Threads of Power: clothing symbolism, human salvation and female identity in the illustrated homilies by Iakobos of Kokkinobaphos.pdf

Threads of Power Clothing Symbolism, Human Salvation, and Female Identity in the Illustrated Homilies by Iakobos of Kokkinobaphos Maria Evangelatou T he two twelfth-century codices (Vaticanus graecus 1162 and Parisinus graecus 1208) with six Marian homilies by the monk Iakobos of the Kokkinobaphos Scholars have dated the two Kokkinobaphos homiliaries to the second quarter of the twelfth century (during Iakobos’s lifetime), and have related them to a Monastery are well known to scholars for their superb very active patroness of the imperial family, the sebas- artistic quality and iconographic peculiarities. They tokratorissa Eirene, sister-in-law of the emperor Manuel are also among the most lavishly illustrated Byzantine Komnenos and wife of sebastokrator Andronikos.2 The manuscripts to have survived to the present.1 History Society, ed. R. N. Swanson, Studies in Church History 39 1 The primary publications on the illustration of the two man- (Trowbridge, 2004), 73–85; “The Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts uscripts are: C. Stornajolo, Miniature delle omilie di Giacomo Revisited: The Internal Evidence of the Books,” Scriptorium 61, no. 2 Monaco (cod. Vat. gr. 1162) (Rome, 1910); H. Omont, Miniatures (2007): 384–407; “Depicting the Salvation: Typological Images of des homélies sur la Vierge du moine Jacques (ms. Gr. 1208 de Paris), Mary in the Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts,” in The Cult of the Mother Bulletin de la Société française de reproductions de manuscrits à of God in Byzantium, ed. L. Brubaker and M. B. Cunningham peintures 11 (Paris, 1927); I. Hutter, “Die Homilien des Monches (Aldershot, 2011), 133–49. The text of Kokkinobaphos homilies 1–3, Jakobus und ihre Illustrationen, Vat. Gr. 1162 und Paris. Gr. 1208” 5, and the first part of 6 are published in PG 127:544–700. The 4th (Ph.D. diss., Universität zu Wien, 1970); I. Hutter and P. Canart, homily and the second part of the 6th are published by Hutter, “Die Das Marienhomiliar des Mönchs Jakobos von Kokkinobaphos: Codex Homilien,” vol. 2, appendix, 1–55. Vaticanus Graecus 1162; Einführungsband und Faksimile, Codices 2 On the dating of the text and the manuscripts see J. C. Anderson, e vaticanis selecti 79 (Vatican City and Stuttgart, 1991). The lat- “The Illustrated Sermons of James the Monk: Their Dates, Order, est and most comprehensive study on these two manuscripts is and Place in the History of Byzantine Art,” Viator 22 (1991): 69–120, by K. Linardou, “Reading Two Byzantine Illustrated Books: The esp. 85; Hutter and Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 11–17; Linardou, Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts (Vaticanus graecus 1162, Parisinus “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts Revisited.” On the connection of graecus 1208) and Their Illustration” (Ph.D. diss., University of the manuscripts to the court environment and their possible asso- Birmingham, 2004), which, unfortunately, I have not been able to ciation with Eirene, see Anderson, “Illustrated Sermons,” 96–101; consult. I thank K. Linardou for informing me that she examines the R. S. Nelson, “Theoktistos and Associates in Twelfth-Century relationship of word and image, the question of precedence between Constantinople: An Illustrated New Testament of A.D. 1133,” the two manuscripts, some aspects of the Kokkinobaphos workshop The J. Paul Getty Museum Journal 15 (1987): 53–78, esp. 75–76; and the redating of the Paris copy, the question of patronage, and I. Spatharakis, “An Illuminated Greek Grammar Manuscript in the purpose of the Kokkinobaphos codices. The publication of this Jerusalem,” JÖB 35 (1985): 231–43, esp. 242–43. On Eirene, see thesis will make an important contribution to our knowledge of all E. Jeffreys, “The Sebastokratorissa Eirene as Literary Patroness: The these subjects. In the meantime Linardou has published the follow- Monk Iakobos,” in XVI. Internationaler Byzantinistenkongress: ing three articles: “The Couch of Solomon, a Monk, a Byzantine Lady Akten, 2/3 (Vienna, 1983) = JÖB 32, no. 3 (1982): 63–71; eadem, “Who and the Song of Songs,” in The Church and Mary, Papers Read at the Was Eirene the Sebastokratorissa?” Byzantion 64 (1994): 40–68; 2001 Summer Meeting and the 2002 Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical eadem, “The Sebastokratorissa Irene as Patron,” in Female Founders dumbarton oaks papers | 68 241 242 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 1. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 1v. Iakobos the monk with St. Chrysostom and St. Gregory of Nyssa, the first miniature of the Paris Kokkinobaphos (not included in the Vatican codex). The caption below the image reads “Iakobos the monk.” By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 243 Fig. 2. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 3v (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 2v). Christ’s Ascension. Frontispiece to the first homily, on Mary’s conception. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 244 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 3. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 8v (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 5r). Assembly of saints for the celebration of the feast of the conception of the Virgin. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 245 Fig. 4. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 21v (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 16r). Anna prays in her garden (bottom register) and meets Joachim at the gate (top register). By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 246 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 5. Cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 22v (similar image in cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 29v). Jacob greets his parents before departing for Mesopotamia, crosses the Jordan, dreams of the heavenly ladder. Frontispiece to the second homily, on Mary’s nativity. By permission of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, all rights reserved, © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 247 Fig. 6. Cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 29r (similar image in cod. Paris. gr. 38v). Mary’s nativity: Anna celebrates her motherhood among the leaders of the twelve tribes of Israel; the Virgin’s first bath. By permission of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, all rights reserved, © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 248 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 7. Cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 35r. The fall and the expulsion from paradise. By permission of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, all rights reserved, © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 249 Fig. 8. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 47r. The fall and the expulsion from paradise. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. Fig. 9. Mosaic from the Cappella Palatina, Palermo, Sicily (mid-twelfth century). God questions Adam and Eve after they ate the forbidden fruit. By permission of Alfredo Dagli Orti / Art Resource, NY. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 250 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 10. Cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 36v (similar image in cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 49v). The lamentation of Adam and Eve, the offerings of Cain and Abel, Abel’s murder. By permission of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, all rights reserved, © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 251 Fig. 11. Cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 48v (similar image in cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 66v). The Anastasis: Christ descends into the underworld to reject the sinful (top) and liberate the just, leading them to paradise. Mary is venerated in paradise by Adam and Eve. By permission of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, all rights reserved, © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 252 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 12. Mosaic from the katholikon of Nea Moni, Chios (mid- eleventh century). The Anastasis. Photo from the photographic archive of the Third Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, by permission. Fig. 13. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 69v (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 50v). The Virgin and Child are enthroned in paradise and venerated by angels and prophet. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 253 Fig. 14. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 73v (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 54v). Moses and the burning bush. Frontispiece to the third homily, on Mary’s Entrance to the Temple. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 254 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 15. Cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 82v (similar image in cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 109v). Christ on Solomon’s Couch, surrounded by the sixty valiant ones. Frontispiece to the fourth homily (on Mary’s betrothal to Joseph). By permission of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, all rights reserved, © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 255 Fig. 16. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 123r (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 92v). Mary in the Temple, protected by invisible powers from the machinations of the devil. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 256 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 17. Cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 109r (similar image in cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 147v). The temple priests deliver the purple wool to the Virgin. By permission of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, all rights reserved, © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 257 Fig. 18. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 149v (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 110v). Gideon and the fleece. Frontispiece to the fifth homily, on the Annunciation. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 258 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 19. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 157r (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 115v). Gabriel arrives at Nazareth, James (youngest son of Joseph and author of the Protevangelion) watches over Mary. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. Fig. 20. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 160v (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 118r). Gabriel’s first indoor salutation to Mary. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 259 Fig. 21. Cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 119v (similar image in cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 162r). Isaiah’s vision of the burning coal, God revealed behind the veil of heaven. By permission of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, all rights reserved, © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 260 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 22. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 168v (almost identical miniatures also appear on folios 165v and 171v; similar images in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, folios. 122r, 124r and 126r). Mary’s dialogue with Gabriel. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. Fig. 23. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 177v (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 130v). Gabriel returns to heaven, after the annunciation; Mary spins the purple thread while angels venerate the throne of the Pantokrator. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 261 Fig. 24. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 181v (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 133v). The tabernacle with the ark, the tablets of the law, the jar of manna, the cherubim and Aaron’s rod; Moses performs the selection of the high priest (Aaron) through the miracle of the flowering rod. Frontispiece to the sixth homily, on the delivery of the purple to the temple, the visitation, Mary’s trial and absolution from charges of unchastity. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 262 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 25. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 193r (similar image in cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 142r). The Virgin delivers the purple thread to Symeon. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. Fig. 26. Mosaic from the katholikon of the Monastery of Hosios Loukas, Greece (eleventh century). Christ’s presentation to the temple. Photo by Vasilis Marinis. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 263 Fig. 27. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 200r (similar image in Vat. gr. 1162, fol.147r). Mary rests on her way to Elizabeth’s house; the personification of the Earth emerges to venerate the Mother of God. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 264 Maria Evangelatou Fig. 28. Cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol.149r. The visitation of Mary to Elizabeth’s house. Zachariah with a maid on the left, James (youngest son of Joseph) on the right. By permission of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, all rights reserved, © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. Fig. 29. Cod. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 203r. The visitation of Mary to Elizabeth’s house. Zachariah with a maid on the left, James in the center. By permission of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, © 2014 BnF. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 265 Fig. 30. Cod. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 159r. The Nativity of St. John the Baptist: Mary with Zachariah (top left), the nativity and first bath, Elizabeth breastfeeds John next to attending maids, Zachariah praises the Virgin before her departure (bottom right). By permission of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, all rights reserved, © 2014 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. (The background appears dark due to the light reflection on the gold leaf of the miniature.) dumbarton oaks papers | 68 266 Maria Evangelatou homiliaries, which preserve an almost identical set of analysis complements the work of scholars who have illustrations, speak to issues ranging from the develop- suggested a symbolic reading of the purple spun by the ment of Marian iconography to manuscript production Virgin in Byzantine images of the annunciation.5 My in twelfth-century Constantinople, and from visual exegesis and the relationship of word and image to Byzantium. It will be a