i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i CREATING THE MEDIEVAL SAGA: VERSIONS, VARIABILITY AND EDITORIAL INTERPRETATIONS OF OLD NORSE SAGA LITERATURE Edited by JUDY QUINN  EMILY LETHBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF SOUTHERN DENMARK 2010 i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Orkneyinga saga: A Work in Progress? J J Introduction The reconstituted text conventionally known as Orkneyinga saga has many points of interest for Old Icelandic literary history, in addition to any in- trinsic literary qualities, and its interest as a source for the history and cul- ture of Scandinavian Scotland (Owen ). Two aspects of the literary- historical interest of Orkneyinga saga to be considered here are the generic affiliations of the text and its ‘creation’ as a ‘medieval saga’, to use the ter- minology of this volume. Michael Chesnutt once homed in on the same two ‘difficulties’ of the saga ‘for the historian of Old Norse-Icelandic liter- ature’, identifying them as ‘the generic placing of the saga within the larger context of historical writing in Iceland’ and ‘the question of its textual transmission’ (Chesnutt : ). Chesnutt’s use of the phrase ‘textual transmission’ might suggest a framework from what is nowadays known as the ‘old philology’, and a concern to reconstruct, as far as possible, the lost ‘original’ of a text. But, in fact, the opposite is the case: Chesnutt was concerned to demonstrate that what is now usually printed as the last part of the saga (part of chapter  and chapters –) was in fact first in- corporated into a revised version of the saga, represented by Flateyjarbók (Reykjavík, Stofnun Árna Magnússonar í íslenskum fræðum, GKS  fol.) (Chesnutt : ). This essay is also concerned with some of the ways in which the Flat- eyjarbók version of the saga was adapted, though with the old-philological purpose of wanting to know as much as possible about the ‘original’ Orkn- eyinga saga, while recognising that ‘as much as possible’ may not be very much. Thus the significance of Flateyjarbók here is not that of a new-philological concern with the manuscript in its context (for example, Rowe ), but that of the manuscript representing a late stage in the de- velopment of a particular text, in this case Orkneyinga saga. Close study  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Judith Jesch of the text in the manuscript can shed light on that process of develop- ment, especially on the interim stages between a hypothetical ‘original’ and the stage reached in Flateyjarbók itself. In this context, the word ‘de- velopment’ is preferable to ‘transmission’, which might imply a rather old-philological view of the birth and subsequent decay, or even death, of an idealised ‘original’ text. The ‘development’ of Orkneyinga saga, the changes it underwent in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, certainly have their own interest, but I hope to show that these changes can also be used to illuminate earlier stages or versions of the text, albeit indirectly, and not necessarily going as far back as an unreconstructable ‘original’. Such a study of the development of the text may also shed light on prob- lems to do with the generic classification of the saga, and on the related question of the unity of the text: is Orkneyinga saga a unified text (Finn- bogi Guðmundsson : vii), or just a collection of texts ‘of different date and character’ (Guðbrandur Vigfússon : ix), or something in between (Taylor : )? It may of course have been different things at different stages of its development, but then those stages need to be identified, at least in outline. The Manuscripts The relationships of the manuscripts of Orkneyinga saga have been sur- veyed by a number of editors and translators of the text, with broad agree- ment in the stemmas presented by the two most recent editors, Sigurður Nordal in – (liv; see Figure ) and Finnbogi Guðmundsson in  (cxxvi; see Figure ). Their stemmas, which are the foundation of the argument in this essay, are essentially the same for the saga itself. How- ever, Sigurður Nordal incorporates the separate sagas of St Magnús into his stemma, whereas Finnbogi’s just concentrates on the transmission of Orkneyinga saga. This gives a stronger, and perhaps false, sense of the unity of the saga-text, while Sigurður Nordal’s stemma reminds us of its permeability with other texts (hagiographical ones in this case), underlin- ing the difficulties of its generic classification. It is important to remember that there is no single manuscript con- taining the whole of Orkneyinga saga as it is usually presented in edi- tions and translations. The most extensive text is that of Flateyjarbók,  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Orkneyinga saga: A Work in Progress? Figure . Sigurður Nordal’s stemma of Orkneyinga saga. Figure . Finnbogi Guðmundsson’s stemma of Orkneyinga saga.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Judith Jesch though even this is not complete, nor is it continuous in the manuscript (Guðbrandur Vigfússon and Unger –: I: –, –: II: –, –, –) and there are other complications. The text is divided into discrete sections with a variety of headings (described in Würth : –, – and Rowe : , , , ) and the appendix en- titled Brenna Adams byskups is not closely integrated into the narrative. The Flateyjarbók version has some substantial omissions, rewritings or re- arrangements compared to other surviving manuscripts (Sigurður Nordal –: –, –, , , –, –, –, –, –, ) and one extensive passage where the saga’s text is replaced by text from the saga of St Óláfr (Sigurður Nordal –: xli, –). A further problem arises from the circularity of using Flateyjarbók as the basis for a recon- struction of the saga and then judging the completeness or otherwise of the text from Flateyjarbók, not helped by the fact that some of Flateyjarbók’s sources may themselves have used Orkneyinga saga as a source (Rowe : ). However, such circularity may be unavoidable, because of the problematic and/or fragmentary nature of all other witnesses to the text, as outlined below. The only other lengthy manuscript of Orkneyinga saga is Holm papp  fol. (Stockholm, Kungliga biblioteket), a translation of the saga into Danish made in Norway towards the end of the sixteenth century and sur- viving in an early seventeenth-century copy. This translation covers the whole saga up to and including most of chapter , though it lacks (or mishandles) many of the verses and has one fairly substantial lacuna (Sig- urður Nordal –: –). It has never been published in its entirety,  Although the first section of the saga is often described as being in Guðbrandur Vig- fússon and Unger (–: I: –), for example in Finnbogi Guðmundsson (: cviii), in fact editors of the saga omit their text (I:  – ) from chapter  and print the sixteenth-century Danish text of Holm papp  fol. (Stockholm, Kungliga biblioteket) instead, on the grounds that Flateyjarbók is here following Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar.  Some of these are discussed further below.  Finnbogi Guðmundsson prefers to retain the Flateyjarbók text here (: cxxiii, –).  Represented by ‘O’ in Sigurður Nordal’s stemma and ‘Þ’ in Finnbogi Guðmundsson’s. The manuscript is currently on deposit in Den Arnamagnæanske Samling, Copenha- gen.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Orkneyinga saga: A Work in Progress? though both Sigurður Nordal and Finnbogi Guðmundsson make extensive use of it. It is clearly a very important manuscript, since it is the only other nearly ‘complete’ text of the saga – minus only the additions at the end which are preserved in Flateyjarbók. However, it is a translation, not an Old Icelandic text, and the manuscript it was translated from (the ‘Codex Academicus’, from the second half of the thirteenth century) burned in Copenhagen in . We do however have thirty-four leaves of a copy of this lost codex in the hand of Ásgeir Jónsson, from the very end of the seventeenth century (AM  to, Copenhagen, Den Arnamagnæanske Samling) which can be used to judge the value of Holm papp  fol. as a witness to the lost codex (Sigurður Nordal –: xli). All other manuscripts of Orkneyinga saga are fragmentary. The manu- script that editors place highest up the stemma, AM  III β to (Copen- hagen, Den Arnamagnæanske Samling), consists of only one surviving leaf (see Figure ), while its close relative AM  III α to (Copenha- gen, Den Arnamagnæanske Samling), consists of two leaves. These have been dated to around  and between –, respectively. The other witnesses to this branch of the stemma are not actually manuscripts of the saga, but different kinds of excerpts. Magnús Ólafsson’s Specimen Lexici Runici from  is a printed glossary that has excerpted words from the saga (listed in Sigurður Nordal –: xxviii–xxxi, Faulkes : – and Finnbogi Guðmundsson : cxi–ii), while manuscript UB R  to (Uppsala, Universitetsbiblioteket) and its copy AM  to (Copen- hagen, Den Arnamagnæanske Samling) represent a collection of skaldic verse. All three have occasional wording from the prose of the saga and were the work of Magnús Ólafsson in the first half of the seventeenth cen- tury. Magnús was working from, and seems to have owned, the manuscript of which only two leaves survive as AM  III α to (Sigurður Nordal –: xix–xxxi). Another early manuscript, dated to c., is AM  I to (Copen- hagen, Den Arnamagnæanske Samling), of which some eighteen leaves  Represented by ‘S’ in Sigurður Nordal’s stemma. On the dating of this lost manu- script, see Ólafur Halldórsson (: ), who also points out that it is not possible to determine whether it was written in Iceland, Norway or even Orkney.  All datings of medieval manuscripts are taken from the Registre volume of Ordbog over det norrøne prosasprog (Degnbol et al. ).  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Judith Jesch Figure . Copenhagen, Arnamagnæan Collection, AM  III β to v, used with permission.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Orkneyinga saga: A Work in Progress? survive, covering a little less than a third of the saga. Stemmatically, this is the manuscript most closely related to Flateyjarbók of the surviving manuscripts, and it is thus low down the stemma, despite its early date. It is also a manuscript with very many scribal errors (Sigurður Nordal –: xi). Thus, for more than half of the extent of the reconstructed saga, Flat- eyjarbók is now the only surviving Old Icelandic text. Sigurður Nordal’s edition is perforce based on Flateyjarbók, but departs from it whenever there is a better manuscript available. He does not do this entirely con- sistently according to his stemma, but the inconsistencies are explained by his changing views of that stemma (–: lvi–vii). In those sections of the edited text which are based on other manuscripts, Flateyjarbók is relegated to the variant apparatus. However, by using Sigurður Nordal’s edition, and cross-checking with editions and facsimiles of Flateyjarbók, it is possible to get a sense of the kinds of changes to the text made in Flateyjarbók or its immediate exemplar. The following analysis will con- centrate on the differences between Flateyjarbók and the two fragments highest up the stemma: AM  III β to and AM  III α to. However there will also be some consideration of Flateyjarbók’s differences from AM  to and AM  I to (both in the same branch of the stemma) to test whether such changes may have been introduced higher up the stemma than in Flateyjarbók. The Developing Text The discussion here will not be concerned with minor changes of a largely stylistic nature, though there are many of these. As well as actual copying errors and omissions, scribal changes can involve condensation or expan- sion of the text, updating of archaic expressions, substitution of a more precise expression and the like (Ólafur Halldórsson : ). Changes of