Alice Yao1 & Jiang Zhilong2
Surface collection, exposed sections and the
use of irrigation wells and channels enabled
the authors to map the settlement pattern
of the elusive Dian kingdom before it
became a subsidiary of the Han empire. The
pattern showed that the Dian were already
hierarchical, with settlements of different sizes
and a political centre in which ritual bronzes
featured. The empire redrew the landscape,
with settlement migrating away from the
wetlands into the hills where it could oversee
the routes of communication into Southeast
Asia.
Keywords: south China, Yunnan province, Yizhou, Dian, Bronze Age, first millennium BC,
landscape survey, settlement hierarchy
Introduction
During the first millennium BC, regions south of the Yangzi River simultaneously
witnessed the onset of sociopolitical complexity. Foremost among these ‘indigenous’ political
formations include the Yelang, Dian, Dongson and Lingnan (Higham 1996; Allard 1998;
Lee 2001; Yao 2010), which all shared a sophisticated bronze tradition characterised by the
production of large ritual vessels, ornate socketed weapons and agricultural implements.
Whether these societies emerged from internally driven processes over the long term or
sudden, punctuated events (e.g. migrations and conquests) has been much debated. Recent
research in the core of Dongson polity of northern Vietnam suggests important political
transformations emerging in the fourth century BC, long before the social impact of Han
1
2
Department of Anthropology, University of Toronto Mississauga, Room 396 Terrence Donnelly Health Science
Complex, 3359 Mississauga Road North, Mississauga, ON L5L 1C6, Canada (alice.yao@utoronto.ca)
Yunnan Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, 15-1, Chunmingli, Chunyuanxiaoqu, Kunming, Yunnan
650118, China
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Rediscovering the settlement system of
the ‘Dian’ kingdom, in Bronze Age
southern China
Rediscovering the settlement system of the ‘Dian’ kingdom, in Bronze Age southern China
imperial conquest in 111 BC and as described in Chinese texts (Kim 2010 et al.). These
findings are enhanced by discoveries directly north of the Dongson, where Bronze Age
polities appeared between the eighth and fifth centuries BC in eastern Yunnan.
It is certain that social inequality and political consolidation predate imperial conquest,
and investigations now seek to identify the internal dynamics and timing behind these
complex formations. That factional competition, warfare or prestige goods trade (e.g. metal
ores and exotic ornaments) stimulated increasing social difference is beyond doubt and
highlight the importance of this region. An important corollary is just how complex were
these Bronze Age polities, raising the proverbial problem of scale (Wright 1977; Feinman
1998). Opinions differ, with terms such as chiefly society, paramount chiefdom and protostate being variably applied (Tong 1991; Kim et al. 2010). Bronze Age cemeteries in eastern
Yunnan imply entrenched social hierarchies with the division of individuals into social ranks
and the separation of elite and commoner burial spaces (Lee 2001; Yao 2005). This display
of social hierarchy in the mortuary context renders an impression of political and economic
control, yet leaves its exact territorial extent largely unanswered.
To adequately address sociopolitical scale requires a corresponding understanding of
spatial scale. However, in the absence of detailed settlement patterns, archaeological
investigation cannot effectively tackle this issue. This paper presents results from the South
Dian Survey, the first full coverage survey in the heartland of ‘Dian’ polity located in central
Yunnan province, PRC (Figure 1). Using a combined programme of surface survey, coring
and section cleaning, investigations recovered the remnants of a Bronze Age settlement
system associated with the ‘Dian’ polity and important shifts coincident with Han regional
incorporation in 109 BC. These findings reveal the concentration of sites and locations on
rich lacustrine wetlands and a settlement hierarchy dominated by the large central mound
of Hebosuo that was likely to have marked the political centre of a Bronze Age polity in the
Dian basin.
Historical and geographical background
Ancient Chinese texts refer to the Dian kingdom as one of the most powerful entities in
south-western China. Han records state that the Dian king could command 30 000 men,
and the discovery in 1955 at the cemetery of Shizhaishan of a gold seal bearing the king’s
title verified the historical existence of the polity. However, before 2008 archaeological
investigations had found only two Bronze Age settlements in the Dian basin, while
subsequent finds at cemetery sites only contributed to the enigma (Watson 1993; Zhang
2001). If there was indeed a formidable polity, where was its centre? Is it, as archaeologists
have long suspected, buried beneath the Han dependency of Yizhou (Figure 1) (Allard
2005)? More important, the spectacular nature of Dian bronze manufacture suggests
political control over craft and agricultural production (Murowchick 2002). In the absence
of occupational sites, however, we can assess neither its developmental sequence nor its
organisational complexity.
