Englishes in Practice
Issue 1, May 2012
English as a Lingua Franca in Thailand: Characterisations and Implications
Will Baker, University of Southampton
Introduction
As the focus of this journal makes clear, the English language has a major presence in South,
East and South East Asia. Bolton (2008) suggests that there may be as many as 812 million
users of English in the region. Both McArthur (2003) and Kachru (2005) regard English as
an Asian language and World Englishes studies have documented many varieties of Asian
Englishes. Furthermore, English functions as an official lingua franca in ASEAN
(Association of South East Asian Nations) and ASEAN +3 (which includes China, Japan and
S. Korea). This paper will offer a brief overview of the role of English in one country within
this region, Thailand. An ELF perspective will be adopted as the most appropriate and
justifications for this given. Furthermore, it will be suggested that many of the implications
of this ELF approach have yet to be fully explored both in relation to characterisations of the
linguistic landscape of Thailand and educational policy.
A brief history of English in Thailand
Unlike many other countries in the region, for example Malaysia, Singapore and Burma,
Thailand was not colonised by the British, or any other European power. This has meant that
Thailand has had a comparatively short history of involvement with the English language
(Kirkpatrick, 2010). The official use of English in Thailand is generally attributed to the reign
of Rama III (1824-1851) (Baker and Phongpaichit, 2005; Foley, 2005; Wongsothorn, 2003),
who regarded it as a necessity in dealing with the increasing presence of British colonial
power and as a force for modernisation. This trend was continued through his successor King
Mongkot, Rama IV, perhaps best (or most notoriously depending on your perspective i)
known through Margaret Landon’s novel, ‘Anna and the King of Siam’ based very loosely
on the appointment of the English governess Anna Leonownes at the royal court. However,
English was largely restricted to the court until 1921, when it was introduced to the school
curriculum. At this stage, though, it was predominantly treated as an academic subject rather
than as a means of communication (Wongsothorn, 2003). In 1996 it was made a compulsory
Englishes in Practice
Issue 1, May 2012
subject for all primary schools. This was followed by the 1999 Education Act and the
subsequent National Education Curriculum implemented in 2002 which placed English,
alongside IT, “at the forefront of national intellectual development” (Wongsothorn, 2003:
445). This involved a shift in emphasis from teaching English as an academic subject of
study, to English as a medium of communication. Thailand is also a founder member of
ASEAN which was established in 1967 and uses English as its official working language,
further increasing the role of English in Thailand.
English in Thailand today
Given that Thailand does not have a history of colonisation by the British and that English is
not an official language in the country, Thailand is typically classified as an ‘expanding
circle’ country (Kachru, 2005) in which English is used as a means of intercultural
communication. Importantly such a classification also entails that Thailand is a norm
dependent country which does not have its own variety of English and which does not use
English for intracultural communication. While the extent to which this classification of
English in Thailand will be questioned in this paper, the expanding circle tag serves as a
useful, if simplified, means for distinguishing Thailand from countries which use English as a
first language, or as an official second language.
The linguistic landscape of Thailand is often portrayed as monolingual and highly
homogenous with government sources claiming that almost 100% of the population speak
standard Thai (National Identity Board, 2000). As might be expected this hides a more
complex linguistic picture. Other languages including Chinese, Malay, Lao, and Khmer are
also spoken by minority groups (National Identity Board, 2000; Foley, 2005) and the
majority of the population use one of the four regional dialects of Thai rather than standard
Thai (Simpson and Thammasathien 2007). Nevertheless, given the relatively minor status
given to other languages in the country, English forms the ‘de facto’ second language of
Thailand. There are a number of domains in which English is widely used in Thailand
including: as a compulsory subject in school and in higher education, as a medium of
instruction in international education programmes, as the language of international
organisations and conferences (including ASEAN and ASEAN +3), for international business
transactions, tourism, the internet, global advertising, scientific and technology transfer,
Englishes in Practice
Issue 1, May 2012
media (including imported films and music), international safety and international law
(Wongsatorn et al 1996; 2003; Foley, 2005).
English is thus perceived as an essential lingua franca which links Thailand culturally,
intellectually and commercially with other ASEAN countries and the rest of the world.
Indeed English is increasingly referred to as the lingua franca in the Thai setting (Foley,
2007; Baker, 2008; 2009; Kirkpatrick, 2010). This expansion in the use of English has
resulted in it being viewed as a necessary skill and status symbol for the urban middle classes
(Simpson and Thammasathien 2007). The extent to which English is understood in these
settings is illustrated by the recent popularity of the bilingual Thai-English comedian Chris
Wright (Wright 2009) whose shows require a degree of proficiency in both languages.