this type can be useful in grouping manuscripts and establishing a stemma, though many of them can also occur independently in unrelated manu- scripts. This analysis will be concerned with more substantial changes which seem to reflect a scribe’s or even redactor’s response to the text. Clearly there is a sliding scale between ‘minor stylistic changes’ and ‘more substantial changes’, and distinguishing between them involves exercising  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Judith Jesch a sometimes arbitrary judgement. The changes discussed below, however, have been chosen because they are less likely to be entirely arbitrary or subconscious: they belong to a particular and fairly restricted type, in- volving intertextual references to other texts, such as sagas or poems. Any patterns in the incorporation or deletion of such references in the different manuscripts should not only illuminate the ordinary process of transmis- sion by copying, but should also help to demonstrate the ‘development of the text’ in a generic sense. Starting highest up the stemma, the first example is from chapter  of the saga, where editors base their reconstructed text on AM  III β to; Flateyjarbók’s text is also given: AM  III β to, v: Ræzk þá Rǫgnvaldr Brúsason til ferðar með Magnúsi kon- ungi; fóru þeir þá fyrst til Svíþjóðar, sem segir í sǫgu Magnúss konungs, ok þaðan til Jamtalands, ok svá aust- an um Kjǫl til Veradals. En þegar er Magnús konungr kom í Þrándheim, gekk allt fólk undir hann; fór hann út til Niðaróss ok var til konungs tekinn á Eyraþingi yfir allt land. Eptir þat váru skipti þeira Sveins konungs sem segir í ævi Nóregs- konunga. Flateyjarbók, va/col. : Réðsk Rǫgnvaldr Brúsason til ferðar með Magnúsi kon- ungi; fóru fyrst til Svíþjóðar, ok þaðan til Jamtalands ok svá  All quotations from Orkneyinga saga are taken from, or reconstructed from the vari- ants in, Sigurður Nordal’s edition, but presented in lightly (and not necessarily con- sistently) normalised form. The reasons for putting some text in bold or italics are explained below. See Figure  for the AM  III β to text: the passage quoted be- gins towards the end of line .  ‘Rǫgnvaldr Brúsason then prepared to travel with King Magnús; they then went first to Sweden, as it says in the saga of King Magnús, and from there to Jämtland and so west across the Keel to Værdal. And as soon as King Magnús arrived in Trøndelag, all the people submitted to him; he went out to Trondheim and was accepted as king over the whole country at the Øreting. His dealings with King Sveinn happened after that, as it says in the lives of the kings of Norway’.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Orkneyinga saga: A Work in Progress? austan um Kjǫl til Veradals. Ok þegar at Magnús konungr kom í Þrándheim, gekk allt fólk undir hann; fór hann þá út til Niðaróss ok var þá til konungs tekinn á Eyrarþingi yfir allt land. Eptir þetta váru skipti þeira Magnúss konungs ok Sveins konungs. A comparison of these two passages shows a number of examples (it- alicised in the quotations above) of what have been called ‘minor stylistic changes’ above. Thus, the manuscripts can differ in their choice of • whether or not to repeat a subject through use of a pronoun (þeir in AM  III β to); • conjunction (en in AM  III β to, ok in Flateyjarbók; er in AM  III β to, at in Flateyjarbók); • demonstrative pronoun (þat in AM  III β to, þetta in Flateyj- arbók); • whether or not to use adverbial þá (both have two examples, but in different places). Flateyjarbók also makes the final sentence more precise by adding Magnúss konungs ok. However, none of these choices has much impact on the meaning or overall content of the text and they were most likely done subconsciously by the scribes. The more significant difference between the two passages is that Flat- eyjarbók omits the two source-references highlighted in bold in AM  III β to: one to a saga of Magnús the Good, and one to ‘lives of the kings of Norway’. The format of the references (sem segir í) suggests that these texts were sources for the saga, possibly, even probably, written. However, we do not know what texts are being referred to, nor whether they were mentioned in the original version of the saga. Finnbogi Guðmundsson as- sumed (: xxxi, note ) that both are references to ‘verk Snorra’ (‘the  ‘Rǫgnvaldr Brúsason prepared to travel with King Magnús; they went first to Sweden, and from there to Jämtland and so west across the Keel to Værdal. And as soon as King Magnús arrived in Trøndelag, all the people submitted to him; he then went out to Trondheim and was then accepted as king over the whole country at the Øreting. Dealings between King Magnús and King Sveinn happened after this’.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Judith Jesch work(s) of Snorri’), apparently meaning Heimskringla. On the basis of this assumption, he then argued (: cix) that AM  III β to was not copied from the earliest version of the saga (O ), but from a revised ver- sion (O ). This is in contrast to Sigurður Nordal, who more cautiously said (–: liv) that it was possible that AM  III β to was copied from O . Sigurður Nordal’s caution is preferable, since it is hard to share Finn- bogi Guðmundsson’s conviction that these references are to the works of Snorri. The very different wording of the two references in close proximity suggests rather that two distinct texts are being referred to. There is a similar example in chapter  of the saga, where Flatey- jarbók omits a verse by Arnórr jarlaskáld that is quoted in AM  III β to (Sigurður Nordal –: ). This stanza can also be classified as a source-reference (it is introduced by Svá segir Arnórr jarlaskáld, ‘So Arn- órr jarlaskáld says’), although in this case the source (a poem by Arnórr) is in fact quoted elsewhere, in extract form, in the Flateyjarbók text of the saga. This stanza by Arnórr is by no means the only verse that Flateyjarbók omits. In chapter  it