Studies on Medieval Corinth 1896-1999. Work at Corinth over the last forty years has significantly changed our perspective on the city‟s archaeological history. A symposium in December 1996 to celebrate the American School of Classical Studies centenary at Corinth presented a number of papers on the Medieval period outlining many of these changes. Since these papers will appear shortly, I will reserve my remarks here for an overview of the excavations and the goals of the Directors and for a brief discussion of three aspects of the archaeology, which are presently being reexamined. A CENTURY OF POST-ROMAN ARCHAEOLOGY AT CORINTH Excavation began at Corinth in 1896 with a series of exploratory trenches intended to expose major structures of the ancient site. These buildings, once positively identified, would then serve as the framework for a topographical reconstruction of the city based on ancient sources such as Pausanias. Several long sondages, none more than a few meters across, were cut in various localities on the lower two terraces of the site; where barley crops had not yet been harvested and the land therefore could not be rented, the trenches followed the serpentine line of the village streets. Although interesting features and deposits were thus revealed, the research strategy failed to achieve any of its primary purposes. In the end it was an accidental discovery, which led to the identification and excavation of the first monument of any real significance and, eventually to the excavation of the Roman Forum. A villager farmer led the director to a well in his garden with running water at the bottom. On investigation this proved to be an artificial subterranean stream, which flowed towards the back side of a large fountain house. The excavation of a cornice block with a dipinto text later confirmed Rufus Richardson‟s identification of the building as the Peirene fountain. Richardson was thereby able to amend with some authority the tentative paper reconstructions of the city center made by Leake and others and to begin excavation in earnest.1 The American School‟s first three decades of work revealed a wealth of information about the city‟s occupation from its earliest history in the Neolithic period down to the present. Much effort was expended in the forlorn attempt to find the ancient agora in the hope that it would yield a wealth of inscriptions. With a strong Classical bent, the project recorded or saved few finds of the medieval period besides coins and worked marble, although certain complete vessels with an intrinsic aesthetic value and a variety of stamnia (water jars) found during exploration of the ancient water supply system were kept. Sufficient fragments of glazed wares were retained for Waagé's early article on Protomaiolica2 and rare notes on finds of special interest were made in reports of the seasons' activities in the American Journal of Archaeology. One well preserved Medieval building was restored and roofed to become a Byzantine museum housing the marble finds. In the 1930's the School‟s attention moved to the south, east and west sides of the Roman Forum. Several years of excavation concentrated on revealing almost the entire extent of the paved area and the many of the structures surrounding it. A large 1 H. N. Fowler and R. Stillwell, Corinth I.i. Introduction, Topography, Architecture (Cambridge Ma., 1932), 3-6; R. B. Richardson, “The excavations at Corinth in 1896”, AJA 1 (1897) 455-80; Idem, “Peirene before the excavation of 1899”, AJA 4 (1890) 204- 26. 2 F. O. Waagé, “Preliminary report on the Medieval Pottery from Corinth”, Hesperia 3 (1934) 129-39. majority of the registered medieval pottery, coins and sculpture that are now available for study came from this extensive campaign. The excavations were, for the era, systematic. As work progressed strata, walls and finds from all periods were noted in some detail. Quantities of context pottery were kept but, in the case of the medieval material, the glazed wares and only a small quantity of plain pottery, were kept from the 3.5 m. of medieval strata which overlay the forum paving. The quality of information recovered was, of course, somewhat compromised by the sense of urgency to find vestiges of the ancient city. Areas of up to 600m2 were excavated under the supervision of a single archaeologist to a depth of 4m in the course of a single three-month season. The supervisor was responsible for scores of laborers and for a railway line, wagons and horses. By today‟s standards, of course, not even the most competent and dedicated archaeologist could hope to keep track of such a large volume of data. This campaign was particularly significant for Byzantine and Frankish archaeologists and historians. Topography was no longer the researchers‟ principal interest; rather they focused on the presentation of objects and their chronological development. They rapidly published preliminary reports that were followed by two full volumes, part of a third book and several specialist articles dedicated to Medieval Corinth. These include Charles Morgan‟s seminal study of the Byzantine glazed pottery, Robert Scranton‟s volume on the medieval architecture and Gladys Davidson‟s various works on the minor objects and glass.3 Taken together this excavation and its published product promoted Corinth excavations in the esteem of scholars of the Medieval Mediterranean to the highest rank of achievement. As a result Corinth has now served as a type-site for Byzantinists, whether numismatists, sigillographers or ceramic historians, for almost six decades. The appointment of Henry Robinson to the Directorship of the American School of Classical Studies, and with it the responsibility for Corinth Excavations, brought a new lease of life to the site in the early 1960‟s. Robinson experimented with methods designed to upgrade recording and excavation standards and, moreover, showed an enlightened interest in the Medieval and post-Medieval phases of the city. Under his auspices a major campaign was initiated on the unexcavated Byzantine levels on the south side and at the south-west corner of the Forum. He also tested Turkokrateia buildings especially on Temple Hill and in the region where Kiamel Bey‟s palace was known to have stood until the Greek War of Independence. Although never published in any great detail, preliminary reports of his work have proved most useful and the studies promoted by him, for instance Theodora MacKay‟s article on Byzantine course wares, added significantly to the studies of the previous generation.4 3 C. H. Morgan, Corinth XI. The Byzantine Pottery, (Cambridge, Ma. 1942); idem, „Several Vases from a Byzantine Dump at Corinth‟, AJA 39 (1935) 76-78; R. L. Scranton, Corinth XVI. Medieval Architecture in the Central Area of Corinth (Princeton, 1957); G. D. Weinberg, „A Medieval Mystery: Byzantine Glass Production‟, Journal of Glass Studies 17 (1977) 127-41; G. R. Davidson, Corinth XII. The Minor Objects, (Princeton 1952) and idem „A Medieval Glass Factory at Corinth‟, AJA 44 (1940) 297-324. 