A Political History Of Nigeria And The Crisis Of Ethnicity In Nation-Building

International Journal of Developing Societies Vol. 3, No. 1, 2014, 87-95 DOI: 10.11634/216817831403459 A Political History of Nigeria and the Crisis of Ethnicity in Nation-Building Odeyemi, Jacob Oluwole Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo. E-mail: odeyemioluwole6@gmail.com The virus of ethnicity has been one of the most definitive causes of social crisis, injustice, inequality and religio- political instability in Nigeria. Ethnicity has been perceived in general as a major obstacle to the overall politico–economic development of the country. Nigeria is marked by underlying ethnic cleavages and inter- ethnic fears and tensions, hence a bellicose nation. These are revealed from time to time by conflicting lobbies at the moments of competition for shares of the national cake and political appointments to high offices, resource control, head of political parties and ministerial positions. Losers in competitions for high national offices often attribute their failures to ethnicity or ethnic marginalization, while winners hardly ever explained their success in terms of the influence of ethnicity, and are therefore not gallant losers or magnanimous in victory. The Nation’s incessant appeals to ethnicity have obviously showcased the evils inherent in the politicization of ethnicity. Consequently, the ensuing complications of ethnicity have grossly impinged on the development of the country in all ramifications. The paper, a historio-political venture, argues that the path was colonially charted though; the Nigerian political elite have in complicity exacerbated ethnicity in the country. As Nigeria warms to its centennial amalgamation birthday, the Nigerian political history is summable as a squandered century of nationhood, a nation-building in close call, extremely in dire need of operational reappraisals. Key Words: Nigeria, Ethnicity, Ethnocentrism, Nation-building, colonialism Introduction political ascendancy in Nigeria. Of course, it could be conjectured that Ironsi had tactically goofed, covertly Nigeria’s political history is intertwined between or overtly, by decreeing the abolition of the Federal military rule and democratic governance. The First system on 24th May, 1966 (a previous strategic Republic presided over by Prime Minister, Sir provision to stymie ethnic rivalry), for an acutely Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, with a ceremonial unitary system, and secondly by disparately promoting President, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, lasted from October a number of Igbo military officers ahead of others. 1960 to January 1966. The regime was plagued by Ironsi’s strategic miscalculations sent jitters down the antagonistic regionalism, ethnicity, declined revenues, spines of other ethnic groups and united them against and bitter power struggle, and it wobbled from one his government. Billy J. Dudley (1967), a first crisis to another until it was overthrown by the military generation Nigerian political scientist, noted (Danfulani & Atowoju, 2012). Coincidentally, the categorically that the Igbo had plans for a unitary state first coup, widely touted to have been led by Major with the Igbo predominating in its governance. Patrick Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, was defectively A counter coup was hurriedly organised and planned and terribly executed as plotters lacked full executed in July 1966, leading to the emergence of Lt. grips with the consequences, and hence got consumed Col. Yakubu Gowon, a self-acclaimed protector of by its complexities, paving the way thereby for an Nigeria’s minorities, from the North as the new Head uninvolved officer, General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, to of State. Quite unfortunately the earlier coup had become the first military Head of State. However, the generated serious ethnic bitterness which led to the coup had significantly compounded the incidence of butchery of Igbos dwelling in the North. The ensuing ethnicity in Nigeria. This inevitably is because both bad blood led to the Biafran secession and a civil war Nzeogwu and Aguiyi-Ironsi were of Igbo extraction, to reunite the country. Danfulani & Atowoju (2012) and hence, the coup (dubbed by cynics as “Igbo coup”) observed that the 1970s were marked by dramatic and the policies of the eventual government were changes which bordered largely on ethnicity, and undoubtedly interpreted as Igbo agenda to achieve ethno-political rivalry. The civil war ended in 1970, ISSN 2168-1783 Print/ ISSN 2168-1791Online / World Scholars http://www.worldscholars.org  International Journal of Developing Societies 2 for a short while, abating the danger of ethnicity, but the contrary in that some of the world’s worst introducing the problem of post-war reconstruction, genocidal ethnicity occurred most recently despite rehabilitation and reconciliation (the 3Rs). The onus of modernization. The ferocity with which the Hutus this paper is to critically examine some of the related mauled the Tutsis in Rwanda, and the despicable ills and proffer solutions that will ameliorate or Serbian aggression against other groups in Bosnia- possibly put an end to ethnicity or the fear of ethnic Herzegovina were testimonies that ethnicity is marginalization, mutual mistrust and bitter phenomenally intractable in social scientific segregations that often generate ethnic imbroglio in calculations. Rather than waning, modernization and Nigeria plural society. This paper will also discourage other human advancements have provided new issues the attitude of politicians at taking advantage of tribal that fueled ethnicity within national societies where it sentiment for personal gains. has worrisomely remained a major and recurrent guzzler of human lives. Against this background, John le Carré had lamented in his novel – Our Game, “while Concepts, Definitions and Significance of Study we’re pulling down economic borders, these ethnic crazies are putting up national borders” (cited in Apart from being controversial, ethnicity is a diehard Spence, 1996). phenomenon that scholars have endlessly continued to Very many theorists in the fields of social science grapple with. A very disturbing reality is the result of have made authoritative submissions, particularly, on a study carried out by Banerjee and Sengupta. It the subject of ethnicity. Both the concepts of ethnicity reveals that more than 10 million lives were lost and nation-building came into social parlance at between 1945 and 1975 to ethnic militia violence relatively about the same period of time. While the around the world (Banerjee & Sengupta, 2009). Many socio-anthropological concept of ethnicity was scholars of the social science persuasion had reportedly premiered by the American sociologist contended decades ago that ethnicity and ethnic David Riesman in 1953 (Teshome, 2008), the period identifications would fade as the modernization coincided with the timely-arrival of newly process of industrialization and urbanization ground independent states in Africa when nation-building as a them down (Henderson, 1998). It is indeed reasonable concept appeared to refer to the efforts of the and convenient to conjecture that ethnic cleavages concerned states towards nurturing the former colonial would recede as the world advanced into post- territories into viable and coherent modern national modernity wherein modern nation-states had become entities. Perhaps with the exceptions of Ethiopia and the authoritative interacting units. Of course, that is Liberia, the entire continent of Africa had originally amidst a host of other non-state actors though been carved up into colonial territories by Europeans influential in the course of direction of the without regard to ethnic boundaries, and regrettably, international