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VÄGAR TILL MIDGÅRD 8 Old Norse religion in long-term perspectives Origins, changes, and interactions An international conference in Lund, Sweden, June 3–7, 2004 Anders Andrén, Kristina Jennbert & Catharina Raudvere (eds) Nordic Academic Press NORDIC ACADEMIC PRESS Published with the financial support of The Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Foundation Nordic Academic Press Box 206, 22 05 Lund, Sweden info@nordicacademicpress.com www.nordicacademicpress.com © Nordic Academic Press and the authors 2006 Technical Editor: Åsa Berggren Typesetting: Lotta Hansson Cover: Jacob Wiberg Cover images: M. Winge: ”Tors strid med jättarna” and C. Larsson: ”Midvinterblot” with permission from the National Museum, Stockholm. Photos by: Bengt Almgren, the Historical Museum, Lund, Kristina Jennbert, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Lund, Mimmi Tegnér, Malmö Heritage and Åsa Berggren, Malmö Heritage. Printed by: Preses Nams, Riga 2006 ISBN 0: 9-896-8-x ISBN 3: 978-9-896-8-8 OLD NORSE RELIGION IN LONG-TERM PERSPECTIVES Where does Old Norse religion end? Reflections on the term Old Norse religion Maths Bertell Introduction and purpose thus saving the poetic meter for a few dramatic scenes and When speaking of Old Norse religion, one needs to reflect episodes where characters in the story spoke in their own on the term and what it contains, since it is not as unprob- words. The poetic dialogue form ended up mainly used in lematic as it may seem at first glance. The term Old Norse prose episodes. The poetic form developed into a more and religion holds a universe of concepts and ideas running off in more regulated affair where improvisation became almost different directions, making the religion look contradictory impossible. Therefore prose took over the narration, allow- and inconsistent. I do not propose a different term, but a ing the presenter to dramatize well-known scenes from the consideration of the problems and complexity of the religion Old Norse tradition (Lönnroth 978:32f). This leads to the when using the term. There is also a necessity to consider conclusion that the prose mostly ended up being open to the relationship between the Old Norse religion and the sur- influences, which may be questioned. The oral tradition had rounding indigenous religions, such as the religions of the varying degrees of improvisation. Most fixed was skaldic po- Saami, the Finns and other groups of people in the immediate etry, celebration hymns to the Norwegian kings. These poems vicinity. How did the believers of the Old Norse religion also have known composers and thus differ from other poems perceive other religions, and to what extent did people from such as those in the Edda. The skaldic poems are therefore the outside get in contact with myths and rituals? The separa- more part of a “written” culture, even though they were orally tion of Old Norse religion from other indigenous religions is composed. made by language. This distinction may make the religions Who were the narrators and keepers of the Old Norse oral of groups with different languages seem more separated from tradition? The examples of Norna-Gest, Þorbjo˛rg lítil-vo˛lva each other than they necessarily were. and Hrolfr (Norna-Gests þáttr 944:384–398; Eiríks saga rauða 935:206–209; Þorgils saga ok Hafliða 946:27) suggests on the one hand wandering men and women with special gifts and Oral traditions talents for story telling and on the other hand, as in the last A lot of the seemingly contradictory information we have case, a local entertainer with a feel for exaggeration. Hrolfr on Old Norse religion is due to the fact that the written is also said to have composed the saga himself. But perhaps sources are based on an oral tradition. The oral tradition and there is a difference between mythological material and the its reality is very different from the written and read tradition more secular sagas? In any case, those three examples show (Lord 2000:7), so different that it might be hard for us to us that these persons had a special narrator’s talent. We may visualize. As research has shown, there are not only differ- also reckon that different kinds of information were kept ences in how to systematize things but also a difference in by different kinds of people. Genealogical information, for what to systematize (Ong 982:5ff). Writing ability therefore instance, belonged to a specific person within the family, local seems to ruin much of the oral poet since the concept of a myths and world cosmology by a similar person within the text interferes with the process of oral composition (Peabody local society. (On different categories of narrators see Siikala 975:26). The concept of a text also may give the notion of an 990:43–7.) author and a primary text from which all other versions