4 H. S. Robinson, „Excavations at Corinth: Temple Hill, 1968-1972‟, Hesperia 45 (1976) 203-39; idem, „American Excavations at Corinth‟, Arch Delt 19 B (1964) 100; idem „Excavations at Corinth, 1960‟, Hesperia 31 (1962) 95-133; H. S. Robinson and S. S. Weinberg, „Excavations at Corinth, 1959 Hesperia 29 (1960) 225-36; T. S. MacKay, „More Byzantine and Frankish Pottery from Corinth‟, Hesperia 36 (1967) 249-320 and P. MacKay, „The fountain of Hadji Mustapha‟, Hesperia 36 (1967) 193-95.  Under the directorship of C. K. Williams II from 1965 to 1997, excavation methods truly became modern and systematic. Besides his work on Geometric through Roman Corinth, Williams also reexamined Robinson‟s Forum Southwest stratigraphy and, in the last decade of his tenure, initiated work on a major Medieval complex to the south of the museum.5 The thirty-odd years of excavation under Williams were decades of constant innovation and assimilation. During this period research slanted towards human aspects of the past without losing sight of the monumental. Williams promoted studies on medieval architecture, lead seals, ceramics and technology and coins.6 He also set in place a strong relationship with science-based researchers in the Fitch and Wiener laboratories in Athens and abroad whose collaboration with traditional archaeologists in the field have led to a greater understanding of the natural 5 C. K. Williams, „Italian Imports from a Church Complex in Ancient Corinth‟," in G. Gelichi, (ed.) La ceramica nel mondo Bizantino tra XI e XV secolo e I suoi raporti con l'Italia (Firenze 1993) 263-282; idem, „Corinth 1977: Forum Southwest‟, Hesperia 47 (1978) 1-39; idem, „Corinth 1976: Forum Southwest‟, Hesperia 46 (1977) 40-81; C. K. Williams, E. Barnes and L. M. Snyder, „Frankish Corinth: 1996‟, Hesperia 66 (1997) 7- 47; C. K. Williams, E. Barnes, L. M. Snyder and O. Zervos, „Frankish Corinth: 1997‟, Hesperia 67 (1998) 223-81; C. K. Williams and J. E. Fisher, „Corinth 1974: Forum Southwest‟, Hesperia 44 (1975) 1-50; C. K. Williams, J. MacIntosh and J. E. Fisher, „Excavation at Corinth, 1973‟, Hesperia 43 (1974) 1-76; C. K. Williams and O. Zervos, „Frankish Corinth: 1995‟, Hesperia 65 (1966), 1-55; idem, „Frankish Corinth: 1994‟, Hesperia, 64 (1995) 1-60; idem. „Frankish Corinth: 1993‟, Hesperia 63 (1994) 1-56; idem, „Frankish Corinth: 1992‟ Hesperia 62 (1993), pp. 1-52; idem „Frankish Corinth: 1991‟, Hesperia 61 (1992) 133-91; idem, „Corinth, 1990. Southeast Corner of Temenos E‟, Hesperia 60 (1991) 1-58; idem „Excavations at Corinth, 1989. The Temenos of Temple E‟, Hesperia 59 (1990) 285-369; idem, „Corinth 1987: South of Temple E and East of the Theatre," Hesperia 57 (1988) 95-146 and idem, „Corinth 1986: Temple E and East of the Theatre‟, Hesperia 56 (1987) 1-46. 6 Williams covered architectural problems himself, for these and much on the ceramics see the annual Hesperia reports (n. 5). For seals see A. Dunn „The Kommerkarios, the Apotheke, the Dromos and the Vardarios and the West," BMGS 17 (1993) 3-24; idem forthcoming, „The Byzantine and Frankish lead seals from the American excavations at Corinth: 1925-1990 (I)‟, Hesperia. For ceramics see G. D. R. Sanders „An Assemblage of Frankish Pottery at Corinth‟ Hesperia 56 (1987) 159-95, idem, „Three Churches in the Peloponnese and their Importance for Late 13th and Early 14th century Pottery in the Eastern Mediterranean‟, in V. Déroche and J.-M.Spieser, (eds.) Recherches sur la céramiques Byzantine, BCH Supplement XVII (Paris 1989) 189-99; idem, Byzantine Glazed Pottery at Corinth to c. 1125, (PhD thesis, Birmingham 1995). For coins see the contributions of O. Zervos and J. E. Fisher in the Hesperia reports (n. 5) and J. D. MacIsaac, „Corinth: Coins 1925-1926. The Theatre District and the Roman Villa‟, Hesperia 56 (1987) 97-156 and idem, forthcoming „Corinth Coins 1928. The Theatre and the Athena Trench‟, Hesperia. For technology generally see R. E. Jones, Greek and Cypriot Pottery, (Athens 1986); I. K. Whitbread, Greek Transport Amphorae (BSA FLOP 4, Athens 1995) and A. H. S. Megaw and R. E. Jones, „Byzantine and Allied Pottery: A Contribution by Chemical Analysis to Problems of Origins and Distribution", BSA, 78 (1983) 235-63. Animjal bone reports by L. Snyder and Human bone reports by E. Barnes see contributions to Hesperia (n. 5) also E. Barnes and D. J. Ortner „Multifocal Eosinophilic Granuloma with a possible trepanation in a fourteenth century Greek young skeleton‟, International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 7 (1997) 542-47. environment, materials and technology, human and animal populations and commerce. His weighty preliminary reports, which appeared annually in the journal Hesperia, and the work of those to whom he gave material for study and publication have ensured that Corinth retained its position at the forefront of Medieval Archaeology in Greece. BYZANTINE CERAMICS Perhaps the most important and lasting contribution of Corinth to Medieval archaeology has been the typology and chronology of local and imported pottery published by Charles Morgan. This work has remained the standard work on the subject since its publication in 1942.7 The Byzantine pottery was inherited from Waagé in 19358 and the final publication covered the registered material from the years 1896 to 1938. The state of Byzantine archaeology at the time left much to be desired, as can be seen from Morgan's introductory chapter in which he reviewed the sparse literature available. From this it is clear that only Franz at the Athenian Agora and Morgan himself had attempted to publish medieval pottery by excavated groups.9 Three relatively successful stylistic typologies were, however, available to Morgan. Rice's alpha-numerical system, synthesized from material excavated at Istanbul, was by far the most advanced and served several years for preliminary classification of the Corinth finds.10 The near impossibility of adding new regional types to Rice's typology led Morgan to abandon it in favor of a more flexible system developed by Dawkins and Droop for the Sparta finds three decades before.11 In doing so, he adopted and modified Franz's Athenian Agora categories by incorporating her Impressed Ware group with Plain Glazed Ware. Although by no means the earliest, Charles Morgan's study of the White Wares found at Corinth was, at the time, the most detailed and authoritative on Constantinopolitan pottery of the 9th to early 12th century.12 It certainly represented a great improvement on Rice's discussion based on the much larger volume of pottery from the Hippodrome at Constantinople and comparanda in local museums and collections.13 As with the glazed red ware pottery, Morgan based his typology on the decorative styles but was constrained by the small quantities in relation to the volume of local plain and glazed wares. In general he dated the material with caution tending to attribute it to long spans of years unless there was good evidence for suggesting narrower chronological bands. Corinth XI is divided into three main sections, one discusses the criteria of his classification and the ethnographic parallels for pottery workshops, one covers the various wares by decoration and the final part contains a catalogue of almost 1,800 fragmentary and complete glazed vessels. As an Art Historian by calling, Morgan defined individual wares entirely by their decoration and for some classes of pottery he was able to identify individual hands and workshops of artists. After describing medium and variations of motives for each category, he briefly discussed the fabrics and shapes before concluding with the ware's chronological range. Throughout the text and 7 Morgan, 1942 (n. 3). 