system, and that is coupled with the without due considerations for their idiosyncratic supposed shrinkage of the world into a global village compatibility. Prior to colonialism, these ethnies had where tribes and tongues may differ but deemed more or less existed in political independence of one inconsequential. another; hence, concern was insignificant for inter- Ethnicity as a concept is deeply related to the ethnic bickering. general practice of alienation and identity branding Historical studies, for instance, in intergroup whereas branding has always characterised both intra- relations in pre-colonial Nigeria area are quite global and intra-national relations, and where also, interesting. Though mistrustful and conflictual at opportunities, rights and privileges are functions of occasions, yet there were many other factors that who you are and where you are from. In recent times, created some forms of cordial interdependence. Such the world has witnessed the unprecedented integration included trade and commerce particularly in the of peoples, customs, traditions and businesses in exchange of such items over which there is global history and a supposedly boundless economic comparative group advantage in its production or opportunities offered by globalisation. The modus procurement, and which have been brought about operandi and other presumptions of globalization as an significantly by nature (environmental and anti-alienation, post-segregation strategy were geographical variations). Despite such interdependence believed to be capable of narrowing or collapsing anyway, ethnicity issues hardly arose. Intergroup various forms of primordial anti-progressive identities relations were also fostered by migrations, socio- that had thrived on such linkage factors as racial, religious and cultural matters, even as many had tribal, cultural, linguistic and religious differences. Its diplomatic and deliberate friendly ties. At colonial ultimate was to spur a new wave of economic boom subjugation, intergroup relations became further and other opportunities for all peoples to partake, heightened but issues of ethnicity were still irrespective of the forms of dichotomies. It is however insignificant since the colonies were governed by non- 3 J. O. Odeyemi Africans who also used force of arms to hold the issues of peace and conflict were concerned, not only colonies in place as required. Ethnic rivalry was very is an African state accorded fame and greatness by its minimal as they willy-nilly submitted to their foreign revered potentials for aggression, (which could have conquerors. Nevertheless, the(se) ethnically conflated been channeled into deterrent policy as world powers colonies became the cradle of modern states of Africa. do today), but often also, that acts of interstate Interestingly, the two concepts are important to aggression and the attendant plunders and usurpations nationhood in that both are mutual inhibitors. Put at conquests were their surest industry to livelihoods, differently, it is an intractable impingement case of opulence and splendor. Many state armies like the exclusivity in the very face of inclusivity; hence, intra- Buganda army and Ibadan warriors were granted national relations are bound for the frictions in multi- license to personally plunder such items as ivory, ethnic political societies. This scenario is particularly livestock, women, etc. during wars. The liberty to loot notorious in Africa than elsewhere where state- had motivated the soldiers and who also were always formation initiatives were not indigenous but foreign- eager for the next war as soon as they were broke. It crafted, and nationalism activities were similarly was often a kind of large scale interstate armed colonially induced. In fact, rather than conceptually robberies in form. Consequently, pre-colonial Africa refer it as state-formation or state-building, the was clearly a jungle in respect of interstate relations. modern states of Africa evolved from the deliberately African states were constantly at wars that were often organised state-packaging or state-fabrication at the nonsensical and unjust; but rather for the fun, frivolity Berlin Conference of 1884-1885. Then, European and aggrandizement, spoils and slave-raiding. Powers were impatient to await the natural evolution Boundaries were thus in a flux of shifts and of modern states in Africa due to the prevalent obliterations as African states collapse and international exigencies and strategies. Far from it that reconstitute as in a continuum, and all these were at Africa was devoid of state formation/organisation for the reckless expense and neglect of political stability history is replete with African states and societies that for full continental exploration and development, and were thousands of years old prior to European global as well, human advancement. conquest. Short of saying, however, that African states Europeans indeed paid in blood, money and were slow to integrate into the emerging international intellectual sweat for the exploration and claiming of economic/political order as a global initiative of the continent for its potentials, whereas Africans were Europeans, it is rather that Africa was comparatively outrightly complacent and improvident about their primitive and utterly ignorant of developments around future, carelessly paving the way thereby for European the globe, apart from being totally unprepared to imperialism. The European knowledge from the integrate, albeit appropriately. explorations aided the Berlin partitioning of Africa But then also, the term primitive may be and its colonial subjugation. Little wonder thus that prejudicial to Africa. The situation may rather at the Africa was stagnatory until it got caught up in time be described as comparative variations in state- bewilderment, absolutely unimaginably and conceptualisation between Africans and Europeans. Put unpreparedly, in the imperial web of the West. Of differently, Europeans had a particular course again, it would be unfair to think that wild and conceptualisation of the modern state that is completely senseless wars were peculiar to Africa. Europe, Africa unafrican in nature. The pre-colonial Africa is and other continents have all had their Dark Age characterised by weak and fluidly states with no clearly experience at one time or the other. Europe had defined territories and borders. Whereas Europe had however galloped out of the situation ahead of others settled for a sovereign, industrially prosperous and to channel the advancements of the entire world. mercantilist state system, the orientation was absolutely Africa was then a continent where peoples were different in Africa. Whereas also Europe, on the alert, continually in despairing moves due either to had developed a consciousness towards the systematic displacements or migrations (particularly in Southern management of interstate relations, Africa was yet Africa) motivated most often by credible feelings of unaware of such critical need to organise her insecurity. The craving for strong, peaceful, stable, international/global relations. Indeed, and with no prosperous and enduring states were grossly lacking, political ideal for the concept of sovereignty, or its or at best, not yet developed in much of Africa. This is relatives, to regulate interstate relations, most African unlike Europe where the Renaissance, centuries of states celebrated expansionism and aggression with bloody wars and armistice treaties, and to cap it all, the orgy. The latter was particularly a sign of strength, an Industrial Revolution and Mercantilism had thought or instrument of interstate relations, and a game helped them to develop an unprecedented framework cherished by any capable state. for interstate relations, and a conceptualisation of The entire continent could be imagined as a wild modern