Furthermore, English is also beginning to be used within Thailand as a language of
intracultural communication between Thai speakers, particularly for electronic
communication (Baker, 2009; Glass, 2009; Seargeant and Tagg, 2011). However, while
features of English use unique to Thailand have been identified (Tan, 2005), there is presently
no variety of Thai English analogous to outer circle Englishes (Butler, 2005).
The increasing role of English in Thai society has not been unproblematic. Most notable has
been the uneven spread of English. While, as previously mentioned, English has been widely
adopted as a lingua franca by the urban middle classes, this has not been the case in rural or
poorer communities where access to English education is limited (Kosonen, 2008; Hayes,
2010). Furthermore, the need for English in rural communities away from tourism or
international business is also limited (Hayes, 2010). Although, as Bruthiaux (2009) points
out, in many such communities there are more pressing needs than English language
education, it is an issue of concern that communities are restricted in their access to a
resource that carries a high level of cultural capital in Thai society. Furthermore, such a
situation further exacerbates the already wide gaps between the affluent urban middle classes
and rural poor.
Another major problem in the spread of English has been providing adequate English
language education. Following the move towards more communicative language teaching in
the late 1990s Chulalongkorn University Academic Services (2000 cited in Baker, 2008: 137)
conducted a survey in which they identified the following problems in implementing
curriculum changes: an overabundance of curriculum content; students inadequately prepared
for the level at which they studied; teachers inadequately prepared and an overload of
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Issue 1, May 2012
responsibilities; inadequate materials and equipment; insufficient budgets; large class sizes;
inadequate assessment including an over-reliance on multiple choice tests; and students being
unable to transfer the skills learned in the classroom to other situations. 10 years later Hayes’
(2010) case study of a rural English teacher brings up many of the same problems. Further
concerns have been expressed as regards the English proficiency of teachers with many
failing government English tests (Tuhoey, 2010). Adding to this overall perception of low
English language proficiency has been Thailand’s consistently poor rating in international
English tests, particularly TOEFL in which Thailand comes lower than all of its regional
neighbours (ETS, 2009), although recently the scores have improved (ETS, 2011).
However a note of caution is needed in this negative evaluation of ELT in Thailand. There
are serious questions regarding the imposition of teaching methods such as CLT which have
been developed in contexts very different to Thailand. This has led to calls for teaching
methodology that is more in-tune with local pedagogic practices and beliefs (Saengboon,
2004; Adamson, 2003; Baker, 2008) and less centralised top-down planning (Hayes, 2010).
Furthermore the influence of native English speakers (NES) is still pervasive in evaluation of
language proficiency in Thailand (Watson-Todd, 2006). In contrast, multilingual models of
communication, as envisaged in ELF, may result in more positive perceptions of English
language proficiency in Thailand. Linked to this, the appropriateness of tests, such as
TEOFL, which are based around a specific variety of NES, is questionable in settings such as
Thailand where English is used as lingua franca by multilingual communicators.
Combined with these issues over how English language education has been delivered and
evaluated in Thailand has been more general concern with recent changes in Thai society and
the place English may have in this. The 1997 financial crisis, which began in Thailand,
resulted in a re-evaluation of Thailand’s engagement with globalisation and a return to more
traditional Thai values and behaviour, however they might be defined (Baker and
Phongpaichit, 2005). The 1999 Education Act placed an emphasis on the value of local
knowledge and wisdom, yet this did not result in a curtailing in the role of English which was
expanded in the Act and the following 2002 curriculum (Wongsathorn et al 2003). More
recently there has been increased stress on morality in education and the preservation of
traditional Thai values in the face of rapid social change, which is often associated in media
and government rhetoric with ‘outside’ forces. Furthermore, there has also been an
increasing awareness of and acceptance of local languages (Kirkpatrick, 2010). It might have
been expected that this would result in a corresponding re-evaluation of the role of English,
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Issue 1, May 2012
but recent government publications still place English at the forefront of Thailand’s
development with the furthering of English education and raising English proficiency still
key concerns (Ministry of Education 2011). Alongside many other countries in Asia (Tsui
and Tollefson, 2007) English seems to be viewed as a vehicle for promoting Thailand and
Thai culture regionally and internationally.
Implications
This characterisation of English in Thailand has a number of important implications for our
understanding of the role of English. Most significantly the use of English as a lingua franca
challenges previous concepts of English in Thailand. As Jenkins, Cogo and Dewey (2011)
underscore, ELF represents a paradigm shift in understanding language use which moves
away from the traditional foreign language paradigm. Rather than viewing users of English
as an L2 as deficient in comparison to NES, ELF users are seen as proficient multilingual
communicators with their own repertoire of linguistic and communicative resources. Thus, if
we are to view English use in Thailand as part of the ELF paradigm, which given the
identified uses described above would seem most appropriate, we need to move away from a
NES baseline by which English proficiency is measured. As already suggested this offers a
different perspective on the apparently ‘disastrous’ situation in Thai ELT and the supposedly
poor levels of proficiency. It would be naïve to deny that there are problems in terms of the
available resources for education in Thailand or that there is a divide between wealthy urban
communities and poorer rural communities. Nevertheless, we might wish to question the
implied incompetence of many Thai English teachers and their students if they are being
measured against an inappropriate NES baseline. Rather, ELT in Thailand should be
evaluated in accordance with local pedagogic practices and proficiency in relation to the
needs of these learners and the communicative situations that are of relevance to them.