8 Waagé (n. 2). 9 M. A. Franz, „Middle Byzantine Pottery in Athens‟, Hesperia 7 (1938) 429-67; Morgan 1935 (n. 3). 10 D. T. Rice, Byzantine Glazed Pottery (Oxford, 1930). 11 R. M. Dawkins and J. P. Droop, „Byzantine Pottery from Sparta‟, BSA 17 (1910-11) 23-28. 12 Morgan 1942 (n. 3) 42-9, 50-7, 64-71, 84. 13 Rice (n. 10) 9-31, class A, faënce. catalogue numerous photographs and profiles illustrate the salient features of each type. The value Corinth XI has diminished somewhat in the five decades since its publication but it remains the main reference work for the study of Medieval pottery in Greece and the eastern Mediterranean. Notwithstanding, in 1947, Morgan's comments on the common forms of White Wares of the tenth and eleventh century were superceded by the appearance of Great Palace I.14 Revision of his 13th and 14th century chronology and typology has been an ongoing process since 1959.15 Like many archaeologists then as now Morgan sought horizon markers, especially disastrous events, on which to pin his chronology. Given the colorful history of the city, these are abundant; the Slavic invasion of the 6th century, the reacquisition of the Peloponnese by Constantinople in the late 8th century, Bulgarian invasions in the 10th century, a sack by Roger of Sicily in 1147 and the coming of the Franks after the fall of Constantinople. Otherwise he trusted the evidence of the commonest and not always the latest associated coins and he did not always consider material stratified below his deposits. We now know that most events did not necessarily have the devastating effect that was once assumed and that a fire that destroyed a building, for instance, was perhaps more likely to have been an accident than the result of a sack or an earthquake. As far as Morgan‟s reliance on coins is concerned, we now know much more about coin distribution and chronology of the Byzantine period than was known fifty years ago. As a result it is possible to recalibrate the chronology of his earlier local Corinthian material as well. Newly completed studies and work in progress has completely overhauled the Byzantine portions of Corinth XI and add significantly to the exemplary outline of the unglazed and coarse pottery published by Theodora MacKay. The Byzantine pottery both from the material available to Morgan and from recently excavated contexts has been recently subjected to a stratigraphical and statistical study of the fabrics, forms and decoration. From this it is now possible to phase the use ceramic types with some accuracy from the late 10th century to the mid-13th century. It has also helped to put specific types of ware such as Polychrome and Zeuxippus, the chronology and significance of which has been much debated, into better perspective.16 Limitations on statistical analysis of old contexts, from which only limited 14 R. B. K. Stevenson, „The Pottery, 1936-7‟, in The Great Palace of the Byzantine Emperors. First Report (Oxford 1937) 31-68. 15 See T. MacKay 1967 (n. 4); Williams 1993, idem, 1977; idem. 1978; Williams and Zervos 1994; idem, 1993; idem 1992; idem, 1992; idem, 1990; idem, 1988 (all n.5); Sanders 1987; idem, 1989 (both n. 5); idem, „Excavations at Sparta: The Roman Stoa, 1988-91, Preliminary Report, Part Ic. Medieval Pottery‟, BSA 88 (1993) 252-86. For particular wares groups defined by decorative style see A. H. S. Megaw, „Zeuxipus Ware Again‟, in V. Déroche and J.-M. Spieser, (eds.) Recherches sur la céramiques Byzantine, BCH Supplement XVII Paris, 1989) 259-66; idem, „An Early Thirteenth Century Aegean Glazed Ware," in G. Robertson and G. Henderson, (eds.) Studies in Memory of David Talbot Rice (Edinburgh 1975) 34-45 amd idem, „Zeuxippus Ware‟, BSA, 63 (1968) 67-88. 16 G. D. R. Sanders, „Byzantine Polychrome Pottery‟ in J. Herrin, M. Mullet and C. Otten-Froux, (eds.) Studies in Honour of A. H. S. Megaw, BSA Supp. (Forthcoming); idem, „New Relative and Absolute Chronologies for 9th to 13th Century Glazed Wares at Corinth: Methodology and Social Conclusions‟, in Byzanz als Raum. Zu Methoden und Inhalten der historischen Geographie des östlischen Kittelmeerraumes im Mittelalter. (in press). proportions of unglazed and a complete selection of glazed pottery only had been partially saved, meant that the study had to concentrate on fine wares with the intention that the coarse pottery would be integrated at a later stage. After the creation of a new typology of shapes, decoration and fabrics, thirty-seven contexts each containing a minimum of 1 kg. of glazed pottery were selected for quantification and seriation. Although the sequence of the earliest six deposits, spanning the mid-10th to mid-11th century, remains only partially resolved, the seriation of the thirty-one deposits dating from the second half of the 11th to mid-13th centuries is convincing. The chart of relative percentages of decorative style, measured by weight of all glazed pottery, illustrated in Fig. 1XXX shows a strong axiality. In the illustration the deposits are arranged from earliest to latest along the horizontal axis with the styles of decoration arranged from earliest to latest on the vertical axis. Contaminants and survivors are easily recognized from their off-axis positions. The seriation is supported by stratigraphy where deposits were superimposed and by the numismatic evidence. The earliest deposits illustrated are well dated by several late 11th century coins and their date is corroborated time and again by deposits not studied in detail. The date of the latest deposits examined is complicated by numismatic considerations. These contain Zeuxippus Ware, found immediately below in the earthquake destruction at Saranda Colonnes at Paphos in Cyprus usually dated to the first quarter of the 13th century.17 In the seriated deposits and several other deposits at Corinth, Zeuxippus is found with the first coins issued by William Villehardouin. The earliest