omits a verse (and also reduces the accompanying prose) about the Battle of the Menai Strait, where editors print the text of AM  III α to, which has the verse (Sigurður Nordal –: –). There is also a whole anecdote involving Jarl Rǫgnvaldr, and including one of his verses, that is preserved only in UB R  to and not in Flat- eyjarbók or Holm papp  to (Sigurður Nordal –: –). Given that AM  III β to consists of only one leaf (covering fewer than ten pages – out of  – of Sigurður Nordal’s edition), it is remarkable that it thus has as many as three source-references that are omitted from the parallel text of Flateyjarbók. If the one leaf of AM  III β to were rep- resentative of the whole of that particular version of the saga, then it would suggest a density of source-reference almost unheard of in Old Icelandic  Helgi Guðmundsson (: ) suggests that the latter is a reference to a work by Ari Þorgilsson. The most detailed discussion of these source references is in Taylor (: –).  For an example of a verse omitted by Jón Þórðarson from the Flateyjarbók text of Óláfs saga helga, see Johnsen and Jón Helgason (: ).  Holm papp  fol. also omits this verse, but this is not so significant, as this is appar- ently its usual practice with stanzas ‘som kun anføres som beviser’ (Sigurður Nordal –: xxxv, ‘which are cited only as evidence’).  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Orkneyinga saga: A Work in Progress? texts, even those of a historical bent. Although such a densely-referenced text seems unlikely, the tendency for source-references to be missed out in the Flateyjarbók version of the saga is further revealed by a comparison with other manuscripts. In chapters  and , discussed above in connec- tion with AM  III β to, AM  to can also be used for comparison. It so happens that it preserves all three of the source-references just dis- cussed. According to the stemma, then, their deletion must have happened either in Flateyjarbók itself, or in one of its immediate predecessors, that is, ‘v’ or ‘z’. There is a further example of the Flateyjarbók tendency to delete source-references in chapter , where it does quote one of Arnórr’s stan- zas, but does not give the name of the poem that it comes from. Here, the editors’ main manuscript is AM  to, which again does name the poem, Þessa getr Arnórr í Þorfinnsdrápu (Sigurður Nordal –: , ‘Arnórr mentions this in Þorfinnsdrápa’). It is of interest that UB R  to also names the poem. As an early modern excerpt of skaldic verse, UB R  to is not a reliable guide to the prose of the saga, but its use of the name at this particular point is at least indicative, especially as it agrees with AM  to, from the other branch of the stemma. This pattern is repeated elsewhere. In chapter , neither AM  to nor Flateyjarbók names Þorfinnsdrápa, but both UB R  to and Holm papp  fol. do, that is, manuscripts from both branches of the stemma – they also both add the fact that Arnórr was present at the battle (Sigurður Nordal –: ). In chapter , Flateyjarbók does not name the poem (while quot- ing from it), but Holm papp  fol. does (Sigurður Nordal –: ). It is an understandable tendency to leave out the name of a poem which is cited so frequently in this section of the saga, and such omissions may not have stemmatic significance. Nevertheless, they do not seem to be entirely random either. It is in fact remarkable that Flateyjarbók, despite being the most complete text of the saga, never once names the important  In this case, Flateyjarbók’s omission of the introduction to the verse follows on from the omission of a whole sentence of the saga.  While Arnórr’s presence is easily deduced from the stanza, it is I think significant that it is mentioned in Holm papp  fol. (the translation of the saga) as well as UB R  to (the anthology of skaldic verse), and that Flateyjarbók omits this information as well as the name of the poem.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Judith Jesch poem Þorfinnsdrápa, and this absence fits in with its treatment of source- references in general. This tendency to reduce the number of inconvenient source-references which hold up the narrative is not restricted to Flateyjarbók, but can also be found in the developing text more generally, as has already been seen in some of the examples above. The evidence of the surviving manuscripts suggests that there is a gradual attrition of source-references down through the stemma, but that the Flateyjarbók version in particular attempts to ex- cise them as fully as possible. Even AM  I to, the manuscript closest to Flateyjarbók in the stemma, has, in chapter , a reference to a written source that is omitted from Flateyjarbók, in this case a ‘saga’ of Erlingr skakki: Valdamarr Danakonungr gaf Erlingi jarlsnafn, ok gerðisk hann inn mesti hǫfðingi, sem ritat er í sǫgu hans (Sigurður Nordal –: , ‘Valdamarr King of the Danes gave Erlingr the title of a jarl and he became a very great leader, as is written in his saga’). There is an interesting contrast here in Finnbogi Guðmundsson’s treat- ment of this source-reference, compared with those in chapter , dis- cussed above. In the case of the ‘saga of Erlingr skakki’, Finnbogi does not suggest that this is a reference to the ‘works of Snorri Sturluson’, even though the story of Erlingr skakki is told at length in Heimskringla. And since Finnbogi does not think that this is a reference to Heimskringla, he does not need to assume that the reference is a later addition made in the revised version of the saga (O ). Instead, he thinks this is merely a ref- erence to ‘frásagnir af honum í því yfirliti um sögu Noregskonunga, er höfundur Orkn. s. hefur þekkt fullsamið eða var í deiglunni, þegar hann samdi þenna kafla sögunnar’ (Finnbogi Guðmundsson : lxxviii, ‘nar- ratives about him in that overview of the history of the kings of Norway which was known to the author of Orkneyinga saga, either completed  It should be noted that Flateyjarbók by no means excises all source-references. It re- tains a reference to Snorri Sturluson in chapter  (where this is also in the main text AM  III α to) and refers to lost poems in chapters  and , where Flateyjar- bók is the only surviving text, other than Holm papp  fol. (though both the sagas of St Magnús, deriving from Orkneyinga saga, have a passage equivalent to chapter  of Finnbogi Guðmundsson’s edition (: , )). What we can detect is a tendency to omit source-references in Flateyjarbók, rather than an absolute purge.