Chinese archaeologists divide the regional chronology into two broad periods: the Bronze
Age or ‘Dian culture’ period (eighth–sixth centuries BC to 109 BC) and post-conquest
period spanning the Han to Jin dynasties (109 BC to AD 420). Despite the use of iron
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Figure 1. The Dian basin and the south-east survey region (in red). Bronze Age cemetery sites, which have been excavated and
documented, are shown as triangles. The only Bronze Age settlements previously reported in the lake basin were Wangjiadun
and Longmen near Kunming City, and a shell midden on top of Shizhaishan (map generated from ArcScene 10.0 using
SRTM90 World Map).
implements from the Central Plains by the third century BC, Chinese chronologies do not
take into account an Iron Age period since bronze continues to be the main metallurgical
tradition.
The survey area and method
The Dian basin (Figure 1) is highly important to the investigation of Bronze Age societies
in southern China and Southeast Asia. Historical sources and archaeological discoveries at
Shizhaishan indicate that this area was the probable centre of Dian activity. Other discoveries
indicate that the seat of the subsequent Han imperial government was nearby. South-western
China is characterised by rugged topography consisting of dissected mountain chains with
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dispersed flat and arable land limited to the lakeside plains. In addition to providing the
most agriculturally productive land, the Dian basin occupies a pivotal position along trade
and communication routes connecting China, Southeast Asia and India that emerged in the
fourth–third centuries BC (Yang 2005). Given the economic and interregional importance
of the Dian basin, the detection of cultural activity in this region can contribute significantly
to the study of social complexity emerging along China’s southern borders.
Our survey focused on the south-eastern part of the Dian basin because this area contains
the widest expanse of flat and arable land as well as being a candidate for the ‘heartland’ of the
Dian polity. In addition to the discovery of burials on Shizhaishan, excavations in the 1950s
exposed cultural layers along the edge of the hill, revealing a prehistoric occupation site
(Yunnan Provincial Museum 1963). It could be assumed that the agricultural productivity
of this region would have attracted prehistoric and Han inhabitants alike.
The survey region encompasses three distinctive ecological zones (foothills, alluvium
and lakeshore) totalling 64km2 . The plain consists primarily of lacustrine wetlands and
alluvium irrigated by the lake and the main south-east to north-west draining river channel.
Surrounding hills provide a natural physical barrier secluding this area from adjacent parts
of the basin. Due to the density of modern greenhouse structures in the lowland areas,
surface visibility was poor. Fortunately, the extensive distribution of shallow irrigation
wells associated with greenhouses significantly improved site visibility by allowing direct
observation of sub-surface deposits.
The survey methods are summarised in Figure 2. The survey aimed at full coverage,
combining surface and sub-surface observations with coring. Following surface methods
successfully applied elsewhere in China, crew members were spaced at 50–75m and collected
diagnostic sherds of the Bronze Age and Han periods (Figure 3; Underhill et al. 1998; Linduff
et al. 2004; Liu et al. 2004). When sherds and shells in well debris indicated a site, coring
was undertaken to define the extent and character of cultural layers, and samples were taken
from these layers for fine wet screening and flotation. Three sherds served as a minimum
requirement for site designation.
Most of the occupation sites consisted of mounds formed from accumulated layers of
gastropod shells. These gastropods are predominantly represented by the species Margarya
melanoides, which were until recently an abundant and a heavily exploited lacustrine resource
that has now largely disappeared in the Lake Dian area (Ellen Strong pers. comm. 2007). On
the floodplain, the recovery of wet preserved wood posts from these shell matrices, which
often extended more than 3m below the surface, suggest that architectural structures were
constructed into the shell layers. Some Bronze Age occupation sites were also discovered on
top of numerous limestone and flysh (cretaceous sandstone) hillocks, where exposed stratified
shell layers indicated prehistoric occupation on the outcrops. The use of coring enhanced
the assessment of individual site size, with important implications for understanding the
scale of Bronze Age settlement organisation.
Results: the Bronze Age landscape
Whereas only two settlements had been previously documented in the basin, the survey
discovered 44 discrete sites: 25 of which were occupied during the Bronze Age, 9 spanned
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Figure 2. Survey method: (right) in addition to surface collection, observations were made from coring (a), exposed sections
(b) and irrigation wells (c) which revealed shell midden deposits, Bronze Age ceramics and wooden posts (d), allowing the
survey team to deduce with greater accuracy site locations and boundaries. The map (left) shows the resulting sites plotted on
Quickbird imagery (2008) using ArcGIS 10.