date for these is generally considered to be 1245 but it is possible either that the accepted date of the charter permitting Villhardouin to mint coins is erroneous or that he was illegally minting coins for sometime before. Nevertheless, it does appear that the quality varieties of Zeuxippus Ware were still in use in the second quarter of the 13th century. The research has illustrated some surprising aspects of stylistic developments in the early period. Chafing dishes (Fig. 2XXX), vessels with a glazed bowl set on a hollow stand, for instance, follow a cyclical evolution of form. Sauce in the bowl was kept warm by coals placed in the stand and diners used the dish for communal eating. In its earliest form, dating from the late 8th to mid-10th century, the dish is set within the mouth of the stand so that the rims of both elements were approximately even. Some examples have the bowl set so deeply that the rim of the bowl is well below that of the stand. In the latter part of the 10th century a new form, with the dish set on top of the stand, replaced the old. At the end of the 11th century the Chafing Dish reverted to its earlier form and in the early 12th century the form disappeared from the assemblage at Corinth. Despite a marked lack of evidence from Italy, the present hypothesis is that the earliest and latest manifestations follow Italian styles and the intermediate style is an imitation of Constantinopolitan examples. Polychrome Ware, a brilliant product of Constantinopolitan workshops, has long been considered to be a phenomenon of the „Macedonian Renaissance‟. On the evidence of Corinthian assemblages and from a reconsideration of the literature on material found elsewhere, it is now possible to place this pottery style firmly within the 11th century and no earlier than the late 10th century. Moreover, the shapes of Polychrome strongly influenced the morphology of the late 11th to early 12th century Corinthian pottery assemblage (Fig. 3XXX). It was at this time that the Corinthian pottery industry completely transformed; communal shapes were replaced by individual settings and glaze was used decoratively, with a white under glaze slip to bring out the glaze color, 17 A. H. S. Megaw (1989) and idem, (1968) note 15, but see also G. D. R. Sanders (1989) note 4 and idem, (1993) note 15 for the suggestion of a later date. rather than purely functionally. At the same time the quantity of glazed pottery as a percentage of the entire assemblage increased fourfold and continued to rise rapidly through the 12th and into the 13th century. LATE ANTIQUITY (Fig. 4XXX) The early Byzantine, or late Roman period, has been rather less well served by archaeology at Corinth than. Assertions that real or imagined invasions, sacks, earthquakes and the ultimate „Fall of the Roman Empire‟ overwhelmed Corinth have discouraged archaeologists form seeking evidence of material culture for the periods following the events in question. A statistical study of 12 tonnes of stratified Roman pottery from the East of Theater excavations by Kathleen Slane and the results of ongoing excavations in the Panayia Field, southeast of the Forum, are changing the way in which we perceive the period. Reassessment of the Late Roman pottery demonstrates that much of what were once considered to be late fourth century coarse wares are mid- 5th century and that there was uninterrupted occupation and a thriving Late Roman city into the late 7th century.18 Recent changes in lamp chronology also affect our understanding of the period.19 Manufacture of certain Attic glazed lamps did not cease circa 375 but rather continued into the mid-fifth century while local imitations of Attic lamps and their successors were produced well into the sixth century. Corinthian variations on North African lamp types, thought to have been current from the later fifth into the sixth centuries also continue much later. Well dated examples of this common type have been found at Emborio on Chios in destruction contexts dated by coins to about 670 and Corinthian examples retouched with incision may well be later still.20 In summary, we can extend our Late Roman pottery sequence a century beyond the proposed 584 Slavic invasion, the historical date at which Corinth‟s Roman world was supposed to have ended. According to Procopius the plague of 542 “swept through the whole known world, wiping out most of the farming community”. Evagrius, who lost many of his immediate family as a result, tells us that the plague returned repeatedly to infect survivors and new generations. We know too, from Justinian‟s edicts, that there was a severe reduction of tax revenues.21 The lower social echelons probably benefited from new land tenure arrangements and greater compensation for day labor much as they did after the Black Death in the fourteenth century. It is possible too, that the state encouraged repopulation of depleted regions and legions from outside the bounds of the empire. Since there is no archaeological or written evidence that Corinth suffered from the 551/2 earthquake22 we must therefore assume a period of post-plague continuity 18 G. D. R. Sanders, „A Late Roman Bath at Corinth: Excavations in the Panayia Area 1995-6‟, for Hesperia. (Forthcoming 1999). 19 A. Kravieri, The Athenian Lamp Industry in Late Antiquity, Paper and Monographs of the Finnish Institute at Athens, V (Helsinki 1996). 20 M. Balance, J. Boardman, S. Corbett and S. Hood, Byzantine Emborio, BSA Supplement 20 (London 1989) nos. 330 and 331. 21 Procopius Aed IV.2.24, Anec XVIII.41-44 "And earthquakes destroyed... Corinth...and afterwards came the plague as well... which carried off about one half the surviving population," Evagrius 4.23 Cosmas Indicopleustes 1.22.13-14; Malalas p. 418; PG XCVII 417-18 and Cedrenus p. 838. 22 According to Procopius Goth VIII.16-25, the plague was followed by a completely separate series of earthquakes in the general area of central Greece in A.D. 551/2. These affected Achaia, Boeotia and the region of the Alkionidon and Malaic Gulfs destroying until the arrival of the next momentous event; the coming of the Slavs. The Chronicle of Monemvasia apparently leaves us in little doubt that the late th 6 century witnessed a mass immigration of Slavs into the Peloponnese and much scholarship has been devoted to the question.23 Although there are several sites in the Peloponnese which have produced quantities of material plausibly identified as being of Slavic manufacture or tradition, including handmade pottery or pottery made on a slow wheel,24 Corinth has only one complete seventh century hand-made beaker25 and five small sherds from tenth century contexts. This hardly amounts to a „barbarian‟ "countless towns and eight cities" of which Chaeroneia and Coroneia, both in western Boiotia, Patras and Naupaktos both at the west end of the Corinthian gulf and Echinus and Scarphea on the Malaic Gulf are enumerated. Although this series of earthquakes is generally thought to have severely damaged Corinth, there is no supporting evidence whatsoever to suggest that the city was affected. Procopius Goth VIII.16-25 describes the later earthquakes in central Greece. The limited extent of damage caused by even quite strong earthquakes in central Greece is documented by N. N. Ambraseys and J. A. Jackson, „Seismicity and Strain in the Gulf of Corinth (Greece) since 1694‟, Journal of Earthquake Engineering 1.3 (1997) 433-74. An earthquake estimated at 7.0 on the Richter Scale, preceded by a strong pre-shock (6.0) at Patras in 10th February 1785 and it is said that the shock was felt at Corinth. An earthquake of 6.5 at Thebes in August 1853 caused alarm at Corinth and a few people evacuated their houses. 