Studies in Early Anglo-Saxon Art and Archaeology: Papers in Honour of Martin G. Welch Edited by Stuart Brookes Sue Harrington Andrew Reynolds BAR British Series 527 2011 Published by Archaeopress Publishers of British Archaeological Reports Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England bar@archaeopress.com www.archaeopress.com BAR 527 Studies in Early Anglo-Saxon Art and Archaeology: Papers in Honour of Martin G. Welch © Archaeopress and the individual authors 2011 ISBN 978 1 4073 0751 0 Printed in England by CMP (UK) Ltd All BAR titles are available from: Hadrian Books Ltd 122 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7BP England www.hadrianbooks.co.uk The current BAR catalogue with details of all titles in print, prices and means of payment is available free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com  Studies in Early Anglo-Saxon Art and Archaeology ‘The Weight of Necklaces’: some insights into the wearing of women’s jewellery from Middle 14 Saxon written sources BARBARA YORKE Written sources have a limited, but potentially useful, contribution to make to current debates about the significance of Anglo- Saxon women’s jewellery. Extracts from Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, and other contemporary Anglo-Saxon and Frankish sources concerning queens and princesses who went into the church, show that these authors were aware that in the seventh century necklaces could be an important part of the identity of high status women. The authors seem also to hint that the wearing of such jewellery might be connected with religious roles of elite women, and so might represent an adaptation of pre-Christian practices in the conversion period. Such observations are relevant to current debates about whether certain elaborate female graves with jewellery from the later seventh century could be those of religious women. Martin’s important work on early Anglo-Saxon contexts. At first glance they may not seem particularly cemeteries naturally included the study of women’s relevant to the topics that have been illuminated from the jewellery which formed a significant element of archaeological study of jewellery. Nevertheless a careful wealthier female graves between the fifth and seventh analysis may enable some contribution to be made to centuries (e.g. Down and Welch 1990; Welch 1992, 71- current debates. 87). His many publications have shown the wide range of information that can be deduced from the study of Unfortunately our known writers are all male ecclesiastics jewellery especially when viewed in the context of the and so not necessarily the best people to provide an entire grave assemblages and the cemetery as a whole. objective assessment of the significance of women’s The recent project ‘Beyond the Tribal Hidage’, of which jewellery. Bede strikes a negative, and rather gruesome, Martin was director, has brought together all the known note in his description of his major female heroine jewellery finds from southern England (as well as other Æthelthryth of Ely, who had retained her virginity artefacts), and its database has been drawn upon for through her two marriages, to Tondbert, princeps of the this paper. In addition to information about the raw Gyrwe, and to King Ecgfrith of Northumbria (670-85), materials, and the technology applied to them, there before retiring to found a nunnery at Ely in her home are potentially wider implications to be drawn from the province of the East Angles. The reference to necklaces form and decoration of jewellery about wealth and status, comes as an adjunct to what purports to have been an or family, regional and religious affiliations. It would eye-witness account from Cynefrith, the doctor who was appear that jewellery could be an important signifier of attending her at the time of her death in 679 (HE IV, 19). a woman’s identity, and correlation with age at the time He recounted how shortly before Æthelthryth’s death of burial suggests that different items may have been he was asked to examine a large tumour beneath her jaw. bestowed at significant age-threshold events such as The miraculous healing, by the time her tomb was re- puberty or marriage (Stoodley 1999). Written references opened sixteen years after her death, of the scar where he that are contemporary or, at least, written within living had lanced the tumour was one of the occurrences that memory of the period of the Final Phase of burials with demonstrated her sanctity. Bede adds after Cynefrith’s grave-goods in the later seventh century, are sparse account that it was also related (whether by Cynefrith compared to the finds of jewellery from burial or other or someone else from Ely is not clear): 106  ‘The Weight of Necklaces’ ‘That when she was afflicted with this tumour demonstrated, for instance, in finds from the Mound and by the pain in her neck and jaw, she gladly 1 ship-burial of Sutton Hoo) Æthelhryth’s monilia welcomed this sort of pain and used to say, may have been closer to Byzantine practice than our “I know well enough that I deserve to bear surviving Anglo-Saxon examples of necklaces. The the weight of this affliction in my neck, for I so-called ‘chemise’ of Queen Balthild from Chelles, remember that when I was a young girl I used on which two jewelled collars were embroidered on to wear an unnecessary weight of necklaces a linen