comprehensive study of Byzantine literary the social, cultural, and aesthetic function of religious and visual material and comparative material from Western Europe imagery in the imperial court of Byzantium. that considers the use of spinning, weaving, and clothing as symbols In this article I consider Marian iconography and of the incarnation and of human salvation. The connections between visual exegesis along with the sociocultural ramifica- these symbolic motifs and ancient Graeco-Roman traditions, bib- lical, patristic, liturgical, ceremonial, and folkloric sources, as well tions of gender ideology. In the first part of my anal- as gender roles and ideals, will be extensively discussed. I thank the ysis I examine a group of miniatures that narrate the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study and Dumbarton Oaks for Virgin’s life from the moment she is tasked with spin- supporting this project with postdoctoral fellowships in 2006–7 and ning the purple material destined for the new veil of 2009–10 respectively. the Jewish temple (end of the fourth homily, fig. 17) 5 See M. Evangelatou, “The Purple Thread of the Flesh: The until she delivers the thread back to the temple (begin- Theological Connotations of a Narrative Iconographic Element in Byzantine Images of the Annunciation,” in Icon and Word: The Power ning of the sixth homily, fig. 25).3 My aim is to show of Images in Byzantium: Studies Presented to Robin Cormack, ed. A. that the purple thread spun by the Virgin during the Eastmond and L. James (Aldershot, 2003), 261–79, where this subject annunciation is a symbol of the incarnation both in the is systematically treated; reference is made to previous literature on the text and in the images of the Kokkinobaphos homil- symbolic interpretation of the purple thread in two Byzantine icons iaries. I focus on just a few miniatures related to this of the annunciation by scholars such as H. Belting, A. Weyl Carr, and B. Pentcheva (262–63). See also N. P. Constas, “Weaving the Body of theme; the most complex compositions will be treated God: Proclus of Constantinople, the Theotokos, and the Loom of the in a forthcoming monograph on the symbolism of spin- Flesh,” JEChrSt 3, no. 2 (1995): 164–94, and more extensive treatment ning, weaving, and clothing in Byzantine culture.4 My of the same subject in idem, Proclus of Constantinople and the Cult of the Virgin in Late Antiquity: Homilies 1–5, Texts and Translations, Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 66 (Leiden and Boston, 2003), in Byzantium and Beyond, ed. L. Theis, M. Mullett, and M. Grünbart chap. 6 (315–58). These two publications are extremely useful for any with G. Fingarova and M. Savage, WJKg 60–61 (Vienna, 2011–12), discussion of the symbolism of the purple thread spun by the Virgin, 177–94. Andronikos was born ca. 1108–9 and died in 1142. Eirene even though the author neither examines systematically the Byzantine was born ca. 1110–12 and died ca. 1151–52. For the genealogy and literature beyond Proklos, nor investigates the symbolism of the purple history of the Komnenian family see K. Varzos, Ἡ γενεαλογία τῶν thread in Byzantine art generally. His work has inspired I. Kalavrezou Κομνηνῶν, Βυζαντινὰ κείμενα καὶ μελέται 20, 2 vols. (Thessalonike, and A. Walker to propose a symbolic reading of the purple thread in 1984), esp. 1:357–79 (Eirene and her husband Andronikos); F. all Byzantine images of the annunciation (without further analysis). Chalandon, Jean II Comnène (1118–1143) et Manuel I Comnène See I. Kalavrezou, Byzantine Women and Their World (New Haven, (1143–1180) (Paris, 1912), esp. 212–13. The collection of letters that 2003), 158, cat. no. 83, entry by Walker and Kalavrezou. Z. Urbach, Iakobos wrote to Eirene (cod. Paris. gr. 3039) has been recently pub- “‘Dominus possedit me. . .’ (Prov. 8, 22): Beitrag zur Ikonographie des lished by E. Jeffreys and M. Jeffreys, Iacobi Monachi Epistulae, CCSG Josephszweifels,” Acta Historiae Artium 20 (1974): 199–266, esp. 210, 68 (Turnhout, 2009), with a useful introduction on Eirene and her proposes that the purple the Virgin spins in medieval images is a sym- relationship to Iakobos (xi–lxv). I thank the authors for generously bol of Christ’s flesh, but he does not offer any arguments in support of offering me a copy of this important publication. this interpretation. I thank K. Linardou for drawing my attention to 3 In order to provide the reader with a sense of the content and this article. Hutter, “Die Homilien” (n. 1 above), 348–56, discusses the succession of images proper to the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries, the incarnational symbolism of Mary’s purple thread in relation to various miniatures are reproduced here in the order in which they appear in textual, visual, and ritual traditions focusing on veils as instruments the manuscripts rather than in the order in which they are discussed of divine revelation. The purple thread and the temple veil are also in the article. Due to copyright restrictions it was necessary to use