23 I. Dujcev, Cronaca di Monemvasia (Palermo 1976) 12-18. For some of the literature see, P. Yannopoulos, „La Penetration Slave en Argolide‟ BCH Supp VI. Etudes Argiennes (1980) 323-371; P. Charanis, „On the Slavic Settlement in the Peloponnesus‟ Byz. Zeit. 46 (1953) 91-103; idem, „Observations on the History of Greece during the Early Middle Ages‟ Balkan Studies XI (1970) 1-34; idem, „On the Capture of Corinth by the Onogurs‟ Speculum 27 (1952) 343-50; idem „The Chronicle of Monemvasia and the question of the Slavonic Settlements in Greece‟, DOP 5 (1950) 141-166, V. Popovi, V. "Aux origines de la slaviation des Balkans: la constitution des premières sklavinies Macédoniennes vers la fin du VIe siècle," CRAI (1980) 230-257 and K. Setton, „The Bulgars and the Occupation of Corinth in the Seventh Century‟ Speculum 25 (1950) 502-543. 24 I. Anagnostakis and N. Poulou-Papadimitriou, „Η πξνηνπδαληηλή Μεζζήλε (5ν-7ν αηώλαο) θαη πξνβιεκαηα ηεο ρεηπνπνίεηεο θεξακηθήο ζηελ Πεινπνλλήζν‟, Σύμμεικα 11 (1997) 229-320, summarise the evidence and, with regard to the pottery, propose the pottery be classified neutrally as “handmade” to avoid the cultural connotations of “Slav” or “Avaroslav”. K. Kilian, „Αξραηoιoγηθέο εvδείμεηο γηα ηεv ζιαβηθή παξoπζία ζηεv Αξγoιηδoθoξηvζηά (6oο -7oο αηώvαο κρ)‟, Peloponnesiaka IΣΤ (1985-6), 295-304; P. Aupert, „Céramique slave à Argos (585 ap. J.-C.)‟, Études Argiennes, BCH Supp. VI (1980), 373-94. The chronological span of the material in the Argos baths should be reconsidered. Presently it has been interpreted as the 585 destruction deposit but much of the pottery appears to be mature seventh century. T. E. Gregory, Isthmia V. The Hexamilion and the Fortress (New Jersey, 1993) pls. 25d, 26a. Sanders (note 17) 451-57, here in discussing of Lakonian handmade pottery, which I consider to be in a “Slavic tradition”, I have regrettably misrepresented Dr. E. Etzeoglou's position. E. Etzeoglou, „La céramique de Karyoupolis‟, in P. Deroche and J. M. Spieser (eds.) Recherches sur la ceramique byzantine, BCH Supp. XVIII (Paris 1989) 151-56, considers the handmade ceramic finds from Karyoupolis to be in a Roman tradition and citing questionable parallels from the Athenian Agora. 25 G. D. Weinberg, „A Wandering Soldier's Grave in Corinth‟, Hesperia 43 (1974) 514, no. 1, pl 110c. occupation. Perhaps, like several Greek scholars, accused of chauvinist dissent by western colleagues, we should understand the Chronicle of Monemvasia more as a fourteenth century creation myth designed to promote the ambitions of the bishop of Monemvasia than as strict historical truth. Much of our evidence for the period comes from graves and their contents. The form of 6th, 7th and 8th century graves vary (Figs. 5XXX and 6XXX). They include individual and multiple interments in rock cut cists, often covered by a stuccoed earthen vault and cists built of tiles or stone and covered with stone slabs. Individuals are frequently buried in simple coffins of roof tiles arranged as a tent while infants may be interred in Gaza amphoras. Grave goods are not uncommon; lekythoi, are sometimes interred with the body. These are not offerings but rather vessels used in the Christian burial liturgy for pouring wine, water or oil over the corpse and then buried to prevent their reuse. A mass of bodies in a vaulted cistern in the Asklepeion complex has been associated with the great plague of 542, referred to earlier, on the basis of associated coins.26 On rereading the coins, however, the latest has been found to be an issue of Justin II (565-78), in other words some time after the event. The lekythoi in the context also appear to date to the late 6th to 7th century. To the west of the Asklepeion a cist grave with eight bodies contained seven such libation vessels and an imported red slipped bowl can also be dated to the last quarter of the 6th century more specifically to around 600. Close parallels for these grave furnishings are commonplace in the large number of tombs, once thought to be late fifth to mid sixth century, across the whole Asklepeion-Gymnasium plateau.27 In 1998 the Panayia excavation yielded one such vessel in each of two 7th century childrens‟ graves. Together this material attests a large and relatively healthy population in the post-earthquake, post-plague and even presumed post-Slavic invasion years. In the Panayia area a small bath was built in the mid-sixth century and continued in use until about 600 when it was converted into a home.28 A contemporary building to the south of the bath is decorated on its interior walls with chevrons, circles and, in one place, three fish trowelled into the plaster facing. Close parallels for the decoration can be found on walls in the Asklepeion, the South Stoa, on Justinianic phases of the Hexamilion wall and, most significantly, the Lechaion harbor basilica. It is generally accepted that earthquakes in 551/2 destroyed the Lechaion basilica but the tomb of Thomas the presbyter, immediately to the south of the apse, indicates otherwise. The brick built tomb was covered by destruction debris and contained exactly the same types of late sixth to early seventh century vessels as the Asklepeion and Panayia tombs discussed earlier.29 Coin finds of the period after Constans II death, in 668, to about 811 are exceedingly rare. Their small number has been interpreted to assert that Corinth was deserted in the wake of an invasion by AvaroSlavs. Burials usually identified as belonging to the invaders have been found in the area of the Forum and around the city 26 C. Roebuck, Corinth XIV. The Asklepieion and Lerna (Princeton 1951) 164 and see pl. 67.5-6 for examples of lekythoi from other tombs. 27 J. Wiseman, „Excavations in Corinth, the Gymnasium Area, 1967-1968‟, Hesperia 38 (1969) 64-106. 