underdress, may best preserve the type of (monilia); I believe that God in His goodness collared necklace that Bede ascribed to Æthelthryth would have me endure this pain in my neck in (Laporte and Boyer 1991; Laporte 1998, 71-101). order that I may thus be absolved from the guilt of According to the Vita of Bishop Eligius, Balthild had my needless vanity. So instead of gold and pearls at first continued to dress as a former queen within (margaretae), a fiery red tumour now stands out the nunnery, until her confessor pointed out that this upon my neck’. was not entirely suitable and she gave away her jewels in alms (Laporte 1998, 89). One hypothesis has been Such attitudes are what might be expected from a saint, that her lost jewels were embroidered on her ‘chemise’ and as with many matters to do with hagiography it instead to demonstrate her status in a more acceptable remains uncertain how close they are to the subject’s way. An alternative explanation would be to see the own views. Certainly they are of a piece with Bede’s ‘chemise’ as a garment specifically prepared for her theme in his poem in praise of Æthelthryth of how her burial. One might see its representation of what were renunciation of the life that she might have enjoyed presumably Balthild’s most impressive items of jewellery on earth as princess and queen, wife and mother, better as a modification of the practice of elite burial in rich equipped her for her Heavenly Bridegroom alongside clothing and jewellery which had for some time been female martyrs who had died their own violent or grisly seen in Francia as compatible with Christian belief deaths (HE IV, 20). One needs to be alert to possible (Effros 2002, 13-39). Over time such practices came to symbolism in what is an apparently straightforward be seen as inappropriate for Christians: ‘for we brought account. ‘Pearls’ might not seem such a likely component nothing into this world, and it is certain we can carry of high status Anglo-Saxon jewellery in the seventh nothing out’ (I Timothy ch. 6, v.7). Instead Christians century; the ‘Beyond the Tribal Hidage’ database for might demonstrate their humility in death by burial in southern England provides only one possible example a shroud, though these might still be of costly materials (S. Harrington pers. comm.). Bede may rather have (Effros 2002, 177-9). Balthild’s ‘chemise’ could be been alluding to the pearls of the ‘Song of Solomon’ as interpreted as a halfway house between fully clothed a metaphor for the universal values of the Holy Church and shrouded burial in which status was still clearly that Æthelthryth was believed to embody. Christine signalled, but by a representation of jewellery rather Fell observed that the passage would make better sense than the jewels themselves. if Æthelthryth’s necklaces had included garnets as then their fiery glow might have paralleled the red of her Balthild and Æthelthryth had much in common; both tumour (1994, 30), but that must remain no more than were former queens who had retired to nunneries of an intriguing possibility. which they were major patrons. The jewelled collars associated with them may, through imperial associations, Bede’s choice of the term monile may bring us near to have symbolised their queenly status. Balthild had been the world actually inhabited by Æthelthryth. In classical married to the Frankish king Clovis II, and was then usage the term could also be used to mean ‘collar’, for regent for their young son prior to her retirement to instance, as in ‘horse collar’, and so something rather Chelles (Nelson 1978). However, Balthild seems to have more substantial than a simple necklace (Lewis and been by birth an Anglo-Saxon, and the discovery of a Short 1879). One notes that Æthelthryth had more than seal-ring in East Anglia in the name of ‘Baldahild’ has one of them, presumably worn at the same time. In other raised the possibility that this may have been her home words, she may have worn something like the jewelled province (Webster 1999). Whether this was so or not, collars that the Empress Theodora and her ladies wore Bede records that Chelles was one of the nunneries with on the celebrated Ravenna mosaic. This Byzantine court close Anglo-Saxon links, and two of Æthelthryth’s sisters costume of the mid sixth century is thought to have were abbesses of nearby Faremoûtier-en-Brie (HE, III, inspired the new trends seen in Anglo-Saxon women’s 8). The re-opening of Æthelthryth’s tomb that marked dress from the late sixth century in which, in much the start of her translation to sainthood was orchestrated simpler and lighter forms than the Byzantine models, by another sister (Seaxburh) and closely modelled on necklaces with pendants came to replace brooches as Frankish practice (Thacker 2002, 45-6). The survival the main items of female jewellery (Geake 1997, 36-9; S. of the linen garments in which Æthelthryth had been Harrington pers. comm.). However, as a princess from buried was one aspect of the incorruption of her remains. a wealthy kingdom with international connections (as Had one of them been embroidered with jewelled collars 107  Studies in Early Anglo-Saxon Art and Archaeology as on Balthild’s chemise, and did that inspire the story Æthelthryth’s sister Seaxburh and her father King of her rejection of this major symbol of her high status Eorcenbert of Kent (640-664). When close to death in that found its way into Bede’s account? the nunnery Eorcengota was granted a vision of the exact time of her death, another of the conventions of medieval We may have our suspicions about elements of Bede’s hagiography. She foresaw a crowd of men dressed in account of Æthelthryth, but his reference to her monilia, white entering the nunnery, who said they had been and how heavy they were to wear, would have been told to bring back with them ‘the golden coin (aureum something to which his high status female readers or nomisma) which had been brought thither from Kent’. listeners could have related. There are a number of Just in case there was any doubt about the otherworldly instances where Bede evokes a familiar world through nature of these visitors, when Eorcengota’s death actually an exact evocation of physical objects. His practice occurred, it is reported that there was angelic singing, may have been an echo of the loving attention paid the sound of a mighty throng entering the nunnery to the detail of weapons and other artefacts in the and a great light from heaven. Once again we have a halls of Beowulf, and one of the signs that many of his hagiographic convention customised for its Anglo- anecdotes came through the medium of oral tradition Saxon audience, and apparently one that is accurate for (Kirby 1966). The practice is particularly notable in the period in which the events were set. The kingdom sections relating to the royal house of Deira, and may of Kent from which Eorcengota came is known to have preserve oral traditions of King Edwin (616-33) and his produced gold coins in the mid-seventh century, and relatives, perhaps nurtured at Whitby founded by his one issue was stamped with the name of Eorcengota’s niece Hild in 657. In the account of the attempt on King grandfather, King Eadbald (616-640) (Williams 2008, Edwin’s life by a West Saxon assassin, for instance, it 18-19). Therefore a gold coin was an effective symbol of is specified that the weapon was a double-edged, short Eorecengota’s family and status, recognised as such even sword that was smeared with poison (HE, II, 9). Bearing by an angelic host who were apparently familiar with such evocation of familiar objects of the Anglo-Saxon the practice of referring to Anglo-Saxon royal women by aristocratic world in mind, we can turn to a rather more an object of wealth associated with them. Although the positive presentation of a woman’s monile in Bede’s gold coin might be alluding to the wealth Eorcengota account of the dream of Breguswith, the wife of King undoubtedly brought with her to Brie, the possibility Edwin’s nephew Hereric (Bede, HE, IV, 23). In her must also be allowed that a gold coin was a conspicuous dream Breguswith is said to have foreseen the murder part of the jewellery she wore. It was the fashion in of her husband in exile, and while fruitlessly searching Kent during the Final Phase for the type of jewelled for him uncovered ‘a most precious necklace’ (monile necklaces we have been considering to include gold coins pretiosissimum) beneath her garment. As she gazed at it, pierced as pendants, and most of the recorded examples in her dream, it blazed forth with a magnificent light contained only one coin per ensemble (Geake 1997, 37- ‘that filled all Britain with its gracious splendour’. What 9; S. Harrington pers. comm.). Comparable pendants she had foreseen was the future career of her daughter appear to have formed part of Balthild’s embroidered Hild as abbess of Whitby, and we are probably meant to jewellery as well. Eorcengota, like Hild, a princess and a assume that Breguswith was pregnant with Hild at the member of a nunnery, may also have been symbolically time of the dream (Fell 1981, 79). This is a variant of equated with an item of her jewellery that had specific a stock hagiographical motif in which dreams or other family connections. portents herald the birth of a saint. However, to equate a future saint with an item of jewellery is hardly normal However, more may have been symbolised in Eorcengota’s practice. When the mother of the West Saxon saint case than just wealth, status and family. There is an Leoba had her premonitionary dream, as recounted by informative passage in the Vita of St Genovefa, the Rudolf of Fulda, her vision was of a bell that rang out, courageous defender of post-Roman Paris (AA SS, a much more appropriate symbol for a future religious January 3, 137-53). She was given a coin to wear by leader (V. Leobae, ch. 6). Breguswith’s vision presumably Bishop Germanus who suggested that she wear it in reflects imagery to which an Anglo-Saxon audience preference to any other form of jewellery: could relate. Nevertheless the identification of a future abbess and saint, albeit one who was a princess, with an ‘Then Saint Germanus plucked a copper coin item of her mother’s jewellery is striking and suggests bearing the sign of the cross from the ground … the importance of jewellery to an Anglo-Saxon woman’s He said to her, ‘Have this coin pierced, and wear identity, even if that woman was to be an abbess. it always hanging about your neck as a reminder of me; never suffer your neck or fingers to be With this is mind we can turn to Bede’s account of burdened with any other metal, neither gold the death of the nun Eorcengota at the nunnery of nor silver, nor pearl