Table 1. Sites documented in south Dian basin.
Bronze Age site
Bronze–Han period site
Han site
Bronze Age cemetery
Han tomb
25
9
5
2
3
the Bronze Age to Han/Jin period, and 5 yielded strictly Han ceramics and tiles (Figure
4; Table 1). In addition to the two known Bronze Age cemetery sites, three Han period
mounded tombs were discovered along the spurs in the south-eastern valley exiting the
plain.
The 34 sites in the study area occupied during the Bronze Age divide into three discrete
size classes. The village of Hebosuo proved to have been constructed on top of a prehistoric
shell mound and was the largest Bronze Age settlement, measuring 31ha (Figure 4a, n◦ 1).
The proximity of Hebosuo to the necropolis of Shizhaishan (n◦ 2) endorses the political
prominence of this site. Sites in the next size category range from 4–10ha and include the
shell mound sites located on top of Shizhaishan and at Gucheng (n◦ 4); the remaining sites
were estimated to be less than 2ha in size (Figure 5a).
The survey documented 16 Bronze Age sites within 6km of Hebosuo, distributed in an
arc-like pattern along the lakeshore. Based on the distribution of surface finds and a survey
of approximately 156 irrigation wells in this area, most of the 16 sites, with the exception
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Figure 3. Dian ceramic assemblage. Ceramics diagnostic of Bronze Age period occupations (upper) include (a) oxidised rough
ware bowls and (b) limestone and sand tempered vessels. Rough ware bowls include an incised and plain ware form, which
occurred in higher frequency than other ware types. Limestone and sandy wares include jars with everted rims and collared
necks. Both types of ceramic wares occur infrequently in Bronze Age cemeteries. Ceramics diagnostic of the Han period (lower)
include stamped limestone-tempered body sherds and grey fabric impressed roof tiles with a silty fabric.
of Shizhaishan, were 1ha or smaller in size. These sites possibly comprised the satellite
communities of Hebosuo. The more extensive occupation on top of Shizhaishan possibly
indicates a symbolic locale given its association with the necropolis and position above the
surrounding plain. A carbonised seed taken from a stratified cultural layer on Shizhaishan
was dated to 779–488 cal BC (BA091158) (Table 2).
Besides the complex of sites around Hebosuo, a secondary locus of cultural activity is to
the north-east at Gucheng (Figure 4a, n◦ 4). While considerably smaller than Hebosuo at
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Figure 4. Results of survey project. Location of Bronze Age (a) and Han period settlements (b). The sites are primarily
concentrated near Hebosuo (1), Shizhaishan (2), Jincheng (3), Gucheng (4) and Haibaoshan (5). Cemetery sites are outlined
in red.
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Figure 5. Site size distributions in the south Dian basin: Bronze Age period sites (a) divided into three primary classes with
Hebosuo being the largest at 31ha; Han period sites (b) divided into three primary classes with Jincheng being the largest at
63ha.
4ha, the mound at Gucheng is the largest site in the north-east extent of the survey area.
Dated deposits from stratified levels suggest occupations as early as the eighth century BC
(Table 2). Like Hebosuo, Gucheng is located in close proximity to a Bronze Age cemetery
that was similarly positioned on top of an adjacent hillock, 500m north of the mounded
site. If Gucheng represents the primary occupation site, the smaller settlements in its vicinity
may represent the “supra-local community” in the north-eastern corner of the survey region
(Drennan & Dai 2010: 458). As was the case at Hebosuo, these sites also contained
stratified shell deposits containing a considerable amount of cultural material. These sites
were also smaller than 1ha and most were located along the terraced slope and at the base
of the Bronze Age cemetery. Other associations between occupation density and site size
suggest that the Bronze Age settlement system was differentiated and organised according
to socioeconomic factors. The kernel density map generated from counts of Bronze Age
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Site & context
Gucheng layer 2
Gucheng layer 3
Shizhaishan layer 6
Yangfutou burial M22
Yangfutou burial M19
Yangfutou burial M297
Yangfutou burial M147
Yangfutou M96
Tianzimiao burial
Tianzimiao burial
Sample type
Lab sample no.