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Orkneyinga saga: A Work in Progress? or in preparation, when he put together this chapter of the saga’). This suggests that Finnbogi thought this particular source-reference was in the original version of the saga, which is inconsistent compared to his treat- ment of the source-references in chapter , given the respective positions of the two manuscripts in his stemma. To my mind there is no reason to doubt that the examples given above from chapters – (in AM  III β to), chapter  (in AM  III α to) and chapter  (in AM  I to) demonstrate the kind of source-references that were common in the earliest version of the saga, and that were gradually worn away in the developing text, with Flateyjarbók representing the latest phase in this de- velopment. A similar pattern can be detected in the use of cross-references and other tags within the text (Jesch : , , note ). The evidence of AM  I to for chapter  is furthermore significant in that it shows that such excisions of source-references also happened in the part of Flateyjarbók written by Magnús Þórhallsson as well as the first part written by Jón Þórðarson. Jón is known for having been inclined to change the wording of his exemplar (Ólafur Halldórsson –: III: cxxii). Rowe has analysed extensively the ways in which Jón ‘conceal[s] the multiple textual origins’ (: ) of his work, which fits in with the patterns identified above. But the fact that we have at least one excision of a source-reference in the text written by Magnús suggests either that the two scribes adopted a common approach in this matter or that the excisions in fact happened in their exemplar. There is admittedly a slight imbalance, since Magnús Þórhallsson took over the writing of Flateyjarbók at the beginning of what is now chapter  of Orkneyinga saga. He thus actually wrote the bulk of this saga, yet only one such excision of a source-reference can be identified in his work.  According to Helgi Guðmundsson (: ), this is a reference to a longer version of the saga of Magnús Erlingsson, which was earlier than that preserved in Fagrskinna and Heimskringla. Taylor (: ) thinks it was a lost saga.  For examples of Magnús’s omissions later on in Flateyjarbók, see Rowe (: –). Rowe’s book is largely about the differences she sees between the approaches of the two scribes of Flateyjarbók – it is not possible to engage fully with her argument here, only to note that, in the case of Orkneyinga saga, they do seem ‘more alike than not’ (Rowe : ). But in this case there is still the possibility that much of the editorial activity detectable in Flateyjarbók in fact happened in its exemplar.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Judith Jesch Despite the fact that there are only relatively short passages where there is overlap between two or more of the surviving manuscripts of Orkneyinga saga to allow a comparison, it is clear that there is a pro- gressive shearing of the text of meta-textual, ‘historical’ aspects as it de- velops, by this excision of intertextual and source-references. Sometimes, this shearing is internally motivated, as when both Flateyjarbók and AM  to, recognising the incongruity, omit Snorri’s reference to Jarla sǫgur in chapter  where they are following a text of Óláfs saga helga (Sigurður Nordal –: ; see Finnbogi Guðmundsson : xxix–xxx, cxiv), but mostly it has the effect of altering the narrative mode of the saga, and the question is whether or not this was deliberate. If the dif- ferences between Flateyjarbók and AM  III β to were extrapolated across the whole saga, it would suggest an archetype that was written in a very different tone from the saga as read today – something that may have been less of a ‘saga’ and more of a work of historical scholarship. This archetype would have been a work that frequently both cites from and draws attention to its sources – one that is thus arguably comparable to Ari’s Íslendingabók (Whaley : , –). In this context it is also worth considering the one instance where Flateyjarbók actually adds a source-reference that is absent from the par- allel manuscripts (in this case AM  I to and Holm papp  fol.). In chapter , a reference to Bishop Vilhjálmr’s doubts about Magnús Er- lendsson’s sanctity is qualified in Flateyjarbók by the following comment which notes that these doubts only lasted þar til er birtusk hans verðleikar svá framarliga at guð lét hans heilagleik þeim mun hæra vaxa sem meirr var til reynt ok segir í jarteinabók hans (Sigurður Nordal –: note , ‘… until his merits were revealed so fully that God allowed his holiness to grow that much higher the more it was examined, and as it says in his miracle book’). Neither this comment, nor Flateyjarbók’s chapter heading (Jarteinagerð sæls guðs vinar Magnúss, Sigurður Nordal –: note , ‘The miracle-working of God’s blessed friend Magnús’) is found in AM  There is a useful overview in Sigurður Nordal (–: xlv–vi). Admittedly, Holm papp  fol. is available for comparison throughout most of the saga, and some in- stances where it differs from Flateyjarbók are noted above. But without checking the manuscript (which I have not yet had the opportunity to do), it is not possible to be certain whether Sigurður Nordal has left out any significant variants.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Orkneyinga saga: A Work in Progress?  