studded ornament. For, if Faremoûtier-en-Brie (HE, III, 8). Eorcengota was your mind is preoccupied with trivial worldly the niece of Æthelthryth of Ely, her mother being adornment, you will be shorn of eternal and 108  ‘The Weight of Necklaces’ celestial ornaments”’(AA SS, 138; McNamara The jewellery worn by women – necklaces by the seventh and Halborg 1992, 21). century, prominent brooches before then – might not only have symbolised wealth and status, but could have Here we seem to have another halfway house, with had a religious significance as well. The cross on the promotion in the conversion phase of a type of jewellery magnificent necklace from Desborough presumably more appropriate in an ecclesiastical context, rather demonstrated its wearer’s Christian allegiance, but also, than the complete rejection of jewellery by religious and perhaps more importantly, would have been seen as women that was promoted by Bede as part of more an amulet providing protection (Webster and Backhouse thorough Christianisation. Not all coin pendants 1991, 28-9; Crawford 2003). It seems reasonable to need, of course, be interpreted in this way, but it is expect that the masks and animals on brooches of the worth considering whether there might have been pre-Christian period could have had a similar protective a practice of such coins being blessed by bishops or quality and in some way symbolised otherworldly beings priests, perhaps at confirmation. The so-called medalet that could provide such protection (Leigh 1984). The of the Frankish bishop Liudhard, who accompanied bracteates worn in several parts of southern and eastern the future queen Bertha from Francia to her marriage England, but particularly in Kent, could be interpreted in Kent, seems have been recovered in the nineteenth in this way as well (Gaimster 1992; Behr 2000). The century from a burial in the churchyard of St Martin’s, wearing in the conversion period of coin pendants Canterbury, though records are sketchy (Werner 1991). of the type apparently associated with Genovefa and Bede records that Bertha worshipped in St Martin’s Eorcengota, that might have been blessed by a priest or (HE I, 26) and so presumably did bishop Liudhard. included crosses or were in the name of Christian rulers, The coin-like ‘medalet’ that bears Liudhard’s name might have been seen as an appropriate substitution may have been worn with other pierced coins in one in a Christian context. Women may have protected of the most elaborate necklaces of this type recorded themselves by wearing such symbols, but conceivably from early medieval Kent (S. Harrington pers. comm.). the protection might have extended further to the More overtly Christian pendants in the form of crosses, household or family for whom they were responsible. of gold in the most prestigious cases, might also be In the case of royal women that responsibility might worn as part of necklaces (Crawford 2003). It would run deeper still for the protection of the royal court, seem that religious allegiance, and perhaps other or even the protection of the whole kingdom. So when religious functions, might also be signified by women’s Iurminburg toured Northumbria publicly displaying jewellery. the reliquary that Wilfrid had worn around his neck it could have been because she and Ecgfrith felt that A passage from Stephen’s Life of Bishop Wilfrid, written such display of powerful, protective, religious symbols soon after his subject’s death in 710, provides further was as appropriate for a queen as a bishop, especially food for thought. In 678, according to Stephen, Bishop in the immediate post-conversion period when the Wilfrid fell out with King Ecgfrith of Northumbria and proportioning of responsibility for religious leadership his second queen Iurminburg who felt that the great was still being negotiated between rulers and bishops. wealth he had accumulated and the state with which he travelled round the kingdom was an affront to their Kings may have expected that they or other members of own royal dignity (V. Wilfridi. ch. 34-8). Wilfrid was their families, including queens and princesses, would deprived of much of his wealth, including holy relics continue to have some form of cultic role after conversion which he had worn about his neck in a chrismarium that to Christianity (Yorke 2003a). Royal saints, both male the queen took over instead and displayed as she moved and female, and royal nunneries were an important part around the kingdom on royal progresses between their of meeting such expectations and habituating them to estate centres (ch. 39). Naturally in this hagiographical expected Christian norms. But such transitions were not context, the queen was struck down by a severe illness achieved overnight and the royal nunneries in particular for her presumption and was only cured when she gave were uneasily poised between the two contrasting worlds back the relics to Wilfrid. We are not told the exact form of the royal court and the ecclesiastical community of the reliquary which Wilfrid wore, but some form (Yorke 2003b). Were royal abbesses primarily religious of reliquary cross or belt-buckle, with a hollowed out leaders or members of ruling houses? Should their middle that could contain the relics may be indicated, dress reflect their religious or their royal affiliation? though John Blair has suggested