Calibrated 2σ (95.4%)
Seed
Seed
Seed
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
Charcoal
BA091155
BA091156
BA091158
ZK3110
ZK3111
BK200209
BK200210
BK200208
PV328
PV329
810–530 BC
900–760 BC
779–488 BC
756–394 BC
787–415 BC
361 BC–AD 22
366 BC–AD 5
AD 53–382
390 BC–AD 1
40 BC–AD 350
Figure 6. Density map of Bronze Age ceramics in the south Dian basin. Sherd distributions are displayed as smoothed
contours based on kernel density estimation (KDE) set to 100m radius in ArcGIS 10. While surface collections could not be
made according to defined units due to extensive greenhouse and urban cover, investigators did record the full spatial extent of
sherd scatter and made controlled collections at 249 locations. The greatest concentration of Bronze Age sherds is located in the
Hebosuo-Shizhaishan settlement area. Within this areal extent, the highest density (green peak) corresponds spatially with the
site of Hebosuo. Drop-offs in sherd frequencies indicate possible separation between sites within this supra-local community.
ceramics show patterned artefact concentrations with the highest density peak occurring at
Hebosuo and a secondary peak at Gucheng (Figure 6).
Botanical remains from a range of Bronze Age sites substantiate the presence of a
wetland habitat long thought to have characterised this prehistoric landscape. Sediment
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Table 2. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from prehistoric settlements and cemeteries in
the Dian region.
Rediscovering the settlement system of the ‘Dian’ kingdom, in Bronze Age southern China
cores from sites in the Hebosuo-Shizhaishan and Gucheng areas contained an abundance
of wet preserved uncharred materials dominated by annual plants related to wet shallow
microenvironments. The two most prevalent aquatic plants found in both locations are
Potamageton and Najas. Other aquatic plants include Characeae, Cyperaceae, Myriophyllum,
Rumax and Juncus. The prevalence of these plants suggests that the depiction of pile
dwellings in Dian iconography and the discovery of wooden posts from survey are consistent
with habitation constructions suited to marshy environments. Furthermore, the extensive
nature and depth of Bronze Age shell mounds suggest that inhabitants possibly constructed
these features to raise occupation levels above marshlands. Cultigens from Shizhaishan and
Gucheng cultural levels reveal that in addition to rice (Oryza sativa), millet (Seteria italica)
and wheat (Triticum sp.) were also cultivated.
A longstanding question surrounding the Dian polity concerns the nature of craft
production. Based on the opulent display of bronze implements and jade and agate
ornaments found in elite burials, the detection of craft production in the HebosuoShizhaishan core would provide some resolution on the scale of Dian economic control
over ‘prestige goods’. Flotation samples from three sites in the Hebosuo-Shizhaishan area
produced slag and copper debris, indicating metallurgical activity being undertaken in the
centre of Dian settlement system. In addition to the presence of metalworking in this
core area, worked stone materials resembling turquoise were found in cultural levels at
two separate sites. More recently, the excavation of a modern sewage trench uncovered
agate debris and a broken piece of reworked Central Plains jade disk at Hebosuo (City
Museum of Kunming, pers. comm. 2010). These findings—however small given sample size
constraints—show that these objects were not imports but probably manufactured in the
Dian region.
Changes in the Han period
Following Han incorporation, the Dian basin witnessed the establishment of the imperial
capital of Yizhou in present-day Jincheng city (Figure 4b, n◦ 3). Survey observations indicate
that this was an extensive settlement occupying 63ha. A large community of this order was
certainly unprecedented in this region. Archaeological support for the textual identification
of Jincheng city with Yizhou includes the discovery of a dense cluster of Han fabric impressed
tile along the north-east corner and Han tomb bricks in the south-western edge of the city.
In addition to the imperial centre of Jincheng, the survey documented 13 other sites with
Han material divided into two size classes. Nine sites were smaller than 2ha while four
sites ranged in size from 4–10ha (Figure 5b). The occupations at Shizhaishan and Hebosuo
continued to be the most extensive, ranging in size from 8–10ha.
By the Han period, occupation as a whole also shifted towards the eastern foothills and
the Han governmental centre founded at Jincheng in 109 BC. Sites located on outcrops to
the west of Jincheng produced Han bricks and the stamped sherds typical of Han ceramic
assemblages. These sites are smaller than 2ha in size. Their position overlooks the two river
valleys that provide entry into the Dian region from the Yuxi basin, a rich lacustrine basin
providing the main communication route connecting highland Yunnan with the Dongson
polity in northern Vietnam. Perhaps the population was concentrated at the sizable site of
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Yizhou during the Han period, leading to a less extensive occupation of the lowlands. The
shift indicates a reorganisation of the landscape, perhaps guided either by imperial concerns
over security and defence or an interest in expanding the availability of cultivable land on
the basin floor through draining the wetlands.