nation-states that are free, sovereign, and circus of utter chaos and bloodletting. As far as the contiguous; and conducive to the full unleashing of  International Journal of Developing Societies 4 human potentials and development in all facets. These But then, as observed by Salamone, ethnic groups are nation-states evolved as a move away from the political, economic and social action groups formed unwieldy and unregulated system of empires, for a particular purpose; that is, to obtain something kingdoms and principalities which were the previous that is more easily attained by belonging to an ethnic units of human political organisation all over the group than as an individual or as a member of some world. other ethnic group. This is why this work prefers to The additional factor, thus, is that Africa was adopt Abner Cohen’s’ operational definition of an much unprepared to integrate into the then emerging ethnic group as ”a collectivity of people who share international economic/political order in the some patterns of normative behaviour and; form a appropriate political unit - the nation-state. This is the part of larger population interacting with people from European-fashioned political unit that could interact in other collectivities within the framework of a social the modern industrial and international society system" (cited in Teshome 2008). operating within a framework of new rules of The essence of this ethnic interaction, as posited engagement. As the world could not wait for Africa, by Teshome, explains essentially why Ethnic groups the Berlin partitioning of the continent into the kind of give support (through belongingness) and solidarity to European states became the inevitable. It simply their members to counterbalance the alienation resulted in the world’s greatest border-engineering in prevalent in the modern world. Basically then, an which borders as European prefabs were imported and ethnic group is potentially a lobby group. Quite embedded in Africa. Pal Kolstø (1999), aptly essentially, the tendencies of ethnic groups to rally, described such scenario, as the movement of borders give support, and solidarize, in order to mitigate acts across settlements. Very importantly thus, the mode of of alienation, prejudices or marginalization from other formation of African modern states was itself the ethnic groups, and quite importantly to maximize contagion of ethnicity. However, the incidence of possible gains in any ethnic interaction become the ethnicity is not the direct consequence of either the genesis of ethnicity in social systems. Thus, the term mode of formation or the nature of the modern state. ethnicity could be viewed as the characterization of Ethnic animosities, rivalries and uprisings are rather ethnic relations per time in any multi-ethnic social the bye-products of the kind of inter-ethnic politics system, and which usually are frictional and opposing. and power play that ethnics’ cohabitation generated in the modern states. Smith (1996,) thus writes of ethnic Ethnicity, Politics and Nation-Building politics as that which is characterised by endemic instabilities, unpredictability and acute passions. Ethnicity as a relational product is quintessentially Professor Nnoli (1978), an authority on the adversarial. Two reasons are responsible. The first, as subject, described ethnicity essentially as that which observed by Matteo Fumagalli (2007), though in exists only within a political society that consists of different context but very applicable to African social diverse ethnic groups; where such groups are systems by its peculiar nature of state-formation, is characterized by a common consciousness of being that millions of citizens found themselves, almost one in relation to other relevant groups. It “tends to be overnight, in the new condition being labelled or exclusive in membership particularly on linguistic and viewed as minority. However, the tag ‘minority’ cultural grounds while being rejective of non- denotes the presence of some sorts of critical members in social relations, hence, social relations are competitions in which the former is delicately pitched often conflictual. What then are ethnic groups? against a majority other with a leverage of number Without going to its historical origins as that is already among other factors. Multi-ethnic states are well-done, for instance by Teshome (2008) and consequently in a flux of nagging competitions. This Salamone (1997), both whose works are highly is quite particular to African states where there is significant towards understanding the deep-seatedness heavy dependance on public resources for virtually of ethnicity in Africa, the term ‘ethnic group’ is used every form of sustenance, more so that the private to describe a quasi-national kind of ‘minority group’ sector is less developed. within the State (Banerjee & Sengupta, 2009). Nnoli A major blunder committed by early post- defines an ethnic group as “social formations independence leaders in their state-building effort is distinguished by the communal character of their that the state is paternalistically conceived. The state boundaries. The relevant factor may be language, became an omniprovider of an overwhelming plethora culture, or both” (Nnoli, 1978). In order to distinguish of services, many of which could have been efficiently itself from other similar groups, ethnic groups promote provided by the private sector. Access to the state’s an ideology that … asserts a common ancestor for all (finite) resource base is thus crucial to the competing members, a common set of values, culture, behaviour groups. This explains why the attempt to privatize and ideology, (Salamone 1997). 5 J. O. Odeyemi certain public utilities, infrastructures and services politics of enrichment to the group(s) with the upper have met with stiff public resistance, whereas most hand in the interplay of power politics, whereby African states are already overwhelmed and incapable greater opportunities of amassing wealth are of further services. As Teshome has observed, effectively, deliberately and greedily cornered by the ethnicity could be the basis for the unequal treatment dominant group(s). The history and politics of revenue of people and it may be the cause of ethnocentrism and allocation in Nigeria clearly depicted this scenario. At prejudices against members of other ethnic groups. Independence when Nigeria’s economy relied solely The second, which derives from the first, is a function on agricultural exports, the revenue sharing formula of several factors. The fact that the (African) state is in based on the principle of derivation was adopted. By a constant scenario of political competitions is an this principle, federal revenues were distributed to the indication of the economic fact that the resources federating units based on the total or some proportion available for allocation is also never surplus. It is of certain taxes assumed to have been paid by the indeed the scarcity of resources that inevitably citizens of the units. Two of Nigeria’s three units then, necessitates, if not aggravates, the politics of (its) the Western and Northern Regions (also with two allocation. dominant ethnic stocks – Yoruba and Hausa-Fulani) The stakes of politics are too high. Politics tremendously got enriched under this principle extends beyond mere governmental organisation and through their exportation of cocoa and groundnuts operation of the state and its institutions. Politics is (then in very high demand in the international market) critical and determinative of people’s fate or fortune in and other cash crops. The Eastern Region was then less life. Without an iota of doubt, it’s a functional endowed and thus profited less comparatively. determination of who prospers or perishes, who lives Shortly after, oil was discovered in stupendous or dies, who is favoured or