28 Sanders (note 17) 29 D. I. Pallas, „Αλαζθαθή βαζηιηθήο ελ Λεραίω‟, ΠΑΕ (1956) 164-78. See pl. 69b for an incised fish, pp. 177-78 and pl. 72b for illustration of the material from the pre- destruction tombs. walls. In considering the issue of desertion two principal types of belt buckles found with these burials are of great significance (Fig. 7XXX). The Csallany type 2 buckle is found from the Crimea to Carthage to Anemurium. Its wide distribution can be accounted for partially by the group's heterogeneity in size, form, material and decoration suggesting that they derive from a centralized Late Roman workshop. All five of Corinth‟s examples were found in built single inhumation graves, one a brick built tomb in the Kraneion basilica, three close to the city walls and one from the Forum. Corinth type buckles are made from bronze or iron in a variety of sizes, detail and decoration. They are considerably less common and more localized and coastal in distribution from the Crimea to Sicily. Unlike the type 2 buckle, 12 of the 13 examples at Corinth were found in built, sometimes vaulted, multi- inhumation tombs in the immediate area of the Forum.30 The contrast between the distribution of Corinth and Csallany type 2 buckles generally and at Corinth appears to reflect chronological rather than ethnic or other differences. Western archaeologists persist in misdating the buckles despite compelling evidence from the former Soviet Union translated and published in an American journal thirty years ago. Seriation analysis of cemetery groups in the Black Sea region places the Csallany Type 2 buckle in the second half of the seventh to early eighth century and the Corinth type in the eighth century.31 At Corinth an example of the former was found with an individual who was buried with two coins of Constans II on his chest; the latest dated 659-665.32 Coin evidence shows that the Corinth type buckle is no earlier than the time of Constans. This shows that the Kraneion basilica, like the Lechaion basilica also supposedly destroyed by the 551/2 earthquake, actually continued to function well into the second half of the seventh century. In addition to buckles, the graves sometimes contain an array of metalwork including weapons and jewelry. The rare ceramics included are still wheel made pitchers and trefoil mouth jugs (Fig. 8XXX). The tomb types are all directly related to Roman forms; built cists, some with vaults, and tile graves. The disposition of the bodies, moreover, is still extended, prone with head at the west and arms folded across the abdomen. Evidence of 14 graves from Olympia, however, suggests that “Slavic” practices of the period favored cremation and burial within hand-made cinerary beakers. 30 Davidson 1952 (note 3) nos. 2192-2196; Williams, MacIntosh and Fisher (note 5) no. 8; Williams and Fisher (note 5) no. 2, pl. 57a; Robinson 1976 (note 5) 222; also Corinth inv. nos. MF-486, MF-4996, MF-7937 and C-72-192. 31 A. I. Ajbabin, „Problemy hronologii mogil'nikov Krima pozdnerimskogo perioda‟, Sov. Arch. (1984.1) 104-122; A. K. Ambroz, „Problemy rannesrednevekovoj hronologii vosto Evropy‟ Sov. Arch. (1971.2) 96-123. trans. 1972. Soviet Anthropology and Archaeology 10 (1972) 331-390; -132. trans. 1973. Soviet Anthropology and Archaeology 11 (1973) 254-305. These are summarised by A. Bortoli-Kazanski and M. Kazanski „Les sites archéologiques datés du IVe au VIIe siècle au Nord et au Nord-Est de la mer Noire: état des recherches‟, Travaux et Mémoires, 10 (1987) 437-490 and are noted by A. Avraméa, Le Péloponnèse du IVe au VIIIe siècle. Changements et persistances, Byzantina Sorbonensia 15 (Paris 1997) 90-99. Bortoli-Kazanski and Kazansky 1987, pp. 437-490. 32 D. I. Pallas, „Données nouvelles sur quelques boucles et fibules considéreés comme avares et slaves et sur la Corinthe entre le VIe et le IXe s.‟, Byzantino-bulgarica, 7 (1981) 295-318, p. 298 and n. 18.  Associated with these were iron tools including a variety of knives, rings, a flint light striker, blue glass beads and fibulae for cloaks (rather than a buckle for a belts).33 The Corinth graves should therefore be considered more in keeping with a continuation of Late Roman, Corinthian Christian burials, no matter the ethnicity of the individuals interred. Eighth century pottery looks forward to the material culture of the middle Byzantine period. In the Panayia area, excavation of a deep stratum of broken up cement from the demolition of cement and spolia walls of two sixth century buildings produced Dark Age material. The finds consist of two almost complete and several fragmentary stew pots in a very micaceous fabric similar to those from nearly contemporary phases at Emborio and at Saraçhane Djami in Constantinople.34 Rims, handles and bases of pitchers, also found in eighth to early ninth century tombs, were also relatively common in this deposit. These help us to identify amphoras of the period, some of which resemble examples from Melos and the theater at Sparta while others are forerunners of tenth century types.35 In 1999 an almost complete Chafing Dish of the period was found. An Abbasid coin from the debris supports the suggested pottery date. CORINTH IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY (Fig. 9XXX) Several travelers and historians describe Corinth before and after the Greek War of Independence. By far the most useful documents are two plans of Corinth made in the aftermath of the Greek War of Independence, which show the streets and buildings then extant. Abele Shaubert in 1836, based on a sketch by Peytier in 1829, and which served as the outline for a new orthogonal town plan in 1845.36 Under Ottoman rule in the first quarter if the 19th century Corinth was the capital of a canton, or Kaza, extending from Pheneos to beyond Epidavros and from Nemea to Vilia beyond Megara. The region embraced eighty villages and several Chiftliks containing, in all, a population of about 30,000. The town‟s population was divided between Acrocorinth and a settlement on the terraces below to the north. Leake reckoned that much of the population of Acrocorinth had moved to the lower town and estimated that the number of inhabitants here was divided between approximately 200 Greek and 100 Turkish households.37 These were arranged in several loose clusters of houses surrounded by walled gardens separated by vineyards and fields of grain. On the north side of the town at the edge of the lower terrace overlooking the plain, stood the palace of the Bey. Several travelers comment on the opulence of the complex and some made detailed drawings sketches of it. The grounds covered an area of about 14 acres. Part of the palace still stands which from its hypocaust floor and hot 33 N. Yalouris, „Αξραηόηεηεο Αραϊαο - Ηιείαο: Πεξηoρή Οιπκπίαο‟, Deltion Chronika 17, 1961/62 (1963), 107, pl.117. 34 M. Balance et al. (note 19) and J. W. Hayes, Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul, Volume 2. The Pottery (Princeton, NJ 1992). 35 G. D. R. Sanders, „Excavations at the Ancient Theatre of Sparta 1992-94. Preliminary Report 4. Pottery from Medieval Levels in the Orchestra and Lower Cavea‟, BSA 90 (1995), 451-57. The Melos material, from Kato Komia, is still unpublished. 