Following from this, and to repeat an earlier point, it is questionable how much an externally
derived test such as TOFEL can reveal about language proficiency in Thailand.
Given the high status accorded to English in Thai society it is necessary to develop ELT in
directions which are more relevant to Thai users of English as a lingua franca. Most
obviously this means departing from the dominance of the NES model for Thai English
speakers. In the past the Thai government has attempted to recruit large numbers of NES
teachers, often with little consideration of their qualifications or suitability as teachers (Baker,
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Issue 1, May 2012
2008; Kirkpatrick, 2010). More recently there have been some signs that policy is changing
with NES teachers being required to submit proof of their qualifications as well as
undertaking a number of training programmes in Thai culture and language, although how
much these measures are simply political rhetoric or genuine attempts at improving the
quality of NES teachers is a matter of some debate. More significant though is the need for
recognition of the skills and abilities Thai teachers as multilingual communicators bring to
the classroom and a raising of their status.
Similarly, the content of ELT needs to move away from a focus on inner circle Anglo-
American varieties of English. Indeed a focus on any one particular variety of English is a
mistake. Users of English in Thailand can expect to meet a large range of users of different
Englishes. Furthermore, while there may be shared features of ELF in the ASEAN region
(Kirkpatrick, 2010), ELF is primarily characterised by its fluidity with variety being its most
distinguishing feature (Seidlhofer, 2009). Therefore, Thai users of English, like other ELF
users, need to be able to negotiate this variety through developing the skills, knowledge and
attitudes of successful multilingual intercultural communicators (Canagarajah, 2007;
Kramsch, 2009). These involve more than knowledge of grammar, vocabulary and
phonology. Of equal importance is pragmatic and intercultural competence (Cogo, 2009;
Baker, 2011a) and pedagogic approaches that can develop these are necessary (Baker, 2008;
2011b).
Finally, the characterisation of English in Thailand presented here offers a contribution to the
growing debate in regard to the relevance of Kachru’s three concentric circles of English (see
for example Bruthiaux, 2003; Pennycook, 2009; Yano, 2009). Apart from problems with
associating individual users of a global language, who are often very mobile, with fixed
geographical regions, there are a number of other issues in regard to Thailand. If expanding
circle countries are norm dependent, it is not clear whose norms English use in Thailand is
dependent on. Given the identified features of ASEAN ELF and the inherent variety in ELF
it is unlikely that English in Thailand will be dependent on any one particular variety of
English and certainly not native speaker English. Although this is not to deny that NES
ideology still exerts a strong influence on English. Furthermore, it has been suggested that
English is used in Thailand for both intercultural and intracultural communication,
particularly in electronic communication. This further blurs the boundaries between the
expanding and outer circle as this is supposedly a feature of outer circle English. In sum,
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Issue 1, May 2012
given the multifarious and dynamic uses of English in Thailand Kachru’s three circles seem
too static and restrictive a model to offer an accurate characterisation.
Conclusion
The argument in this paper has been that English in Thailand is best characterised through the
ELF paradigm due to the diverse and fluid range of uses to which it is put. English functions
as the de facto second language for communication with other countries in the region,
globally and increasingly internally as well. However, despite the growing importance of
English in Thailand, its place is not ubiquitous and its spread has been uneven, particularly as
regards poorer rural communities. Further concern has been the lack of resources for ELT
and the subsequent supposedly low proficiency levels of many teachers and students.
However, the low level of proficiency has been questioned in this paper as much of the
evaluation and measurement of ELT has been conducted in relation to a NES baseline and
extrinsically imposed pedagogy, both of which may be inappropriate to the needs of Thai
English language users. An alternative is to focus on the skills, knowledge and attitudes of
successful multilingual communicators, particularly as envisaged through ELF studies.
Further investigation is needed into how this can be applied in classroom settings, although
some tentative suggestions have already been given (Baker 2008; 2011b). Crucially this
should be done in a manner that is relevant to and draws on local resources rather than
imposing outside ‘expertise’. Such approaches offer a counter to the previous deficit
position, inappropriate NES models and externally imposed pedagogies. The ELF paradigm
offers a lens through which to view the place of English in the linguistic landscape of
Thailand in its own terms and in a manner which empowers Thai English users.
Note1 The novel and subsequent musical ‘The King and I’ are both banned in Thailand for being
disrespectful to the Monarchy and nation as well as for their misleading historical inaccuracies.
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