I to, which is the text editors follow at this point, and they seem related to Flateyjarbók’s later omission of the end of chapter  and the whole of chapter , making a bit of a mess of the text as a result (Sig- urður Nordal –: note ). The reference to a text of the miracles of St Magnús seems in fact to acknowledge proleptically this later omis- sion rather than to be an actual source-reference to a completely different text, like those discussed above. In these chapters (–), editors print the text of AM  I to, which Sigurður Nordal considered to repro- duce the lost legend of St Magnús ‘omtrent i den oprindelige skikkelse’ (–: li, ‘more or less in its original form’). The miracle section is also found in Holm papp  fol., but in a shorter form there and, if Sigurður Nordal’s stemma is correct, these must then be independent interpolations from the legend. Finnbogi Guðmundsson, on the other hand, considered that the miracle collection was included in O , the archetype of the re- vised version of the saga (Finnbogi Guðmundsson : cxii–iii) and that it was shortened in Holm papp  fol. (Finnbogi Guðmundsson : lx–i). Sigurður Nordal thought it likely that the miracle collection was also in Flateyjarbók’s source, but that the scribe omitted it ‘fordi ejeren havde haft den i et andet haandskrift’ (Sigurður Nordal –: li, ‘be- cause the owner had owned it in another manuscript’), while Finnbogi Guðmundsson seems to think it was omitted there for reasons of length (Finnbogi Guðmundsson : lxi). The evidence in Flateyjarbók of the comment and the chapter heading in chapter , and the rewriting of chapters –, indeed suggests that the scribe (Magnús Þórhallsson) preferred to omit this hagiographical mater- ial found in his source, and that he did so rather ineptly. His reason may not have been so much because the material was already available to his patron, but because of his sense of generic appropriateness. Having been dealing with an essentially historical narrative, he is confronted by a por- tion of text in a very different style, which he recognises as coming from a generically different type (the jarteinabók). This therefore has to be omitted in order to retain the stylistically and generically smooth flow of  The differing style of the miracle section is often commented on, for example Guð- brandur Vigfússon (: xiii); Taylor (: –). Seip () argued that this section has its origins in an Orcadian translation of the Latin Vita copied into the saga by its Icelandic author.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Judith Jesch the narrative, but a pious scribe must nonetheless have felt the need to draw attention to the existence of the hagiographical text. The different treatment of the miracle section in Holm papp  fol. and Flateyjarbók indeed suggests that both their redactors had some difficulties with the propriety of including obviously hagiographical material in a historical text, although this difficulty was not shared by the scribe of AM  I to. Haki Antonsson (: ) has drawn attention to the ‘fluidity’ of mir- acle collections ‘and how they could be adapted to suit different literary tastes, religious expectations and social circumstances’; certainly the mir- acles of St Magnús appear in quite different form in the two Magnús sagas as well as Orkneyinga saga (Haki Antonsson : –). It seems that such texts were more open to rewriting and restructuring than the ‘additive and paratactic’ (Rowe : ) mode of growth of historical texts. Generic Development of the Text Despite the difficulties of getting at the ‘original’ version of Orkneyinga saga, it is possible to see from the surviving manuscripts that it began life as a serious work of history, using an astonishingly wide range of sources, both poems and prose narratives, and that it was a text in which evidence and opinions were considered, contrasted and weighed in a num- ber of different ways. In some earlier articles, I have looked at the ways in which the saga reveals a critical, historical attitude (Jesch , ), and also at the ways in which it combines different types of sources. For example, in the latter part of the saga, an eyewitness account ultimately deriving from Orkney, and probably Sveinn Ásleifarson’s camp, is care- fully meshed with a more literary account focusing on Jarl Rǫgnvaldr and his poetry (Jesch ). The overall effect of the adaptation represented in Flateyjarbók has been to smooth the edges of what started as a fairly ec- lectic text, to erase the evidence of the joins between these different types of sources, and there are examples of these ‘smoothings’ in the work of both scribes of Flateyjarbók. But even this latest version has not erased all traces of the historical interest found in the earlier versions of the saga, and the fragmentary survival of other manuscripts enables us to get a sense of the kind of text it once was. Moreover, there is a tension between the tend- ency to ‘smoothing’ in the Flateyjarbók text and the fact that the saga is  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Orkneyinga saga: A Work in Progress? there divided into separate sections, suggesting that the ‘smoothing’ pro- cess is more likely to have happened in an exemplar, in which the saga was copied out as a continuous text. The difficulty of classifying Orkneyinga saga (along with Færeyinga saga and Jómsvíkinga saga) led Melissa Berman to identify a whole new genre, the ‘political saga’, as if there were no politics in the kings’ sagas, or Sturlunga saga (Berman ). Elizabeth Rowe (: ), with her interest in the political relations between Norway and Iceland, classified Orkneyinga saga, along with Færeyinga saga, as a ‘colonial’ saga. Such ad hoc classifications are neither necessary nor even tenable, but the question raised by Michael Chesnutt about the generic status of Orkneyinga saga still needs to be addressed. It has been suggested above that the hagio- graphic text of St Magnús’s miracles, which was incorporated into the saga at a fairly early stage, caused the