36 P. Tsakopoulos, „Οη καξηπξίεο πεξηεγεηώλ θαη απεζηαικέλωλ γηα ηεο πόιεηο ηεο νζωκαληθήο Πεινπνλλήζνπ θαη νη ηνπνγξαθηθέο απνηππώζεηο ηεο πεξηόδνπ 1828- 1836‟, in H. A. Kalliga, Travellers and Officials in the Peloponnese (Monemvasia 1994) 187-222. M. Peytier „Plan de Corinthe, levé pendent l‟hiver 1829‟, in the map archive of the French War Ministry; Abelé and Schaubert, „Plan von Korinthe‟ 1835-36. 37 W. M. Leake, Travels in the Morea, vol. 3 (London, 1830) water tanks, it is clearly the palace bathroom but the remainder was bulldozed in May of 1999. There is evidence for three mosques, at least four churches, more than eight fountains, two or more hamams and tomb of a noted Hadji in the lower town. Successive sacks by Greeks and Ottomans reduced Corinth to ruins within the first four weeks of the Greek War of Independence and Monsieur Raybaud, an eye witness, was to report that not a single house in Corinth survived.38 Subsequent operations ensured that the town remained in this ruinous state until the end of the war. After 1828 Corinth became the capital of an Eparchia corresponding in size to the modern Nome. It was also the center of a Deme of 2,800 people stretching from Hexamilion and across the coastal plain, the “Vocha”, almost to Sikyon. Nothing of its old appearance was retained besides the old street pattern and sporadic survivors of old buildings. As a regional capital an orthogonal street plan was planned with spaces allocated for a school, a governor's residence and gardens, an agora, a post office and barracks. The new school was built to the east of the temple of Apollo and the churches were refurbished but the remainder of the plan stalled and was quickly forgotten. Apart from a few large buildings built of stone the most of the new settlement consisted of mud brick structures built on a shallow foundation of rubble. They did not survive long as an earthquake struck on February 21st 1858. Although the better built houses the churches, the mosque by the plateia and the bridge to Hexamilion were only damaged, most of the mud brick houses were destroyed, as were the cisterns, the water mills and the water supply. Fires broke out adding considerably to the damage. The population resettled at the Isthmus on the Corinthian Gulf founding New Corinth. Corinth itself was gradually synoikised by pastoralists from the villages on Mount Arachnaion, especially Limnes, Sofiko, Angelokastro, Ay Iannis and Athikia. Initially, this colonization was localized by village of origin as kalyvia erected around Their threshing floors. These provided shelter while the wheat and tobacco crops were cultivated and gathered. Later more permanent houses replaced the huts and the distinct hamlets, which characterize the village today, still reflect the micro ethnicity of their inhabitants‟ origins. The archaeology of the nineteenth century is still very much in its infancy in Greece. At Corinth, during the Directorship of Henry Robinson in the late 1950's and the early 1960's a tentative start was made to recover and document monuments and material culture in a responsible and systematic fashion. Robinson, with laudable prescience and diligence published material from his excavations on the site of the Bey's seraglio. He promoted the publications of his wife Rebecca on the Ottoman clay pipes found at Corinth and at the Athenian Agora39 and of Pierre MacKay on the fountain of Hadji Mustapha and Evliya Chelebi's description of Acrocorinth.40 He undertook the excavation of the so-called Turkish House, actually a post-War of Independence house, south of the Roman Forum and published an interesting paper on post-war town planning.41 The attention given to this unfashionably late period was continued with yet more care by Charles Williams over the past 30 years though much of his Turkokrateia material remains unpublished. 38 M. Raybaud, Mémoires sur la Grèce (Paris 1825) vol. 2, 191 and 205. 39 R. C. W. Robinson, „Tobacco Pipes of Corinth and of the Athenian Agora‟, Hesperia 54 (1985) 149-203. 40 P. MacKay, „The Fountain at Hadji Mustapha‟, Hesperia 36 (1967) 193-95 and idem „Acrocorinth in 1668, a Turkish Account‟, Hesperia 37 (1968) 386-97. 41 H. Robinson, „Urban Designs for Corinth, 1829-1833‟, Philia Epe Eis Georgios E. Mylonan. Vol 3. (Athens 1986)  Since 1995 excavation in the field south of the Panayia and in Pietrie Yard near the museum has uncovered interesting material of the period. At Pietrie, south of the museum, part of an Ottoman cemetery beside a long disused earth track running from St. Johns to Hadji Mustafa was revealed in 1998. Although some of the burials are much older, the most recent belong to the decades immediately before the War of Independence. The moslem graves are usually simple pits but some have with stone built cists and wooden coffins. The deceased are laid out east-west. The shoulders are hunched, arms are placed by the sides (in christian burials they are crossed over the abdomen) and the heads face southeast over the shoulder of Acrocorinth towards Mecca. Two of the thirty burials display strong central Asian features with very wide, flat noses, prognathism, and wide, flaring cheek bones. The remainder are distinct from, but similar to, Frankish, Byzantine and Roman skeletal populations at Corinth with whom they share some common genetic features. The women are markedly taller however and the sample excavated suggests only a short lifespan. Two thirds never made it past their sixteenth birthday and only ten percent lived beyond forty. This profile is pretty standard for pre-industrial Greece. Repetitive stress wear visible in many of the older children and adults reflect hard labor from an early age. Many suffered unresolved dental problems and about a third had suffered from acute anemia.42 In area south of the old Panayia church area the remains of three different houses were recovered in 1998 and 1999. These and their garden walls can be recognized on the nineteenth century map of the village. Their shallow foundations are built of rubble which once supporting mud-brick walls. Recent plowing has removed all habitation layers including the white earth floors but sub-plough-zone portions of refuse pits are preserved. One large pit contained a wealth of smashed pottery, pipes and coins. The pottery includes a Chinese bowl, an English transfer decorated bowl and Northern European style white silver pattern plates including fragments of with added black decoration and Wedgwood. Of local manufacture the commonest forms are deep bowls decorated with marbled slip paint and a colorless over glaze and plain green glazed shallow dishes with broad rims. Less common are early types of China kale and Kithara. Some idea of the date is provided by a number of earthenware plates with a black painted decoration and thick over glaze were found. This is a type from Lingerie known as Albino Black Band known from excavations around the Western Mediterranean and as far afield as Southampton and Canada where it is attested in contexts dating from before 1760. By 1832, however, the potters had either out-migrated or had switched entirely to the production of kitchen wares.43 The pipes date, according to Rebecca Robinson‟s scheme, sometime in the nineteenth century. The eighty odd coins are all Paras and Akçes. A large majority of these were minted under Mahmut II and the date of the latest corresponds to the Christian year 1821 to early 1822. Much of the pit refuse predates the Greek War of Independence and perhaps represents debris from 1821; a conclusion supported by fragments of two expended cannon balls. As well as broken imported wine bottles, tumblers and a comb for head lice, the pit contained fragments of uniform including buckles, a hook and eye, the metal 42 I thank Dr. Ethne Barnes for her description of these burials. 