marginalized and who is commercial quantity in the Eastern Region. The in- famed or defamed. Politics could be used to engender streaming petrodollars soon and far outstripped total development and underdevelopment, depending on revenues from agroexports prompting thereby the who is at the winning end of power play. The politics successful agitation by the same two chagrined regions of allocation essentially is about competing to get for Nigeria to adopt a new revenue sharing formula some scarce benefits from government. Such include that is either based on the principle of need or the health, wealth, scholarships and education, public principle of even development/national interest. utilities, infrastructural facilities, loans and grants, Revenue allocation here is either based on the size of livelihoods, fame, respect, land, resource control, the population in an area, or on the basis of public security, contracts, import license, influence, skills, expenditure deemed to be in the best interest of the and e.t.c. How much that one could get is a critical nation as a whole. The two former regions still profited function of where one belongs in the endgame of significantly in this new arrangement as they politics. Two classical definitions of politics are contained major population centers of the country. succinct here. Politics for Harold Lasswell, though And that is in addition to the fact that the political and bitterly and in the ordinariness, is about who gets what, bureaucratic elites from these regions are also some of when and how. A technical interpretation of that is the most influential in the authoritative allocation of David Easton’s definition that politics is the values and the determination of deeming issues of authoritative allocation of value. Thus, a synergetic national interest. The politics of allocation is jealously fusion of the two, that politics is the authoritative ridiculous in Nigeria that even a non-oil state would determination of who gets what, when and how, brings temptingly agitate for similar federal oil-related forth a crucial case of fate determination. compensations to oil-producing states, for instance, to The critical reason why people or groups struggle cater for environmental oil spillages, or at least would for governmental power is because it is essentially at create spurious excuses to partake of similar federal the decision end of politics of allocation. Therefore, largesse. Geo-political zones that are unable to benefit intergroup competitions for the authoritative from certain largesse may agitate to discourage its allocation of value in multiethnic states are inevitable allocation to the needy zones. and vicious. They are usually the root cause of inter- It is also not unnatural that people play the unfair ethnic civil uprisings. Nnoli has thus rightly argued politics of domination in their authoritative that it is not inter-ethnic contact between groups that determination of who gets what, when and how. Put breeds conflicts; rather it is the extent of competing differently, the politics of allocation may also claims that are associated with the economic and transform into politics of deprivation, or at terrible political problems of modern nation states (Nnoli, times the politics of marginalization. Occasionally at 1978). However and notwithstanding the status of moments, with reckless abandon, it could transform resource availability in terms of scarcity or surplusage, into politics of (organised) oppression or the politics of allocation may become the vulturous extermination. All of these dimensions of politics, for  International Journal of Developing Societies 6 instance, were remarkably and progressively the purpose within the state. In other words, social experience of Jews, regrettably at the hands of the harmony is a critical ingredient of nation-building. Nazis. The Tutsis of Rwanda similarly and recently However, the attainment of social harmony may of shared these political experiences. In Bosnia- essence be antithetical to the adversarial nature of Herzegovina in the early 1990s, the actual and the inter-ethnic politics in post-colonial states where every perceived desire to dominate or resist domination led ethnic group is most tendentiously hostile to the three major ethnic groups - the Serbs, the Bosniaks nonmembers. The pertinent question is how do multi- (Muslims Slavs) and the Croats, to fight a vicious war ethnic states achieve social harmony in the very face that resulted in one of Europe’s worst post-Cold War of ethnic politics, rivalries and adversities involved in humanitarian tragedies, during which thousands got the competition for scarce resources and the high hoarded into concentration camps, displaced, tortured, stakes of politics? Undoubtedly, nation-building is an raped or utterly massacred. It is thus not far-fetched uphill struggle in multiethnic states, and it is only why ethnic groupings and group politics are within these contexts that the political history and the fundamental and diehard in many states, particularly crises of ethnicity in Nigeria can be understood and in multi-ethnic and post-colonial situations. The stakes dissected. It is equally significant to understanding the of politics are better obtained by belonging to an ethnic political situation and future of the Nigerian state. group than as an individual or as a member of some other ethnic group. By essence thus, ethnic relations Ethnicity – Origin and Impact on Nigerian cannot but be innately adversarial in group contentions Nationality for scarce resources, and even for crucial subsistence. Quite remarkably, there is the scholastic consensus Thomas Hodgkin (1960), describes the Nigerian past that ethnicity and ethnic nationalism is critical to state- as many pasts, not one – the past histories of the making as both generate solidarity and garner popular various peoples and civilizations which constitute participation of people in politics, yet, ethnicity, by its modern Nigeria. By this is meant that Nigeria, as we adversarial nature, is contraindicated to the concept of know it today, is a conflation of several ethnic nation-building. The aim of this paper again is not to nationalities that have coexisted as one nation. A get involved in the debate on the theories and remarkable aspect of their collective history is that the conceptualizations of nation-building as it is also a parts of these nationalities were linked at many points normative issue. Rather and as earlier posited, this and over several periods of time in myths of origin, work would adopt preferably the idea that nation- commercial activities across borders, crafts, marriage, building refers to the efforts of post-colonial states trade, religions, and other issues that welded them into towards nurturing the former colonial territories into a unified entity (Babawale, 2007). Notwithstanding viable and coherent modern national entities. Babawale’s submission suggesting the prevalence of Essentially thus, nation-building critically aims at the boisterous inter-group relations among peoples in the forging or framing of a national identity and the pre-colonial Nigeria area, the various nationalities unification of peoples within the state in order to attain could yet be rightly described as having peculiar significant forms of stability and endurance, which values and orientations, idiosyncrasies and traditions, will in turn ensure its prosperous viability. which in many instances were diametrical and Nation-building, includes the deliberate creation antagonistic by modus vivendi and modus operandi. of national paraphernalia and symbols of unity such as But these never mattered in so far that they were national flag, national anthem, national day and (often) politically independent of one another. In other national investments/holdings, etc. At a deeper level, words, the disparate ethnies