Flateyjarbók scribe (or the scribe of his exemplar) sufficient generic unease that he excised it. Sverrir Tómasson (Guðrún Nordal et al. : ) is I think nearer the mark than Berman or Rowe when he suggests a larger category (including Heimskringla and other kings’ sagas) of ‘þjóðarsaga’ (‘national history’). Like Orkneyinga saga, many of the works in this category also have a hagiographic core, recounting the life, death and miracles of a saintly ruler. The Flateyjarbók scribe’s generic unease at the combination of history and hagiography is paralleled in the century before in Snorri’s secularisation of St Óláfr’s life and his relatively restrained use of miracles (Sverrir Tómasson in Guðrún Nordal et al. : ). While Snorri was recasting his sources into a new work, the Flateyjarbók scribe had merely jibbed at copying a load of miracles; neither felt able entirely to reconcile pure hagiography with the larger historical work. Other evidence for the generic status of Orkneyinga saga may come in the names which it is given, both in medieval manuscripts of the saga and in other texts. References to what must be a version of Orkneyinga saga occur in a number of texts (surveyed in Taylor : –), calling it Jarla saga, Jarla sǫgur, Saga Orkneyinga jarla and the like. Thus, the sagas of  See also Sverrir Tómasson (: –) for a detailed analysis of the tensions between hagiography and historiography in Oddr Snorrason’s saga of Óláfr Trygg- vason.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Judith Jesch St Óláfr introduce a slightly different angle on the negotiations between Þorfinnr and Brúsi with þá er þó þat sagt í jarla sǫgunum (Johnsen and Jón Helgason : ; Finnur Jónsson –: II: , ‘and yet it is said in the sagas of the earls’). The two manuscripts of Fagrskinna refer to events in Orkney, sem getit er í jarla sǫgunum/sǫgunni (Finnur Jóns- son –: , ‘as is mentioned in the sagas/saga of the earls’). Some manuscripts of Vatnsdœla saga say that all the earls of Orkney are des- cended from Torf-Einarr sem segir í ævi þeira (Einar Ól. Sveinsson : note , ‘as it says in their lives’). A reference to Einarr in Landnámabók refers to sǫgu hans (‘his saga’), which the editor assumes to be Orkney- inga saga (Jakob Benediktsson : II: ). Early modern texts also use a variety of designations, thus Magnús Ólafsson () uses abbreviations equivalent to Jarla saga/sǫgur most frequently, but also refers to ‘Orkn. S.’. In sixteenth-century Bergen, Laurents Hanssøn seems to have used the lost Codex Academicus for additional information in his saga-translation, and he called it ‘thenn orkneske kronicke’, ‘orknørska kronica’ and ‘in Comitum Cronica Orchadensi’ (Storm : ,  and ; ‘the Orcadian chronicle’, ‘an Orcadian chronicle’ and ‘in the Chronicle of the Earls of the Orcadians’). While there is debate about whether some of these des- ignations refer to only a part of what is now the whole saga (Guðbrandur Vigfússon : xii), it seems to me that this variety of designations re- flects the instability of the text as a whole. There is similar variety in the headings that Flateyjarbók gives to the various sections of the saga that are distinguished by what Rowe calls ‘medium initials’, beginning with the introductory Fundinn Nóregr (‘Norway discovered’), followed by a Þáttr jarlanna Einars, Þorfinns, Sumarliða (‘Section about the Earls Einarr, Þorfinnr and Sumarliði’), then a þáttr þeirra Orkneyinga (‘Section about the Orcadians’) and a very similar Orkneyinga þáttr (‘Section about Orcadians’, all detailed in Rowe : –). While it is well known that medieval works often have no fixed title, and that such variety and in- stability is common, these various designations of what must be versions of Orkneyinga saga, and the ease with which it was split in Flateyjarbók,  There is also a medium initial for what is actually just a chapter heading for ch.  (Rowe : ; Sigurður Nordal –: ). The semi-detached Brenna Adams byskups (‘The Burning of Bishop Adam’), however, is distinguished only by an initial of the size normally used for chapters (Flateyjarbók vb/col. ).  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Orkneyinga saga: A Work in Progress? suggest to me that it has always been a rather uneven text of clearly mixed and multiple origins. Even the version preserved in Flateyjarbók is only partly successful at becoming a ‘saga’. Modern confusion about the genre of Orkneyinga saga arises in part from a dependence on the reconstructed text on the basis of which such generic judgements are usually made. Because this reconstructed text has been put together from a number of fragmentary manuscripts represent- ing different stages in the development of the saga, its uncertain generic status is highlighted rather than resolved. We are also perhaps misled by the modern, singular, title of the saga which imposes a unity that the medieval versions of this collection of texts may never have had. It is pro- bably impossible to resolve the question of the ‘generic placing’ of the saga, except to indicate its generic tendencies and influences at different stages in its development, and in different portions of the text (for ex- ample Jesch , , ). But looking back from the vantage point of Flateyjarbók, we can also see fairly clearly the journey the text has made from a fundamentally historically-minded collection and interpretation of a variety of source-materials (including poetry and historical and hagi- ographical narratives) to something that is becoming more like a ‘saga’, with all that implies about unity, structure and narrative flow, not to men- tion the kind of interpretative significance assigned to it by scholars such as Rowe. Many texts made this journey, so that ‘a text originally intended as historiography could later be included in new and different contexts’ (Würth : ). In this process, many of the features which reveal the original historiographical intentions of Orkneyinga saga have worn away, especially