a mentioned as symbols of the incarnation by B. Popović, “The Most selection of images from both the Vatican and the Paris manuscripts, Precious Thread in Byzantium and Medieval Serbia,” in Material rather than primarily from the Vatican manuscript, which is the Culture and Well-Being in Byzantium (400–1453): Proceedings of focus of this study and was produced first. Since the Paris codex in the International Conference (Cambridge, 8–10 September 2001), ed. most cases copies the Vatican codex closely, this will give the reader M. Grünbart et al. (Vienna, 2007), 193–98. The author focuses more a sense of the first Kokkinobaphos manuscript’s actual cycle. When on the symbolic and social role of purple in imperial, royal, and eccle- scenes are substantially different from one codex to another, both are siastical attire. I thank N. Dionysopoulos for drawing my attention to reproduced for comparative purposes. this article and B. Popović for giving me a copy before it was published. 4 The provisional title of this monograph is Weaving Christ’s Reference to the purple thread as a symbol of the incarnation is also Body: Clothing, Femininity, and Sexuality in the Marian Imagery of made in N. Constas, “Symeon of Thessalonike and the Theology of the dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 267 exploration of the sophisticated visual exegesis in the Part One manuscripts also raises questions about the relationship Clothing Symbols of word and image, author and painter, codex and user. of the Incarnation I conclude that the Kokkinobaphos manuscripts place exceptional emphasis on the Theotokos as the producer A principal guide in my analysis of the visual material is of the veil of salvation, the human body of the Logos: the text of the Kokkinobaphos homilies, which includes both in words and images, thread and fabric metaphors a variety of clothing metaphors related to the incarna- concerning the incarnation appear with a density tion and to the salvation of mankind.6 The proliferation and elaboration unparalleled in any other surviving of such metaphors in the Kokkinobaphos homilies and Byzantine monument. This observation contributes to throughout the religious literature of Byzantium sug- a closer examination of the identity and intentions of gests a cultural consensus that was bound to be recorded the commissioner of the Kokkinobaphos codices, and both textually and visually. In other words, the author to an assessment of the collaboration of the author and of the homilies, the miniaturist, and the users of the the miniaturist in their program. Kokkinobaphos manuscripts must have been aware Since textile production was a quintessential of the symbolic meaning of threads and veils in texts female activity in Byzantium, in the second part of the and in images concerning the incarnation. Revealing article two interrelated issues are examined through the and addressing this awareness are recurring images of lens of gender dynamics. On the one hand, I consider raw, spun, or woven wool—a fleece, a bundle of wool, the identity of the commissioner and how her gen- a thread, a skein, or a veil—that appear as main or sec- der and imperial connections might be related to the ondary elements in consecutive compositions, from the depiction of Mary as the spinner and weaver of Christ’s scene of the entrusting of the purple material to the purple mantle of flesh. On the other hand, I discuss the Virgin, to the scene in which she delivers the thread tensions surrounding the presentation of femininity back to the temple (figs. 17–25). Seen as components of a in manuscripts produced by men (author and minia- symbolic theme in which the incarnation is presented as turist) about and for women (Mary and Eirene) and the clothing of the Logos in the purple garment of flesh, the possible development and resolution of these ten- these images allow a deeper appreciation of the manu- sions. This approach provides an opportunity to exam- scripts’ subtle visual language. They reveal carefully cho- ine how notions of gender were both reflected in and sen subject matter and iconography and point toward constructed through the production and use of these layers of meaning that provide valuable insight into the manuscripts. I investigate how the sophisticated inter- manuscripts’ original context and purpose. The excep- relation of text and image can accommodate multiple, tional emphasis of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries on shifting meanings that are complementary even when the purple thread and veil as symbols of the incarnation they are contradictory. Through case studies I suggest also suggests that the commissioner was deeply invested this polyvalence is a result and a component of the com- in the cultural associations of purple as a signifier of sta- plex dynamics that characterize Byzantine society and tus and of textile production as emblematic of female culture, in which images played a central role in the virtue. Both these interests characterize Eirene sebas- development, experience, and