were free, sovereign, national identity needed to be deliberately constructed contiguous and often cooperative. Colonialism came by molding different groups into a nation, especially to alter this status quo inter alia. Colonialism had since colonialism had used divide and rule tactics to initially coalesced the disparate peoples along two maintain its domination (Wikipedia, 2013). Nation- geo-political zones - the Northern Nigeria building involves the intricate inclusion of all groups, Protectorate and the Colony/Protectorate of Southern towards fostering social cohesion and harmony as Nigeria, with separate colonial Governors. At that against the exclusivity and rancorous nature of stage, each geo-colonial zone had relatively contained ethnicity. The opening phrase of the first Nigerian peoples with trado-cultural affinities; hence, prospects national anthem, ‘Nigeria, we hail thee, our own dear for ethnic bickering were insignificant. native land, though tribes and tongues may differ, in But in a move that distinguished him as the author brotherhood we stand’, is a pointer to this. The initial of ethnicity in Nigeria, Frederick Lugard, the first effort at nation-building in Nigeria thus aimed at British Governor-General of the Colony and forging a brotherhood, vis-à-vis, a nationhood of the Protectorate of Nigeria (Dec. 1913 – Nov. 1918) diverse ethnies, organised in unity for a common 7 J. O. Odeyemi eventually and insensitively forced the various tribal home industries in the aftermath of the second national groups and the Protectorates to amalgamate in Industrial Revolution and the abolition of Trans- 1914, without a proper roundtable agreement. This is Atlantic Slave Trade. The amalgamation was not aptly described as the ‘deliberation deficit’ notable necessarily the objective building of a workable and with and undermining many polities in transition, and beneficial modern polity to organize the locals for by which is meant, ‘the absence from a given social their development and prosperous futures in the formation of a common ethos that frames the debate evolving international order. on issues of general concern’ (Obadare, 2004). Of Thus, in the foregoing, the amalgamation of these course then, the disparate peoples of pre-colonial two colonies is a special assignment that requires Nigeria in sublime ignorance, and indeed, generations ruthlessness, audaciousness and atrociousness, away from being aware of the economic and socio- particularly as it is bound to meet with resistance by a political developments around the globe, were in good section of the locals. As such the mission would transit to a kind of nation-state that had never crossed require a crazily ruthless fellow with a pedigree for their imagination. Several world-changing reckless disregard for decorum and scruples. Of all the developments such as the rise of sovereign states and British colonial officials on field at the time, perhaps an international order in the post-westphalian sense, the only one with such credential and excellent and as well the Industrial Revolutions and profiling was Frederick Lugard. With a background Mercantilism have taken place, resulting in the career in military and mercenary professionalism, he evolution of modern industrial societies, the kind that had been previously hired or commissioned, most were then grossly absent in Africa. The European times successfully, to secure trade routes, treaties, or conquerors of the world had considered it their territories for imperial British companies, establish manifest destiny to drag and mold the entire world British predominance and sovereignty in colonies and along these modern patterns. This would inevitably other disputed territories, commandeer troops to result in the regrouping of peoples and the reshaping decisively quell colonial hot spots (even at the forfeit of primitive states into modern nation-states. of entire towns to total destruction), and to protect Of consequence also, it had been in the plan and British interests particularly by checkmating the process of the British Government, as a matter of their encroachment and aggression of other colonial powers national interest and colonial convenience, to coalesce across much of Africa. To achieve this record, he was the two colonies as one. The British Government was by no means a gentleman, but a thoroughbred prejudicially aware also that the resultant nation would Machiavellian to whom the end only justifies the be a bed of nails for strange bedfellows with the full means. awareness that the fundamental differences in values He was completely unlike William Macgregor and sensibilities will certainly ever pitch the people who governed the Lagos colony at about the time against one another. What however mattered to Britain when Lugard first governed the protectorate of then was the sustenance and even the furtherance of Northern Nigeria between 1900 and 1904. MacGregor her unrivalled international prestige, power and trained and practiced extensively as a doctor before colonial expediency, and not, though importantly, the veering into colonial administration, and as a consequences of the eventual clash of sensibilities and governor, he mixed with all ranks of people and values (and may be of civilizations) of peoples whose listened to what they wanted (Wikipedia 2013). The immediate past generations had earlier been forcibly value systems and orientations of these two colonial bundled and fettered unto slave ships to farm officials, particularly towards human administration European plantations in the Americas. were completely different and may have been dictated Britain had claimed the fame for building the by the nature of their first career and profession. A greatest global empire on which the sun never sets, and doctor is trained to love, care and save life, but a may thus still wish to experiment with building huge soldier is contrarily trained to, perhaps rapidly hate artificial nations many times her own size. But Britain and destroy life. Their styles of governance are never needed to compound the future by merging the therefore different as well as their approach to issues. two geo-colonial entities at the time since each was The difference, by no exaggeration, is that between a already bigger than most European states and were manager and a bully of men. William Macgregor was already viable as modern states. However, Britain a man given to amity and roundtable, tact, could afford to be careless and unsentimental to the perseverance and much avoidance of bloodshed in eventual plight of the colonial peoples, for after all, the accomplishing a state of law and order, and this is colony itself, like many others, was to double-serve effortful and painstaking considering human importantly as an asset for international diplomatic complexities. By all means he was a social democrat and military leverage, and very importantly as well, a and a liberal administrator. For his sterling efforts in business facility for the resource-depleted British most colonies where he governed, MacGregor won  International Journal of Developing Societies 8 numerous awards and medals of excellence in service Obafemi Awolowo sadly submitted that “…that to humanity from non-governmental organisations, amalgamation will ever remain the most painful injury first-rate academic institutions and the state a British government inflicted on Southern Nigeria” (Wikipedia, 2013). On the other hand, the impatient (Onwudiwe, 2011). Frederick Lugard believed almost passionately in the Tactically, the Colonial Office in London had easy-use of force to compel obedience, law and order. given freedom to its officers to pragmatically govern He was a maximum ruler, and outrightly a non- the colonies as they deemed fit based on the situation democrat who thought that disparate peoples could be on ground. Unlike the French