Zambia, a tobacco-growing country, provides manufacturing incentives to attract foreign and domestic investment. In an earlier study, we cautioned that these incentives could lead to local tobacco manufacturing, undermining its domestic tobacco control efforts. In 2018, as part of our continuing research program, we conducted key informant interviews (n = 15) and document analyses. Our early caution proved correct. In 2018, taking advantage of tax incentives, British American Tobacco Zambia and Roland Imperial Tobacco opened new cigarette-manufacturing facilities in the Lusaka Multi-Facility Economic Zone. They report capability of producing 25 million cigarettes daily, between 3 and 5 million of which is intended for the domestic market. Zambia's tax incentives for cigarette manufacturing are likely to increase domestic consumption. The 170 new jobs created in the two plants pale when considering long-term health impacts and lost economic productivity of an increase in supply of locally produced cigarette brands.

Background: Tobacco production is said to be an important contributor to Zambia's economy in terms of labour and revenue generation. In light of Zambia's obligations under the WHO Framework Convention of Tobacco Control (FCTC) we examined the institutional actors in Zambia's tobacco sector to better understand their roles and determine the institutional context that supports tobacco production in Zambia. Methods: Findings from 26 qualitative, semi-structured individual or small-group interviews with key informants from governmental, intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations were analysed, along with data and information from published literature. Results: Although Zambia is obligated under the FCTC to take steps to reduce tobacco production, the country's weak economy and strong tobacco interests make it difficult to achieve this goal. Respondents uniformly acknowledged that growing the country's economy and ensuring employment for its citizens are the government's top priorities. Lacklustre coordination and collaboration between the institutional actors, both within and outside government, contributes to an environment that helps sustain tobacco production in the country. A Tobacco Products Control Bill has been under review for a number of years, but with no supply measures included, and with no indication of when or whether it will be passed.

Changing global markets have generated a dramatic shift in tobacco consumption from high-income countries (HICs) to low- and middle-income countries (LMICs); by 2030, more than 80% of the disease burden from tobacco use will fall on LMICs. Propelling this shift, opponents of tobacco control have successfully asserted that tobacco is essential to the economic livelihoods of smallholder tobacco farmers and the economy of tobacco-growing countries. This nexus of economic, agricultural and public health policymaking is one of the greatest challenges facing tobacco control efforts, especially in LMICs. To date, there is a lack of comparative, individual level evidence about the actual livelihoods of tobacco-growing farmers and the political economic context driving tobacco production. This comparative evidence is critically important to identify similarities and differences across contexts and to provide local evidence to inform policies and institutional engagement. Our proposed four-ye...

Introduction Tobacco production continues to increase in low- and middle-income countries creating complications for tobacco control efforts. There is the need to understand and address the global tobacco leaf supply as a means of decreasing tobacco consumption and improving farmers livelihoods in line with Article 17 of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. This study aims to understand the reasons why farmers grow tobacco and identify factors that influence these reasons. Methods Primary survey data (N=1770) collected in Kenya, Malawi and Zambia in the 2013-2014 farming season. Data analysis uses both descriptive and multinomial logistical regression methods. Results Majority of farmers started and are currently growing tobacco because they believed it was the only economically viable crop. Compared to Malawi, farmers in Kenya and Zambia have a 0.2 and 0.4 lower probability of growing tobacco respectively because they perceive it as the only economically viable crop, bu...

Tobacco is the primary export commodity in Malawi and an important contributor to foreign earnings. The entrenchment of tobacco interests within government has partly explained why Malawi has lagged in its efforts to address the health consequences of tobacco and has been a vocal opponent of global tobacco control. Despite the extensive historical and entrenched relationship between the economy of Malawi and tobacco production, there have been important shifts at the highest policy levels towards the need to explore diversification in the agricultural sector. There is explicit recognition that alternatives to tobacco production must be pursued. This study provides an analysis of the policies and perspectives that characterize contemporary government approaches to tobacco and alternatives in Malawi by interviewing key government officials working on tobacco policy and reviewing recent policy documents. This research finds that there is openness and movement towards reducing tobacco g...

Using a historical and political economy perspective, this paper explores the prospects for tobacco control in Zimbabwe, the world's sixth largest producer and third largest tobacco exporter. Tobacco production, which first began in the former Rhodesia in the early 1900s, is closely associated with colonial history and land occupation by white settlers. The Zimbabwe (formerly Rhodesia) Tobacco Association was formed in 1928 and soon became a powerful political force. Although land redistribution has always been a central issue, it was not adequately addressed after independence in 1980, largely due to the need for Zimbabwe to gain foreign currency and safeguard employment. However, by the mid-1990s political pressures forced the government to confront the mainly white, commercial farmers with a new land acquisition policy, but intense national and international lobbying prevented its implementation. With advent of global economic changes, and following the start of a structural adjustment programme in 1991, manufacturing began to decline and the government relied even more on the earnings from tobacco exports. Thus strengthening tobacco control policies has always had a low national and public health priority. Recent illegal occupation of predominately white owned farms, under the guise of implementing the former land redistribution policy, was politically motivated as the government faced its first major challenge at the general elections in June 2000. It remains unclear whether this will lead to long term reductions in tobacco production, although future global declines in demand could weaken the tobacco lobby. However, since Zimbabwe is only a minor consumer of tobacco, a unique opportunity does exist to develop controls on domestic cigarette consumption. To achieve this the isolated ministry of health would need considerable support from international agencies, such as the World Health Organisation and World Bank.