have Transmitting the myth sprung and thus degenerated. The more time passes, the more inaccurate and corrupt the poem, the epic and so on, will Each keeper of the information was taught by somebody else, become. This, however, is not the opinion of a person living in most cases an older, more experienced expert in the field. in an oral tradition. To him, the story is correct when it is in But then again, each member of society had a notion of the line with his concept of the world. The oral tradition adapts information, albeit not in an active sense. to the time in which it functions. If anything, oral poetry The transmission of the information from one narrator to is primarily functional and takes shape in social situations another narrator (active to active) is likely to have happened such as religious ritual, family, communal or work activities on a man-to-man basis. The transmission from a narrator to (Honko 993:49). an audience (active to passive) may have occurred any time The tradition of recollection of the myths and legends of where people gathered and is not in the first place a learning the Scandinavian Viking Age differs from its continental situation. This is likely to have been the place for individuals counterparts. The continental use of a harp as a backing from groups outside to have been able to pick up mythologi- instrument was dropped in favour of narrating in prose and cal motifs and structures.  WHERE DOES OLD NORSE RELIGION END? A deeper cosmic knowledge is likely to have been transmit- ity that a feature arose in different traditions independently ted to other groups in situations due to social circumstances of each other and that there is no genetic bond between the such as intermarriage and trade between groups. The rituals similarities. When studying historic oral traditions this is of- may also have been transmitted to other groups by passive ten problematic to discern since it is rarely possible to study eyewitnesses, making their own interpretation and by doing the traditions back in time (Honko 993:58). so “misunderstanding” the ritual and therefore using it in a The circumstances of both borrowings and of similar sepa- “wrong” setting, unless explained by an insider. rate developments benefit from similar surroundings and en- vironments. A tradition-ecological study may be performed The myths at both a macro level and a micro level. At the micro level it What did the myths transmit and in what form? The question is limited in time and space while at a macro level it allows us of whether myth is always connected to a ritual is a protracted to observe development in time and in space. In space both debate among historians of religion (Olsen 909; Phillpotts regional and cross-regional studies may be undertaken, giving 920; Hooke 933; Nyberg 935; Widengren 953; Edsman us a chance to discern features in different traditions separated 959; cf. Heusler 922). Some sort of cultic plays/games/rituals from linguistic bonds and the evolutionary development in did occur in Uppsala with dancers and the singing of “im- time (Honko 993:5f). moral” tunes (Saxo Grammaticus 979:72; Adam av Bremen The nature surrounding a tradition sets limits to it in 984:225; Gunnell 995:76ff). What dances and what tunes terms of, for instance, economy. The tradition must fit its were involved, we don’t know. From Finland, Karelia and physical environment. If it doesn’t, it is adapted. The adapta- Ingermanland we know that the Sampo cycle and the prayer tion and integration to milieu is a process labelled “milieu- to the thunder god Ukko were used as dances and were recited morphological adaptation”. This adaptation transforms the in cultic settings connected to agricultural activities (Suomen unfamiliar new material and its features to familiar features Kansan Vanhat Runot :88b; Haavio 963:7). As far as we know and incorporates it in tradition and often places them in the Eddic poems were not used in a ritual context, even though well-known territory, thus localizing it. The processes are it may be indicated in their structure (Lönnroth 996:65; cf. called “familiarization” and “localization”. There is also an Phillpotts 920; Gunnell 995). But it may also be the case that adaptation to the performance situation, the interaction be- we are dealing with two different things here: the ritual texts tween performer and audience, depending on the audience’s and the mythic text containing the cosmic knowledge, which collective memory and community tasks, but also in limits may have been constructed and performed in different ways. such as time and narrative detail. Adaptation of function may be viewed as synchronic and as such usually not lasting, while The audience milieu and tradition adaptation may be called diachronic and The audience had their expectations and as such functioned as such of a more lasting kind (Honko 993:52). as a correcting device. The narrator of the myth had to stay The processes mentioned above also give each tradition its within boundaries accepted by the audience. This acceptance uniqueness with its blend of material incorporated into the also contained rules for how loyal the narrator had to stay to tradition speaking to its specific needs. We can thus speak of tradition, but at the same time remain relevant to the current an “eco-typification” and in a macro-ecological study discern situation. Tradition also meant staying loyal to a chosen genre isomorphs in a tradition landscape. These processes are com- and its set of rules. The entire setting of the performance plex and dynamic and rarely explained by a single factor or is an interaction between the narrator of the myth and the even a few single factors (Siikala 2002:39). receivers, the audience, in terms of context, message and Consequences for Old Norse religion codes (Lönnroth 978:0f). The constitution of the audiences may have varied greatly, even within the Old Norse sphere: The intercultural borrowing in pre-Christian times is a web of socially, geographically and through time. assimilation and syncretism and is likely to have its roots in the decentralized, circulating flow and exchange of religious Folklore ideas, tales and motifs (DuBois 996:43, 63, 999:34, 37). As folkloric research has shown, folk tales and motifs are This flow is made possible by the above-mentioned tradition- spread over vast geographical and linguistic distances (Cox ecology. It may also be assumed that this is a development 893; Aarne and Thompson 928; Thompson 955; Rooth that has been going on for a long period of time, which makes 980). This also includes mythological material: gods and it almost impossible to establish where an idea originated myths of creation (Thompson 955:20). At a micro level we or who influenced whom. Thus the source material for Old have a number of factors at work when tales and motifs in Norse religion is the expression of a process and a frozen a tradition are used and transmitted. When one compares glimpse of a vast universe in motion. It is also a picture of traditions and discovering similarities, the question “why” a religion that was part of a much bigger cultural whirlpool arises. Is it due to borrowing or is it due to a separate tradi- and cannot be studied separately. The transformation of Old tion with a similar development? In the case of borrowing, Norse religion was a slow process through time and space in close attention should be paid to the nature of the borrowed interaction with surrounding religions. feature, the borrowing process, and how the feature was used Given these options, the Old Norse religion may have had and adapted to the new tradition. It is of interest why one large differences within itself. The religion of a Norwegian feature was borrowed and another feature was not. And of nobleman in AD 800 differed in many ways from that of a course, who borrowed from whom? There is also the possibil- fisherman’s wife’s in Roslagen in AD 000, but would still be considered within the frame of Old Norse religion.  OLD NORSE RELIGION IN LONG-TERM PERSPECTIVES Contacts and eyewitnesses event and a demonstration of wealth and power as much as a religious ritual. This is likely to have been the case with the and micro level perspective Oseberg funeral ship as well (Gansum 2002:282). The second View of others and their religion example is a private, but not secret, ritual at a farmstead with We should expect to find a cultural community to some the persons belonging to the farm present plus a few guests. extent between two geographically close groups of people, The ritual is a sacrifice to some body or something belong- especially when those groups have been situated side by side ing to the fertility sphere (cf. Herbert 972; Steinsland and for a long period of time. Such an example is the Saami cult Vogt 98). Unfortunately, both these witnesses belong to a site at Porsanger in Norway, used by a group of domiciled monotheistic religion and not to a religion similar to the Old farming and fishing Saami. They may have had a lot more Norse one, but still they give us a hint about what an outsider in common with their Norse-speaking neighbours than with could come into contact with. their nomadic reindeer-herding relatives concerning reli- Bilingual zones gious practice (Leem [767] 975:437; Drobin and Keinänen 200:62, Bertell 2003:92f). Much of the translation from one language to another The ancient historians viewed their surrounding neighbours occurred in the bilingual border zones between peoples of as having religions very similar to their own and thus iden- different language. This is where a lot of the transmission of tifying foreign gods as their own: Egyptian gods Amon and tales and motifs has taken place