colonial policy that was forcibly glued together in a polity irrespective of highly centralised and direct-rule in form, and whose fundamental divisive issues. Lugard notably won ultimate control was vested in the Minister for honours only from, and in service to the state, (the Colonies at Paris, the British colonial policy have been ultimate of which was a barony), mainly and obviously characterised variously as one of pragmatism, in recognition of his noteworthy contributions to empiricism, or even opportunism. Unlike the French, building the vast British Empire on which the sun the British were less interested in the effort to make never sets. their colonial policy consistent and intelligible. British Furthermore, one of the two men, both with vast colonial policy was governed more by precedent than experience in colonial administration, and particularly by principle, and was also less centralised than French in the concerned area would soon have to be rule. Colonial Governors were allowed considerable commissioned to merge the two colonies as one freedom within the framework of general guidelines anyway. However, the amalgamation at hand was formulated by the colonial office in London to initiate obviously bound to generate controversy among many policies suitable to their respective territories. Even locals hence it is no mission for the gentle and within each of the British colonies, officers understanding at heart and a man with the listening subordinate to the Governor were given a high degree hear like MacGregor. Rather, an enforcer, a bully with of autonomy in handling colonial administrative a no-holds-barred steely heart would preferably be matters, (which is another principle of indirect rule). appropriate. It is thus not surprising that few years later The Lugardist reckless exploitation of ethnicity for in 1912; Lugard was sent back as Governor-General to colonial expediency was sanctifiable in the above accomplish the unpalatable amalgamation of the two context, and ever since then, Nigeria has become a colonies. The move clearly generated controversy in huge laboratory for political and other forms of social the south where it was opposed by a large section of science. Politicians, bureaucrats, technocrats, the political class and the media. But because he based researchers and intellectuals, both local and foreign, his rule on a military system, the amalgamation was have experimented, conjectured or concocted all forms by military fiat. And by spending 50% of each year in of ideas to make it survive and thrive as a modern England, leaving behind non-authoritative subordinates socio-political entity. in charge of administration, Lugard ensured that there Certainly, nationhood has been pretty difficult were no listening ears to the protests of the anti- and delicate due to the presence of some seemingly amalgamation groups which dissipated with time. irreconcilable differences that were toxigenic to Once the amalgamation was completed, issues national growth. Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was became a completely different ball game in the absolute when he declared, “We are different in too eventual entity, and the road map for ethnicity had many ways”. He said elsewhere, ‘the people are been fully launched. Ethnicity became exploited as different in every way, including religion, custom, noted in the subsequent British colonial policy of language and aspirations…”, and in the divide and rule that was imposed on the peoples acknowledgement of this fact Sir Ahmadu Bello obviously for colonial expediency. Over the years this describes the amalgamation as ‘the mistake of 1914’. has continually degenerated into inter ethno-religious Chief Obafemi Awolowo in blunt derision had suspicion, tribal segregation, hostility and antagonism described Nigeria as “merely a geographical among various communal groups (Oni, 2008). These expression” that lumped together an arbitrary anomalies have done a colossal damage to the collection of disparate groups following colonial rule. Nigerian political system. Ethnicity has been But despite these scathing criticisms from these perceived in general as a major obstacle to the overall foremost pioneering elites, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, a politico–economic development of the country (Oni, contemporary of theirs was rather hopeful that 2008). Indeed, Nigeria has wasted a whole century something could still be created out of the nothingness, since the amalgamation on a wild-goose chase of hence for him he enjoined, “Nigeria is now a political nation-building as indigenous political elites reality, let us bury our differences and build it tortuously strived to hold as one, the deeply together” (Onwudiwe, 2011). fragmented state. Oscar Onwudiwe recalled that Chief 9 J. O. Odeyemi From the above it is glaring that Nigeria, though a to be an independent nation (Danfulani & Atowoju, huge national enterprise, had suffered the 2012). poliomyelitic viral attack of ethnicity from its colonial It stands corrected, quite astonishingly, that the embryo leading to a defective birth, hence it became period of Political Regionalism in Nigeria perhaps the crippled giant, to borrow from Eghosa Osaghae marked the best period for the country. Regional (1998). But when the fundamental differences came to politicians had carefully harnessed and transformed a crisis point in 1966 and eventually in a secessionist the natural endowments and potentials of their peoples civil war, Francois Duvalier, then President of Haiti into actual developmental gains, which were the otherwise known as ‘Papa Doc.’, wisely declared on veritable templates and channels for real sustainable March 22, 1969, though in Haitian declaration of wealth creation and economic development. It is support for the breakaway Biafra that “Federal Nigeria affirmable that Regionalism brought out the best in the has never since her independence shown the politicians as ingenious and developmental distinctive mark of a united nation. It has been programmes were pursued to competitively excel their impossible for her to silence tribal rivalries – to respective areas. That, for instance, marked the period achieve that mixture of ethnic/cultural blend required when the Western Region with an agro-based to forge National Unity” (Duvalier is cited in economy under the Premiership of late Chief Obafemi Onwudiwe, 2011). At the end of the civil war which Awolowo blazed the trail that brought global fame to the Federal Government won in 1970, Gen. Yakubu Nigeria as the first in Africa to establish a Television Gowon declared that to keep Nigeria one is a task that Broadcasting Service. That singular act elevated must be done. But then, and more than four decades Africa very closely to America and Europe as early on, experience has revealed that the task is indeed continents to enjoy the technological breakthrough of arduous and perhaps futile-bound. It is observed that telecast. The other novelty was the construction of the the failure of the various tribal groups to negotiate first ultramodern Stadium christened the Liberty their amalgamation is the root of many tribal Stadium (now named after him), and also the very first wranglings and agitations, ethnic hues and cries of skyscraper in the country, the Cocoa House. marginalization, greed, controversial and inconclusive Rather than being poverty-stricken, the people of censuses, vote rigging, stagnated economic growth this region prospered economically and were well and nepotism in Nigeria, and not necessarily its huge educated at state’s expense. The current disparity in territorial and population size with its multifarious levels of education among the peoples of Nigeria is ethnic groupings. traceable to this period. The people of the South-West remained the most educated, organised, and progressive and intellectually