Discussion
The Bronze Age activity in Dian proves to have been hierarchical and, contrary to
expectations, did not coincide with the imperial settlement system. Beyond the detection
of a settlement hierarchy for the two periods, survey results also indicate locational trends
that contrast the Bronze Age and Han period settlement systems. While many Bronze Age
sites continued to be occupied into the Han period, the frequency of Han sherds was very
low. The number of settlements in the Hebosuo-Shizhaishan satellite area decreased to three
primary locations with sites appearing to have also declined in size. The Gucheng area
also experienced a similar decline in site frequencies but the main mound continued to be
occupied.
But questions concerning the scale of the Dian polity and related issue of its genesis still
remain. How big was this Bronze Age political formation? Although most scholars assume
that the polity was limited to the lake basin, integration across this expansive area (450km2 )
would have necessitated differentiated structures of administration. In the north-eastern
extent of the basin, the cemetery of Yangfutou (Figure 1) equals Shizhaishan in its opulence
and is similarly associated with a complex of mounded settlements (YPICRA et al. 2005:
862). Equally important is control over the western extent of the basin as major copper and
tin ores can be directly accessed through a single river valley pass that links the basin with
the Yangzi River watershed. The limited availability of arable lands along the western shore,
due to the craggy landscape and rugged topography, presumably could not have supported
large communities without staple provisions.
Whether the ‘Dian’ polity emerged from cyclical or punctuated trajectories of
development requires much finer chronological resolution (e.g. ceramic sequences and
radiometric dates). If, as indicated by findings in Vietnam, Bronze Age complexity emerged
from internal competition and warfare beginning in the fourth century BC, then an
understanding of temporal trends in the Dian basin could similarly detect fluctuations in the
settlement order. If the revised dating scheme for the Dian basin is considered, the earliest
evidence of social stratification is located in the north part of basin where elaborate graves
with bronze drums begin to be interred at the cemetery of Yangfutou by the fifth century
BC and possibly even earlier (Table 2), preceding burial activity at Shizhaishan by more than
a century (YPICRA et al. 2005: 715; Chiou-Peng 2011). Thus, when Yangfutou became a
consecrated elite cemetery site, Shizhaishan was an occupation site. The differential timing
behind the erection of these elite cemeteries may reflect political fluctuations associated with
escalating regional factionalism in the Dian basin. Radiometric dates from Gucheng and
Shizhaishan indicate Bronze Age cultural activity in the south-eastern extent of the basin as
early as the eighth century BC (Table 2). Given the depth of cultural layers at Gucheng and
Hebosuo, the lengthy occupation sequence at these sites could reveal diachronic trends in
settlement organisation documenting cycles of fluctuation (Wright 1984; Anderson 1994).
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In particular, understanding the timing and growth of the settlement cluster around Hebosuo
and Yangfutou could potentially clarify the developmental sequence that is necessary for
evaluating models of political formation.
Shifts in the settlement at the dawn of the Han conquest naturally raise questions
about the nature of imperial incorporation and the ‘waning’ of the Bronze Age. Simply
put, what happened to the local peoples? The Shiji notes that the Dian population was
peacefully incorporated into the Han state while the decline in mortuary activity at
Bronze Age cemeteries across the basin suggests that indigenous traditions came under
pressure (Watson 1993; YPICRA et al. 2005: 834). The loss of symbolic funerary spaces
in the landscape would signal shifts in the political order. Later documentary sources
record successive uprisings across numerous prefectures in Yizhou from 105 BC–AD
176 with some skirmishes culminating in the murder of the imperial governor (Allard
2005: 246). In this light, the concentration of Han settlements near the provincial
centre and towards more defendable locations in the foothills may reflect a level of
uncertainty. In any event, these textual accounts suggest that Han imperialism was far from
a succinct episode of conquest and incorporation but rather a more protracted and uneven
process.