between groups of people Horus with Greek gods Zeus and Apollo (Herodotus 484–425 with different languages. BCE). This is likely to have been the way people in the pre- Christian religions interpreted other people’s gods too (cf. Versions and change DuBois 999:4ff), which is seen in the names of the gods in, for instance, the Saami and Finnish mythologies. Already in Given a situation where everything except language is the the translation of the experience a loan may occur, as in the same, the transmission of motifs and myths happens more case of Saami Horagalles (Old Norse Þórr karl), Veralden Olmai easily. The chance of an unfamiliar motif corresponding to (Old Norse Veraldar goð), Radien (Swedish Rådare) and Finn- something in the new tradition increases. Given a long period ish Tuuri (Old Norse Þórr). This doesn’t mean that the god of time this kind of exchange may amount to a large number as such is a loan, but at some point the use of a foreign word of motifs and myths. to illustrate something was felt necessary. The other option would have been to use their own name for the god of thunder, Slow transformation when for instance retelling a tale or a myth. This could in the Mental structures in societies are bound to a very slow process long run incorporate a new myth or tale in the tradition, while of change. In many ways it is built to function and therefore the first option also incorporates the new name. closely linked to material culture, history and practice. The This is when meeting other pre-Christian religions. Chris- oral tradition expresses these structures. As change in society tianity may have been viewed differently. The pre-Christian as a whole, both material and non-material, is not mechanical religions had an inclusive approach and accepted the exist- or straightforward, but random and complex and ongoing to ence of other gods, an approach opposite to the exclusiveness fit the given situation, it gives a battle between progressive and of Christianity. This is likely to have made Christianity ap- conservative forces. As it takes wide-ranging changes to alter a pear like something different. (For more considerations on deeply rooted value or belief, they may very well have survived Germanic societies and their view of Christianity see Russell several cultural periods, not necessarily completely unchanged 994 and Murphy 989.) in substance and meaning, but reinterpreted and recast in a We have a few accounts of rituals in Old Norse religion, new cultural frame (Sahlins 985:vii–xix; Ortner 990:9–93; where outsiders get to participate actively or as passive by- Siikala 2002:29–32). Motifs to picture something in oral tradi- standers. The longest and most detailed is from the Muslim tion may therefore have travelled relatively easy between dif- Arab Ibn Fadlan meeting a group of Rus on the shores of the ferent mythologies, to be used in a new tradition if they fitted. Volga in present-day Russia. Ibn Fadlan gets to witness a sac- The new tradition embraced the new motif and made it its rifice to the gods and a chieftain’s funeral (Ibn Fadlan 978). own and used it as such. This did not alter the tradition in any The second account is that presented in the V˛olsaþáttr, where major way but made it possible to picture things differently. the Christian Norwegian king participates in a homestead Transformation of a tradition is therefore a question of change ritual with an embalmed horse penis (V˛olsaþáttr 944). The on several levels, from motifs down to structure. first of these two examples is a passive witness and the second is an active one. Ibn Fadlan has a translator who seems to Conclusion know a great deal about the ritual. When the men enter a tent during the ritual, he knows what is happening inside and tells In religions handed over by word of mouth like the Old Norse Ibn Fadlan. In the V˛olsaþáttr the guests and the hosts speak religion, the mythic corpus is in constant change. The nar- the same language. The king does not seem familiar with the rators of tradition are the memory of society and hand over ritual and may be a late contribution to the tale: the story the cosmological knowledge to the next generation. These ends with the king trying to ruin the ritual by throwing the narrators stay more or less loyal to their material, but adapts embalmed penis to the dog. This may be part of a moral twist to the specific situation, where a number of factors influence to devalue the pre-Christian religion. But the point here is their performance. The mythological corpus is therefore not a the difference between the two examples. The first is a public collection of myths in a fixed form, but a material in constant  WHERE DOES OLD NORSE RELIGION END? change (Siikala 990:207). It is likely that the influence from Herbert, J. 972. Völsaþáttr. 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