sound in Nigeria. These The Gains and Pains of Nigeria’s Ethno-Political achievements further affirmed the assertion in the Plurality immediate above that the multiple ethnic groupings in Nigeria ought to be of tremendous blessings, assets That Nigeria is composed of many different ethnic and strength towards the development of the nation if groupings should have been of tremendous blessings they all had purposely in concert harnessed their and strength towards nation-building and the speedy diverse endowments and resources. However and after development of the nation. Barring intrigues and all, politics at the national level was deeply fragmented political play, its multi-ethnic composition ought to along regional and ethnic fault lines, bogging down bequeath the country, firstly, with a syncretic array of thereby any national process to move the nation rich cultures and etiquettes for a well-mannered forward. Fundamental differences in values had made national society; secondly, a sea of progressive leading ethnic groups to be parochial in developmental political ideas and thoughts that could, and ought to pursuits, and this at the expense of the nation at large. fast-track national development; and lastly, an But earlier than the institution of Regionalism and inexhaustible manpower base to actualize its even political independence in Nigeria had the economic potentials and development. However and minority ethnic groups or nationalities strongly felt on the contrary, this same factor that ought to that the Federal structure of governance was inimical strengthen Nigeria has actually posed the greatest to their interest, especially as it did not provide their challenge to nation building. Ethnic strife has plagued people with maximum opportunity for individual or Nigeria from political independence. Nigeria kick- collective development. This informed the setting up started as a Federation of three regions with a weak of the Henry Willink’s Commission on September 26, center at colonial independence in 1960, that is, the 1957 to inquire into the fears of the minorities with a Northern, Western and Eastern Regions, each of which view to allaying the minorities’ apprehension. The was strong enough, both in land mass and population, Willink Commission was of the opinion that the fears expressed by the minorities were indeed genuine, but  International Journal of Developing Societies 10 did not believe that the fears could be removed by minority but prominent socio-cultural organisation mere creation of more states. For example, the Edos in fast becoming a political umbrella for its ethnic Western Nigeria, the Tivs in the Middle Belt of members. The Ijaw, together with a number of other Northern Region and the Calabar, Ogoja and Rivers minority tribes like Urhobo and Ogoni in the oil-rich peoples of the Eastern region had earlier agitated for Niger Delta states have substantially succeeded in the creation of more states. But the parties in power in agitating, through the threats and actual utility of the various regions, with the exception of the Action insurgent activities, for a re-introduction of federal Group (AG) in the West had continually opposed the revenue sharing by derivation principle to secure more creation of more states (Danfulani & Atowoju, 2012). funding for their home states. The Fourth Republic Willink’s Commission emphasized that the states regime of President Olusegun Obasanjo actually would not be viable and that new reigns would create reintroduced a partial implementation of the revenue new minority problems. Therefore, it favoured the sharing formula based on principle of derivation for oil entrenchment of fundamental human rights to allay the producing states in Nigeria in which 13% of oil fears of the minorities. It also recommended a Unified revenues are ploughed back into the oil states based on Police Force for Nigeria under the control of the the proportion of oil explored from each state. Federal Government. The Commission also Although these oil-inspired ethnic groups are still recommended the establishment of minority areas and agitating for far greater percentage shares of oil special areas to speed up socio–economic development revenues, the current 13% implementation has placed of these areas (Alonge, 2005). The submission of Sir Niger Delta states enviously far above others in federal Henry Willink’s commission was a major landmark in revenue shares. the management of minority/majority issues in Nigeria. The recommended actions were far-reaching because The Nigerian Political Elite and Ethno-Political the Commission assumed that subsequent changes in Sentiment the political scene would adequately address the issues at stake. The Commission posited that the fears There are two levels at which ethnicity has been used expressed before it were on certain assumptions that in Nigeria’s electoral politics. First, it has been used voting would always follow the lines of the present by the elite to keep themselves in political office by major groupings, and that the majority would always playing and preying on the ignorance and the fears of seek to use power to their exclusive advantages. Given the poverty stricken majority of their people. Thus, the the pluralistic nature of Nigeria, it was generally elite use the ethnic factor to retain themselves in office accepted that the country would be better governed as as political leaders, directors or managers of National a federal rather than a unitary system of government. Corporations and Parastatals by making false claims It is pertinent, however, to note that the minorities’ of representing their ethnic groups. Even when they do request for their ethnic home states which the not perform well in political office, they deceive the Willink’s Commission initially turned down became people by whipping up ethnic sentiments; raising fears realised during and after the Nigerian Civil war. and tensions of the threat that would be posed to their Dudley, (1967), reported that Middle Belt soldiers, ethnic group if other groups should gain political essentially Tiv, (who then constituted the bulk of the ascendancy. A typical example was the Second Federal Army,) brought sufficient pressure on Republic’s allegation against Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Northern Representatives to a conference on Nigeria’s who was accused of not paying tax and, instead of future, summoned by General Yakubu Gowon, to refuting or confirming the allegation, he lampooned influence them to move for a united Nigeria composed his accusers with a counter-allegation that he was of ethnic states. being victimized because of his Igbo ethnic origin The political structure of the country has ever (Babawale, 2007). remained contentious. The three main ethnic group The case of northern leaders becomes very players in Nigerian politics are the Hausa/Fulani, Igbo instructive here. Many of them have not been known and the Yoruba – along with their submerged to make any difference to the living conditions of their supporter – ethnic minorities. These three main ethnic people in spite of their domination of the national groups have given rise to, and embraced three ethnic political terrain and the big monthly windfall derived associational blocs especially between 1999 and 2000. from the Federal Government Allocations for the The ethnic socio-political blocs are the Afenifere development of their states (Atowoju, 2012). Northern Group for the Yoruba of South-Western Nigeria, the leaders like Alhaji Shehu Shagari and Col. Abubakar Arewa Group for the Hausa/Fulani stock of the Umar have at different times condemned this attitude Northern Nigeria and the Ohaneze Ndigbo of South- of northern leaders. Indeed, Col. Umar once made the Eastern Nigeria. These groups compete for supremacy point that in spite of Northern dominance of political in the