expression of personal tokratorissa, considered the most likely person to have and communal identities. commissioned the luxurious Kokkinobaphos codices. Icon Screen,” in Thresholds of the Sacred: Architectural, Art Historical, 6 It is well known that Iakobos used various sources in his homi- Liturgical, and Theological Perspectives on Religious Screens, East and lies and often copied extensively from them, but a detailed study of West, ed. S. Gerstel (Washington, D.C., 2006), 163–83. See also refer- this issue is still unavailable (see Jeffreys and Jeffreys, Iacobi Monachi ences to the incarnational symbolism of Mary’s purple thread by L. Epistulae [n. 2 above], xxi). In contrast, his complex compilation Cross, “St Mary in the Christian East,” Australian eJournal of Theology of sources in his letters to Eirene is well documented in the recent 9 (March 2007): 1–9. For a discussion of the symbolism of the thread edition by Jeffreys and Jeffreys. No matter how close he stays to his in annunciation iconography (without emphasis on the purple mate- sources and how many they are, I still consider Iakobos the author of rial) see also G. McMurray Gibson, “The Thread of Life in the Hand his texts and not just a compiler of collected passages: he was respon- of the Virgin,” in Equally in God’s Image: Women in the Middle Ages, sible not only for the copious selection of citations, but also for labo- ed. J. Holloway, J. Bechtold, and C. Wright (New York, 1990), 46–54. riously integrating them into a meaningful whole. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 268 Maria Evangelatou Setting the Stage: my analysis (the Greek πορφύρα and the Latin purpura) Mary Receives the Purple Wool is more precious and prestigious than scarlet and was an important imperial signifier in Roman and Byzantine Since it is often more constructive to reveal potential culture. It is also closer to the actual color of blood. All questions than to propose an answer with claims to of this renders purple a particularly multilayered sym- certainty, I begin this article with an analysis that con- bol of the incarnation: a reference to the investment of siders possibilities without aiming to be conclusive. It the Heavenly King with the mantle of human flesh, is true that inconclusive evidence occasionally leads to woven by one of King David’s daughters, and destined over-interpretation, but in the Kokkinobaphos minia- to be sacrificed on the cross, soaked in Christ’s blood, tures the combination of text and image suggests that for the salvation of humankind.12 under-interpretation is the bigger risk. The precious purple dye produced by the juice The importance of purple as a symbol of the of the murex shell can range from dark blue or auber- incarnation is prominently introduced in the text gine tones to lighter reds, but the darker hues were and images of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries when most prized in Byzantium and are attested in textiles Mary receives the purple wool destined for the new and representations of emperors.13 However, in most temple veil. The miniature shows the priests delivering Byzantine depictions of the annunciation, Mary holds the material to the Virgin (fig. 17).7 According to the red wool that looks more scarlet than purple.14 This is apocryphal second-century Protevangelion of James, a source used extensively by Iakobos of Kokkinobaphos 12 For the frequent connection between the Virgin and the in his Marian homilies,8 only virgins from the tribe of purple as symbol of the incarnation in Byzantine literature see David could be entrusted with spinning the wool for S. Eustratiades, Ἡ Θεοτόκος ἐν τῇ ὑμνογραφίᾳ (Paris, 1930), 3–4 the new temple veil.9 Mary’s inclusion among them (ἁλουργὶς), 64 (πορφύρα, πορφυρὶς); J. Ledit, Marie dans la liturgie proves both her Davidic ancestry and her purity, which de Byzance (Paris, 1976), 76–77; Evangelatou, “Purple Thread of the Flesh,” 265–66, esp. nn. 34–36. See also the sources mentioned in n. befit the mother of the Messiah.10 The Protevangelion 5 above. On the imperial associations and various other meanings also mentions that through the casting of lots, the of the purple dye in antiquity and the medieval period see La por- Virgin alone was assigned the purple and scarlet wool, pora: Realtà e immaginario di un colore simbolico; Atti del convegno colors with royal associations that reinforce her status. di studio, Venezia, 24 e 25 ottobre 1996, ed. O. Longo (Venice, 1998), The same source reports that when Gabriel appeared to especially A. Carile, “Produzione e usi della porpora nell’impero bizantino,” 243–69. I thank A. Stouraiti for drawing my attention the Virgin, she was spinning the purple.11 This narra- to the proceedings of this conference. See also W. T. Avery, “The tive detail has significant symbolic connotations: the Adoratio Purpurae and the Importance of the Imperial Purple in color identified as purple in the ancient sources and in the Fourth Century of the Christian Era,” Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 17 (1940): 66–80; V. M. Reinhold, History of Purple as a Status Symbol in Antiquity (Brussels, 1970). 