Another possible explanation proposed for the post-conquest settlement shift is the
introduction of new measures to increase agricultural production. In AD 19, the Han
governor created 121km2 of arable land in the prefecture by introducing terracing and
irrigation (Sun & Xiong 1983: 249). Palynological and geomorphological data from the
Dian and neighbouring Erhai basins, however, revealed limited anthropogenic disturbance
coincident with Han conquest. The disappearance of valley floor and hillside taxa along
with increased erosion became marked in both regions around 1500 BP, well after Han
incorporation (Sun et al. 1986; Dearing 2008). While cores from the southern extent
of the basin would help corroborate the timing and extent of these anthropogenic
changes, current observations do not support a sudden reorganisation of the population
in the basin coincident with agricultural intensification. Without an understanding of
agricultural productivity during the Bronze Age, imperial cultivation strategies should not
be assumed to be more intensive in scope and interpreted as the basis for population
relocation.
To pit imperial ambitions against indigenous interests focuses on the event of conquest,
projecting a view of cultural irreconcilability. Survey data provide compelling evidence
of cultural continuity in the lake basin, which, when examined with ‘indigenous’ tombs
in the post-conquest period, could suggest lengthy periods of intercultural engagement.
The stamped pottery sherds recovered during survey showed an undeniable resemblance
to the surface treatment typical of Han ceramic assemblages (Figure 3). However,
unlike their grey ware Han counterparts, the fabric of these stamped pottery sherds
consists of a fine sandy ware with crushed limestone temper that is identical to their
Bronze Age precursors. The concurrent production and use of both grey ware and local
variants in the Dian basin is more reflective of a transitional rather than displacement
process.
Paralleling these trends is the incorporation of Han materials into local burial assemblages.
At both Shizhaishan and Yangfutou, graves from the conquest period include Han
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bronze serving ware, iron implements, Chinese coins and even ceramic house models
typical of Han burial customs, while the Bronze Age tradition of pit graves with an
easterly orientation are retained (YPICRA et al. 2005: 834). For Han material culture
to be manifest in the tomb repertoire of conquered peoples for two centuries following
conquest suggests that Bronze Age peoples continued to reside in the basin or ostensibly
engaged with Han both economically and socially so as to become familiar with imperial
customs.
Conclusion
Without an understanding of the organisation of people and resources over space and
time, debates surrounding the processes leading to political formations and the nature of
complexity cannot move forward. Here regional survey work provided the foundational
support for centralised political leadership that has until now been fixed to one ‘Dian’ site
and one object—the king’s seal. The discovery of a complex of occupation sites concentrated
around the formidable settlement of Hebosuo—in addition to the presence of metal- and
stoneworking there—point to the economic and political influence exercised by this centre
over the region. If habitation in this wetland area was achieved by raising sites above the
plain through the construction of shell mounds and levées, then Hebosuo would have
drawn on considerable corporate labour from its satellite communities. Perhaps even more
striking is how Shizhaishan now figures in this landscape as a symbolic anchor in the ‘Dian’
heartland.
By the same token, an understanding of scale at the regional level has implications
for conceptualising interregional levels of interaction, thus providing a solid basis for
reintegrating external factors and taking core-periphery relationships into consideration.
If these regions were part of an expansive trade network, the configuration of these polities
in this network depended on size, scale, economic base, geographic position and access to
key raw materials (Stein 1999; Galaty & Parkinson 2010). Recent metallurgical analysis
indicates that copper ores from Yunnan were used in bronze casting by powerful states in
central China as early as the late second millennium BC and even circulated to the Dongson
polity (Jin et al. 1999; Chiou-Peng 2011). Determining which regional polities controlled
access to specific ores and transport nodes in this dissected landscape can elucidate the
structure of interregional interaction. In this light, Bronze Age societies in this part of the
world can provide a promising cross-regional test case to further stimulate ways to model
core-periphery and peer-polity relations.
Acknowledgements
The South Dian survey is an international project involving the collaboration of the Yunnan Provincial Institute
of Cultural Relics Archaeology, Jinning Cultural Relics Office, and the Museum of Anthropology, University of
Michigan. Special thanks go to Henry Wright, without whose guidance and feedback, this preliminary season
of fieldwork would have been impossible. The Oriental Archaeology Research Center (OARC) at Shandong
University and the Radiocarbon Lab at Beijing University assisted with the botanical and radiometric analyses.
Dr Chen Xuexiang (OARC) graciously undertook the paleobotanical analyses. We are grateful to the funding
received from the National Science Foundation (BCS 0835153), Henry Luce Foundation, and American Council
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of Learned Societies. In addition, the lead author extends her thanks to the Institute for the Study of the Ancient
World, NYU, for providing time off to direct the field project.
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Alice Yao & Jiang Zhilong