR MEDIA in AZERBAIJAN
LEGAL ENVIRONMENT FOR MEDIA in AZERBAIJAN - 20192019 •
2016 •
Southeast European and Black Sea Studies
Discursive closure: Political parties and the (ir)relevance of ideology in Azerbaijan2019 •
Acta Biologica Sibirica
The genus Rosa L. (Rosaceae) in the flora of Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic (Azerbaijan2018 •
Journal of Eurasian Studies
Islamic radicalism that never was: Islamic discourse as an extension of the elite’s quest for legitimation. Azerbaijan in focus2019 •
Bank and Policy 2022 Issue 2
Bank and Policy N2 2022 Full Issue ISSN2022 •
2010 •
2014 •
2014 •
Nation-Building and Identity in the Post Soviet Space: New Tools and Approaches (edited by Rico Isaacs and Abel Polese)
Public Events and Nation-Building in Azerbaijan2016 •
Azerbaijan in the World, Vol. 3, No. 9,
Religious Pluralism among Muslims in Azerbaijan2010 •
Azerbaijan and Iran: Suspicious Minds
Conflict & Diplomacy: Azerbaijan and Iran: Suspicious Minds2012 •
Religion, Politics and Nation-Building in Post-Communist Countries
Islamic opposition in Azerbaijan: discursive conflicts and beyond. In: Religion, Politics and Nation-Building in Post-Communist Countries. Greg Simons and David Westerlund (eds.)2015 •
Humanitarian and SocioEconomic Sciences Journal
Reflection of Khojaly genocide in Azerbaijan publicity 1992-2000.pdf2019 •