7 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 109r (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco 13 The famous imperial portraits of Justinian and Theodora in [n. 1 above], pl. 45); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 147v (Omont, Miniatures des San Vitale, Ravenna, are just one example. In addition to Carile, homélies [n. 1 above], pl. XVIII). This scene is discussed by Hutter, “Produzione,” see the technical analysis and various references to “Die Homilien,” 157–59. For the iconography of the scene, see J. ancient sources on the imperial purple by J. Edmonds, The Mystery Lafontaine-Dosogne, Iconographie de l’enfance de la Vierge dans l’em- of the Imperial Purple Dye (London, 2000). pire byzantin et en Occident, 2 vols. (Bruxelles, 1964), 1:182–83. 14 Although I have not conducted a detailed statistical analysis of 8 E. Jeffreys, “Mimesis in an Ecclesiastical Context: The Case of all Byzantine annunciation images in order to verify the percentage Iakobos Monachos,” in Imitatio—Aemulatio—Variatio: Akten des of red versus purple wool in Mary’s hands, in most cases I know it is internationalen wissenschaftlichen Symposions zur byzantinischen rendered in red tones. There are some notable exceptions, of which Sprache und Literatur (Wien, 22.–25. October 2008), ed. A. Rhoby the following are characteristic examples. On fol. 4r of the sixth- and E. Schiffer (Vienna, 2010), 153–64, esp. 154. century Rabbula Gospels, Mary’s clothes and the wool bundle she 9 For the Greek text of the Protevangelion, see C. Tischendorf, holds are the same purple color, so that the one appears to be a con- Evangelia Apocrypha (Leipzig, 1876), 19–20 (chap. 10). English trans- tinuation of the other, emphasizing how the body of the mother lation in P. A. Underwood, The Kariye Djami, 4 vols., Bollingen offers material for the weaving of Christ’s mantle of human flesh. Series 70 (Princeton, 1966–75), 1:76–77. A good color image may be found in C. Cecchelli, G. Furlani, and 10 Evangelatou, “Purple Thread of the Flesh,” 262, with references M. Salmi, The Rabbula Gospels: Facsimile Edition of the Miniatures to previous scholarly literature. of the Syriac Manuscript Plut. I, 56 in the Medicaean-Laurentian 11 Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 22 (chap. 11). Library (Olten and Lausanne, 1959). In the sixth-century apse dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 269 a matter of pictorial convention: the brighter red helps substance for the production of the mantle of the incar- the material stand out against the darker colors of the nation, Christ’s human body.15 composition, especially those used for Mary’s clothes, In the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries Mary is always which are often blue, dark red, or purple. Blood is simi- depicted handling red wool when the accompany- larly depicted as bright red in Byzantine images, even ing text mentions purple. Indeed, the inscription to though its color is closer to the darker tones of the the scene of Mary receiving the wool from the temple imperial purple. There can be no doubt that Byzantines priests reads: “The delivery of the purple from the tem- considered the red wool held by Mary in the annuncia- ple to the Virgin.”16 The scarlet wool that, according tion to be the purple mentioned in the Protevangelion to the Protevangelion, was also entrusted to the Virgin and in the rich literary tradition that employed this when the lots were cast, is mentioned in the homily but imperial color as a symbol of the incarnation: in hymns not in the inscription. In both manuscripts this omis- and homilies Mary was constantly hailed as the pur- sion is found again in the inscriptions to the miniature ple dye or wool, or as the one handling this precious of the Virgin delivering the spun thread back to the temple (fig. 25).17 The scarlet is similarly omitted in the inscription of the scene of Mary receiving a bundle of red wool in the fourteenth-century mosaic at the Chora mosaics of the Euphrasian Basilica in Poreč, Mary is dressed in pur- ple (dark brown/aubergine) clothes and the wool she handles in the Monastery in Istanbul, which states, “The servants hav- annunciation scene is made of tesserae of the same color and very ing brought the wool for the virgins to take, the pur- dark red. The chalice-like shape of the basket suggests the wool is a ple fell to Mary’s lot.”18 In both the Kokkinobaphos symbol of the incarnation that is reenacted in the Eucharist. Mary miniatures and the Chora mosaic, the emphasis of holds the long bundle of wool between her thighs and against her womb as if it were an umbilical cord. For images and an analy- the inscriptions on the purple wool could have been sis of this mosaic with special attention to symbols of the incarna- intended to draw attention to the material’s symbolic tion (Mary’s belt and veil), see A. Terry and H. Maguire, Dynamic