during its incorporation into Flateyjarbók, as demon- strated above. Würth (: ) notes both the ‘historical information’ and the ‘literary models’ of the generically problematic sagas like Orkn- eyinga saga and Færeyinga saga but she overstates, I think, the extent to which ‘the historical aspects are stressed in … existing versions of the texts’ because of their preservation in the compilation manuscripts, or at any rate she confuses historical content with historical mode. The con- tents of Orkneyinga saga remain essentially historical (like most sagas) in that they are about past events in chronological order, but its narrat- ive mode is gradually dehistoricised. Despite the king’s saga contexts of Flateyjarbók, Orkneyinga saga has demonstrably lost some of its ‘histor-  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Judith Jesch ical aspects’ in this manuscript, as discussed above. A new-philological emphasis on this one substantial manuscript of the saga, and its contempo- rary significance, draws attention away from the historiographical mode in which the saga was originally written, which can to some extent be reconstructed from the fragmentary manuscripts. An edition of the saga based entirely on Flateyjarbók, if anyone had contemplated such a thing, would further de-emphasise its historiographical mode in comparison to the currently-used standard reconstructed text. An edition of Holm papp  fol., representing the lost Codex Academicus, an early manuscript of the saga, would actually give quite a good idea of the saga at an intermedi- ate stage of its development, with a fuller text than Flateyjarbók (though it would not of course be satisfactory for the verses). Most useful of all would be a synoptic edition of all the manuscripts. Theodore Andersson has sketched out a model of the development of Icelandic sagas in the years – in which saga writing began as very ‘flexible’, so that ‘[t]he narrative could be tightened, expanded, or supplemented from oral or literary sources’ (: ) but gradually be- came ‘more tightly controlled and authoritatively interpreted than before’ (: ). Although Andersson scarcely mentions Orkneyinga saga, its development has interesting parallels with his model. Like the early sagas studied by Andersson, its earliest version was put together by an author who saw himself primarily as a ‘collector of tradition’, using sources that ‘remain separable and … identifiable’, and ‘[t]he compositional procedure is additive rather than dramatic’ (Andersson : ). While the saga retains many of these characteristics through its transmission, its treatment in the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century manuscripts as outlined above can be seen to reflect the process that saga writing in general was under- going, in which ‘the narrative … continues to be traditional, but is invested with argument and meaning in a new way’ (Andersson : ). The differences between history (or historiography) and saga (or fic- tion) are difficult to pin down in many medieval literary traditions and especially in the Icelandic one (Whaley : ; Vésteinn Ólason a:  Such an edition would also be extremely useful for linguistic studies testing whether or not there is anywhere an Orcadian linguistic substratum to the text, not least in the onomastic material.  See also Sverrir Tómasson (: ) for a similar outline.  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Orkneyinga saga: A Work in Progress? –; Tyler and Balzaretti ). The fate of Orkneyinga saga was to be gradually assimilated to the Icelandic saga tradition, in which history is narrativised and in which saga and hagiography develop as separate genres, despite their shared roots. But in its original guise the saga was, I believe, an attempt to write a work of historical scholarship in the same vein as Íslendingabók and Landnámabók, or like Andersson’s early sagas which read as if the authors ‘had taken fieldnotes and then copied them into their books’ (Andersson : ). Thus, the ‘original’ Orkneyinga saga was closer to the collection of disparate sources (which could include hagiographical and historical materials) imagined by Guðbrandur Vigfús- son (: ix–xv) than it was to Finnbogi Guðmundsson’s view of it as ‘ein heild’ (: vii, ‘one whole’) – he was of course heavily influenced by the bookprose theory of saga authorship, and by the norms of the Íslenzk fornrit editions of the mid-twentieth century with their required section on the ‘höfundur’ (‘author’) of the saga. The reading of the saga proposed here fits well with the putative early date of its first composition, at a time when the different saga genres had not yet fully crystallised and when the dominant narrative modes were history and hagiography (Turville-Petre ). In conclusion, I continue to believe what I once wrote (: ), that ‘Orkneyinga saga is an appropriate laboratory in which to study the mech- anisms by which history and fiction were combined to produce saga’. However, I would now place greater emphasis on the chronological as- pect of this, the generic development of the text from history to saga, revealed by careful study of the manuscript transmission. I would also pay more attention to the ways in which texts in the hagiographical genre both permeated the saga and were subsequently excised from it, as the scribes of the fourteenth century struggled with generic attributes and classifica- tions, and the difficulties of accommodating their sources to their rather grand compilatory plans.  Scholars generally agree in placing the composition of the lost first version of the saga around , though Helgi Guðmundsson has argued for a very specific context in the s (: ).  i i i i  i i “VC” — // — : — page  — # i i Bibliography (General) Abram, Christopher. . ‘Scribal Authority in Skaldic Verse: Þórbjǫrn hornklofi’s Glymdrápa’. Arkiv för nordisk filologi : –. Aðalheiður Guðmundsdóttir, ed. . 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