country. The Ijaw National Congress is another 11 J. O. Odeyemi power, the North has the largest number of beggars in Conclusion and Recommendations the country (Babawale, 2007). The second level at which ethnicity has been used is that the politicization This paper specifically considers ethnicity and ethno- of ethnicity has made many Nigerians to have less political crises in Nigeria’s history vis-à-vis the crises confidence in the Nigerian state than they have in their of development. The structure and dynamics of ethnic or communal associations. The level of contemporary Nigeria’s socio-political life provide an corruption and pillage that goes on within the state appropriate framework for understanding the politics apparatus is reflective of the elite’s loss of confidence of competitive/conflictual inter-ethnic relations in the in the Nigerian project. A good number of those who country. In summary, the growing ethnicity and ethno- steal money from the state or federal purse without nationalism exacerbated by communally-driven qualms are known to jealously protect their communal discriminatory policies of the colonial administration association’s money when put in their custody. As and the various post-independence regional, state and Claude Ake (1990) puts it: federal governments and their elite cohorts (Oni, Most Nigerians confront the state not as a public 2008), have largely promoted the pains of ethnicity force but as an alien a hostile coercive power. This is rather than appropriating the beauty of our cultural, all the more so because the Nigerian state, lacking religious and ethical diversity for the development of autonomy, is immersed in the class struggle and is the country, economically, politically and socially. conspicuously a state of the few against the many, The cumulatively divisive impact of ethnicity in because the Nigerian state tendentially appears as Nigeria over the decades, has constantly rendered irrelevant of hostile, a critical condition for the transfer nation-building experiment in the Nigerian Federalism of loyalties to ecumenical levels is removed. Nigerians most difficult. Indeed this process has been, till date, embraced ethnic identity all the more. The ethnic such a woeful failure. The area that ultimately came to groups have been emotionally and materially be called ‘Nigeria’ literally the brainchild of British supportive of their members and do not rely on colonialism, has therefore, been variously and coercion. disdainfully characterized by administrators, In periods of election, violence erupts once there politicians and historians as a political aberration, with are suspicions that a member of a particular ethnic few credentials and potentials for ever becoming a group will lose out. State property is destroyed and modern nation–state. To J.P. Clerk, Nigeria is the lives are often lost. The case of the 1964 federal proverbial land of no tomorrow. The intractability of elections, which had a large dose of ethnicity-related political instability engendered by ethnicity in Nigeria violence, readily comes to mind. In 1983, violence has made some American political analysts in 2005 to erupted in several parts of the country because of real doubt the survivability of Nigeria beyond the year and imagined threats of marginalization by certain 2015, an idea that Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, the then ethnic groups. This problem was reenacted in 1993 Nigerian President, dismissed as diabolical benchmark. when there was almost a nationwide violence that The Federal Republic of Nigeria is the most degenerated into inter-ethnic rivalry as a result of the populous and the richest black state in the world annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential Election. (Okadigbo, 1989). Nigeria is the 8th largest oil The election adjudged the freest / fairest election ever producer in the world, the largest in Africa, sixth in held in Nigeria, produced Chief M.K.O. Abiola, a Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries Yoruba, as the President that was never to be, as he (OPEC), fifth largest supplier to the United States and died in mysterious circumstance in military custody. the most endowed oil producer in sub- Saharan Africa. To assuage his ethnic group, the northern elites The contributions of the oil industry to Nigeria’s redeemed Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, a fellow foreign exchange earnings cannot be overemphasized prominent Yoruba, from an earlier incarceration over (Ozoemenam, 2012). However, Nigeria has remained an alleged coup plot, to become the civilian president a country with political unrests, social disorders, between 1999 and 2007. Umaru Musa Yar’Adua that economic instability, ethnic and religious violence, succeeded him from the north as President could not insurgent activities in the Niger-Delta aimed at the hold power for too long due to his terminal illness. His jugular of Nigeria’s economy via the disruption of oil deputy, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, an Ijaw man flows and championed by the Movement for the constitutionally took the reins of power from Emancipation of the Niger-Delta (MEND), and lately, Yar’Adua barely two years after. The North has ever a thriving kidnap-for-ransom industry, and lastly, a since resented his rulership with deadly ethno- deadly Islam linked terrorism, spearheaded by the religious cum political insurgency by the boko haram Boko Haram. group (Jama’atu Ahlus-Sunnah Lidda’Awati Wal Development defies an easy or one sentence Jihad, “people committed to the propagation of the definition. From certain perspectives a developed Prophet’s teachings and Jihad”). society is one in which the Gross National Product or  International Journal of Developing Societies 12 per capital income experience sustained growth. Other Atowoju A.A. (2012). Rebranding in leadership of Nigeria: Jesus’ Attitude to the Jewish Leaders as Exemplified in Matthew 23. definitions stress the ability of the people to lead a NABIS west, No 2, pp. 3-15. modern or civilized existence through access to such Babawale, T. (2007). Nigeria in the Crises of Governance and facilities as good roads, food, health, water, and Development. Lagos: Concept Publication. education. This has been termed the Basic Needs Banerjee S and Sengupta P. K (2009). Ethnicity, Nationhood and the ‘Irrelevant State’: Issues in Governance and Public Policy. approach. For other scholars, development implies The Icfai University Journal of Governance and Public Policy, equitable distribution of goods and services, labeled Vol. 4, no. 2. the redistribution with growth theory by Hollis Danfulani, D.D & Atowoju, A.A. (2012). Youth Restiveness in Chenery et.al, in their book Redistribution with Nigeria: A theological Reflection. Lagos: B print. Duro Oni, et.al, (Eds), (2008). Nigeria and Globalization on identity, Growth (Ajuonu & Uchenna, 2004). This paper agrees politics and social conflicts. P.37. Lagos: Centre for Black and with the Redistribution Theory of Hollis Chenery and African Arts and civilization. co as the appropriate developmental policy for the Dudley, B. J. (1967). Nigeria Sinks into Chaos, Round Table, No. 225. Nigerian pluralistic society. Development in Nigeria Eteng, I. A. (2004). “Ethnicity, Ethno–class relations and crisis of Nigeria’s Enduring ‘National Question’ and Political must, therefore, necessarily include equitable Instability. In Duro Oni, et. al (Eds), Nigeria and Globalization distribution of its common wealth and electoral on identity, politics and social conflicts. Lagos: CBAAC. positions without prejudice to ethnic jingoism or Eghosa Osaghae, E. (1998). Crippled Giant: Nigeria since religious bigotry. Throughout the country, there must Independence. London: Hurst and Company. Hodgkin, T. (1960). 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