43 H. Blake, „Pottery Exported from Northwest Italy between 1450 and 1830: Savona, Albisola, Genoa, Pisa and Montelupo‟, in G. Barker and R. Hodges (eds.) Archaeology and Italian Society, Papers in Italian Archaeology II, (Oxford 1981); D. Ventura, „Ceramicaa taches noires, terraglia pipe‟, MuseoArcheologico di Savona al Primr, (Savona 1996) 73-76. cloth tassel and button from a military jacket, two lead bullets and flints from a flintlock rifle. Two military issue brass buttons present a more romantic and evocative possibility, one is inscribed “Plated” and the other has the words “Best Quality” over an American Eagle. They and the imported wine bottles suggest that much of the material may have belonged to a Philhellene, perhaps American, who belonged to the corps mustered at Corinth by Mavrokordatos in April and May of 1822 and who were partially paid in Turkish Paras.44 Several pits with much poorer material culture date rather later. In these green glazed and slip painted pottery is still common but the shapes have evolved. The Slip paint is applied in more regular concentric designs and the imports are different. Slip painted Didhymoteichon and Chanak kale pottery appears in small quantities but southern Italian pottery from Grottaglie is relatively common. One of the rare northern European imports, an English grey transfer decorated dish, is identified on the reverse as “Coaching Taverns, 1828, Royal Tudor Ware, Staffordshire, England”. There are no pipes and only two coins; one associated coin is of the first issue of the new Greek state dated 1828, although actually minted in 1829, and the other is dated 1846. The material from this and the other late pits either immediately pre-dates or is contemporary with the 1858 earthquake. 44 T. Gordon, History of the Greek Revolution (London 1832) vol. 1, p. 344. Fig. 1. Decorative styles in quantified contexts expressed as a percentage of all glazed pottery within the context. Figure and plate notations refer to Corinth XI. Fig. 2. Red Ware Chafing Dishes. 1. Late 9th century, 2. Early 10th century, 3 late 10th century to about 1080, 4. About 1080 to 1100. Fig. 3. 1-3 Polychrome forms (3/4 11th century), 4-6 Local Slip Painted Ware forms (late 11th century). Fig. 4. Plan of Corinth Fig. 5. Late Roman graves: 6th century graves from the Gymnasium and Asklepeion area (left); early 7th century grave from the Panayia Field (right top); 8th century grave form the Forum area (right bottom). Fig. 6. Plan of Forum area showing distribution of Late Roman and Early Byzantine Graves. Fig. 7. 1. Csallany type 2 (Syracuse) buckle; 2. Corinth type buckle. Fig. 8. Pottery from tombs: 1 and 2 Late 6th to early 7th century; 3. 8th century. Fig. 9. Plan of Corinth after the Greek War of Independence.  LOT  14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 DECORATION Approx. Date About 1085/95 to1110/20 1110/20 to 1120/30 1120/30- to 1160+/- Aegean Ware Zeuxippus Frank Inc Sl. Ptd. III Stripy gl. ptd Sgr. as Pl. 45a-e Incised as Fig. 142 Interm. Incised Incised as Fig. 144 Free Style Incised Sgr. as Fig. 104 Medallion Sgr. G & B III Sl. Ptd. II 0.1 0.4 Painted Sgraffito 1.2 1.4 0.6 3.6 Sgr. as Fig. 106-7 1.2 1.1 2.4 9.9 33.4 29.7 Measles 1.6 0.5 2.6 10.8 28.0 26.7 28.3 G. and B. II /III 0.2 8.6 16.6 1.1 5.6 Imit. Lustre 6.8 12.1 8.0 5.8 3.0 G. and B. Spiral 1.5 8.6 10.5 1.8 1.4 Sl. Ptd. Spotted 5.0 2.3 3.0 0.1 2.9 Spatter Painted 0.6 7.2 1.8 0.6 0.6 G. and B. I/II 9.2 0.5 3.4 5.1 10.5 13.7 52.0 29.8 14.0 7.4 10.0 7.3 Duochrome 6.2 2.6 20.9 17.2 4.3 2.5 6.3 7.3 12.0 5.8 1.9 Sl. Ptd. I y. gl. 24.2 58.9 38.5 37.5 27.3 33.8 8.8 2.4 0.1 Plain gr. gl. 29.4 13.8 23.7 14.0 7.8 20.9 19.2 17.1 15.8 11.9 9.0 8.5 Plain y. gl. 5.4 2.7 1.6 6.2 2.7 9.0 0.5 4.1 8.7 2.4 8.2 6.8 Other 24.0 21.5 11.3 13.5 44.9 6.8 10.3 17.3 7.5 9.4 0.8 3.9 Figure 1. Decorative styles in quantified contexts expressed as a percentage of all glazed pottery within the context. Figure and plate notations refer to Corinth XI. 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37  LOT DECORATION  1160+/- to 1200+/- 1200+/- to 1260+/- Approx. date 5.2 16.2 52.0 Aegean Ware 11.7 1.3 1.7 Zeuxippus 3.8 4.1 0.6 0.6 3.1 4.7 Frank Inc 5.0 1.8 Sl. Ptd. III 3.9 0.8 6.5 13.7 54.2 61.5 37.0 11.0 Stripy gl. ptd 1.3 29.9 33.9 25.0 0.9 2.5 Sgr. as Pl. 45a-e 23.9 25.6 41.7 21.3 3.6 Incised as Fig. 142 8.3 4.9 Interm. Incised 4.5 10.6 13.3 7.3 0.8 Incised as Fig. 144 2.9 21.8 46.5 10.9 7.3 1.7 9.3 3.2 Free Style Incised 6.0 27.5 1.3 13.0 0.8 4.1 8.4 3.2 1.2 Sgr. as Fig. 104 10.4 15.9 20.3 6.1 1.3 2.9 0.6 1.3 0.6 Medallion Sgr. 21.2 13.0 2.3 1.2 0.4 1.9 G & B III 7.4 10.8 6.3 0.4 1.2 Sl. Ptd. II 4.0 5.5 3.0 Painted Sgraffito 46.9 12.1 15.8 6.6 1.7 1.8 Sgr. as Fig. 106-7 6.2 4.4 9.3 7.0 1.2 1.0 0.8 Measles 3.9 0.8 0.5 G. and B. II /III 1.3 5.9 1.2 Imit. Lustre 5.6 1.1 0.5 G. and B. Spiral 2.3 Sl. Ptd. Spotted 0.2 Spatter Painted 1.0 G. and B. I/II 0.3 Duochrome 0.5 0.5 Sl. Ptd. I y. gl. 3.3 6.5 11.6 4.0 0.5 3.5 14.8 4.8 9.5 Plain gr. gl. 6.1 5.8 19.0 6.1 13.0 0.2 0.2 10.7 9.6 14.5 6.5 Plain y. gl. 22.3 2.6 1.0 12.4 5.5 3.2 1.4 0.2 0.4 0.5 8.5 4.6 Other Figure 2. Red Ware Chafing Dishes. 1. Late 9th century, 2. Early 10th century, 3 late 10th century to about 1080, 4. About 1080 to 1100. Figure 3. 1-3 Polychrome forms (3/4 11th century), 4-6 Local Slip Painted Ware forms (late 11th century). Figure 4. Plan of Corinth (after D. Peck). Figure XXX. Late Antique graves: 6th century graves from the Gymnasium and Asklepeion area (left); early 7th century grave from the Panayia Field (right top); 8th century grave form the Forum area (right bottom). Figure XXX. Plan of Forum area showing distribution of 7th to 8th century graves. Figure 7. 1. Csallany type 2 (Syracuse) buckle; 2. Corinth type buckle. Figure 8. Pottery from tombs: 1 and 2 Late 6th to early 7th century; 3. 8th century. Figure 9. Plan of Corinth after the Greek War of Independence.