it could have taken the The question was perhaps more problematical than one form of the cylindrical ‘thread boxes’ worn at the waist might at first assume if prior to conversion a woman’s in some Final Phase female burials (Blair, 2005, 173-4). costume could display both affiliations, that is social What is of particular interest is the way that Iurminburg status and religious responsibilities. Bede signalled took over responsibility for the public display of these clearly through Æthelthryth’s rejection of all her relics, perhaps wearing the reliquary as part of her own secular trappings what he considered to be the correct costume. response for a royal woman who had retired to a religious 109  Studies in Early Anglo-Saxon Art and Archaeology community, but it would appear that such sign-posting of traditional behaviour provides some confirmation for was still needed at the time he wrote. His views were not the arguments that Martin Welch has helped to promote necessarily representative of the practice in all Anglo- from analysis of pre-Christian burial assemblages for Saxon religious communities. the importance of jewellery for the identity of women and the families from which they came or into which Iurminburg is one example of the many widowed or they married, and perhaps for their religious beliefs and separated Anglo-Saxon queens who retired to a nunnery practices as well. (Stephen, V. Wilfridi ch. 24). We are not told which one, but the illness that struck her down occurred when she was staying at Coldingham, which was under the control of the king’s aunt Æbbe, and is notorious for being Acknowledgements Bede’s example of a lax double house where the female I would like to warmly thank Martin for his friendship members are said to have spent their free time ‘weaving and help over many years. In particular, my knowledge elaborate garments with which to adorn themselves of recent archaeological developments has benefited as if they were brides’ (HE IV, 25). Bede’s unpleasant considerably from my involvement with the Leverhulme- image of Æthelthryth accepting her tumour as a just funded project ‘Beyond the Tribal Hidage’ that was led substitution for ‘the weight of necklaces’ that she wore by Martin, with Sue Harrington as principal researcher. in her youth took its power from subversion of a norm I am very grateful to Sue for advice on relevant in which well-connected women, like Queen Balthild, archaeological finds and providing information from who retired to religious communities continued to the ‘Beyond the Tribal Hidage’ database. wear the jewellery that was an important medium of display of rank, status and religious affiliation. Aldhelm sought to make a similar argument for the rejection of jewellery to the nuns of Barking in the later seventh References century when he included in his galaxy of good and bad behaviour for the nuns the learned vestal virgin Daria Written sources and abbreviations who was distinguished by her ‘golden necklace adorned AA SS Acta Sanctorum: 1643 Antwerp: Societé des with greenish jewels’, but put aside such adornments Bollandistes when she was converted to Christianity (Aldhelm, De Aldhelm, De Virginitate: Lapidge, M. and Herren, M. (trans), Virgintate, 97-8). 1979, Aldhelm: The Prose Works. Cambridge; D. S. Brewer, 59-132 These polemical points by Bede and Aldhelm draw Bede, HE: Colgrave, B. and Mynors, R. A. B. (eds), 1969 Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People. Oxford: Oxford attention to the fact that the wearing of jewellery had University Press not been universally abandoned in nunneries at the time McNamara, J. A. and Halborg, J. E. (trans), 1992 Sainted Women they were writing. It is even possible that rich female of the Dark Ages. Durham: Duke University Press barrow burials of the Final Phase, like Roundway Rudolf, V. Leobae: Waitz, G. (ed.), 1887 Rudolf of Fulda, Down in Wiltshire with its impressive jewellery with Vitae Leobae Abbatissae Biscofesheimensis. Hanover: MGH Christian symbolism, are those of some of these queens Scriptores XV, 118-31 and princesses who founded the first generation of Stephen, V. Wilfridi: Colgrave, B. (ed.), 1927 The Life of Bishop royal nunneries, as John Blair has suggested (Blair Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus. 1927. Cambridge: Cambridge 2005, 230-3). Recent excavations in Ely of a number of University Press rich female burials, including one with a necklace and gold pendants, including a cross, have been identified Secondary works as possibly those of members of Æthelthryth’s own Behr, C. 2000 ‘The origins of kingship in early medieval Kent’, nunnery, who, in that case, would not seem to have been Early Medieval Europe 9, 25-52 following the example which Bede claimed that their Blair, J. 2005 The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society. Oxford: foundress had set (Lucy et al. 2009). Oxford University Press Crawford, S. 2003 ‘Anglo-Saxon women, furnished burial and the church’ in D. Wood (ed), Women and Religion in The Ely burials belong to a period of transition when Medieval England. Oxford: Oxbow books, 1-12 a dialogue was taking place between Christianity and Down, A. and Welch, M. 1990 Chichester Excavations 7: Apple traditional social and religious practices. The difference Down & the Mardens. 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