significance. Splendor: The Wall Mosaics in the Cathedral of Eufrasius at Poreč, Symbolic references to the purple are often made 2 vols. (University Park, 2007), 1:100–102, 133–36; 2: fig. 97. In in the Kokkinobaphos homilies and in the literary tra- the Annunciation miniature on fol. 55v of the ninth-century Pantokrator Psalter, Mary’s clothes and David’s chlamys are dark dition they follow. In his first four homilies Iakobos brownish red, which could be intended to represent a purple hue. describes the Virgin as the purple garment that will The wool Mary holds comes out of a gold chalice with the same dark dress the divinity of the Logos,19 or as the true veil of red interior (connecting the ancestor David with his daughter Mary the temple through which God will be revealed to the and the womb she offers for Christ’s incarnation). The wool itself is world.20 At the end of his fourth homily, he uses the rendered in dark blue, like the cushion on Mary’s golden throne. I assume the color here refers to another hue of imperial purple, which could also be taken to allude to the heavenly origin of Mary’s son (the 15 See n. 12 above. same blue, now mostly flaked off, appears on Gabriel’s clothing). For 16 Ἡ ἀπὸ τοῦ ναοῦ πρὸς τὴν Παρθένον παράδοσις τῆς πορφύρας. a color photo see Οι Θησαυροί του Αγίου Όρους, ed. S. Pelekanidis, Hutter, “Die Homilien” (n. 1 above), 157. Unless otherwise noted, all P. K. Christou, Ch. Mauropoulou-Tsioumi, S. N. Kadas, and C. translations are mine. Katsarou (Athens, 1979), 3:138, fig. 194. On fol. 3r of the ninth- 17 See below, n. 106. century cod. Paris. gr. 510, Mary is dressed in purple robes of dark brownish red and blue tones. The same two colors are used to depict 18 Ἐνεγκόντες οἱ ὑπηρέται ταῖς παρθέναις / τοῦ λαβεῖν ἔρια ἔλαχε the basket with wool between Mary and Gabriel, a symbol of the τῇ Μα/ριὰμ τὸ πορφυροῦν. Underwood, Kariye Djami (n. 9 above), Virgin’s body as container of the material of the incarnation. The 1:76. wool itself is rendered in blue tones, similar not only to Mary’s dress 19 Homily 1.2, PG 127:545D (the conception of the Virgin in but also to the background of the image (perhaps another reference Anna’s womb is hailed thus: “Today, the advent of the King of all to the heavenly provenance of the Virgin’s son). The basket with wool is heralded, as the royal garment of purple [Mary] is being woven”). stands on an altar, further reinforcing the references of the purple Homily 1.4, PG 127:549Α (the Logos will be dressed in the royal pur- material to Christ’s incarnation as the path to his salvific sacrifice. ple of humanity made by the blood of Joachim and Anna, i.e. the For a color image of the whole folio see J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, “Die Virgin’s flesh). Homily 2.11, PG 127:584C (Mary’s swaddling clothes byzantinische Kunst nach dem Ikonoklasmus bis zur Mitte des 11. are blessed for holding in them “the royal purple,” the Theotokos). Jahrhunderts: Miniaturen, Elfenbein, Goldarbeiten, Email, Glas, 20 Homily 3.9, PG 127:608D (during Mary’s entrance to the temple, Kristall, Stoffe,” in Kaiserin Theophanu: Begegnung des Ostens und the veil [καταπέτασμα] is lifted to make way for the living veil of the Westens um die Wende des ersten Jahrtausends, ed. A. von Euw and P. Logos, the Virgin [τὸ ἔμψυχον τοῦ Λόγου καταπέτασμα]). Homily 4, Schreiner (Cologne, 1991), 64, fig. 1. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 101r (Mary is the “royal purple, . . . the intelligible veil, dumbarton oaks papers | 68 270 Maria Evangelatou purple that Mary would spin for the temple veil as a humankind.23 This exegesis implicitly refers to the fact symbol of the incarnation: “Since the distribution of that Christ took his human nature from his mother: the work for the spinning of the thread [destined to the the Virgin’s production of the thread for the temple temple veil] was done by casting lots, God, who favored veil is a telling prefiguration of her weaving the true her [the Virgin] above all others, showed her superiority καταπέτασμα, her son’s body, in her womb. Indeed, right away. For the purple and the wool that was dyed Iakobos comments that by spinning the thread for the with kermesberry [scarlet] are assigned by lot to her, temple veil, the Theotokos was being prepared for the clearly revealing her royal status and the things to come mystery of the incarnation.24 in the future. This was a sign that Christ God the king Irmgard Hutter has commented on the symbol- of all would wear the purple garment of the flesh woven ism of the purple in the scene of the delivery of the from her and would elevate her as queen of all creation.”21 purple wool to the Virgin, relating it to Mary’s royal Later, Iakobos presents a symbolic interpretation of the status and to the interpretation of the veil as Christ’s temple veil in line with the exegetical tradition initiated body. She concluded that “die Purpurszene ist als in Hebrews (especially 6:19–20, 10:19–20) and further Vorspiel und Typos der Inkarnation zu verstehen.”25 It developed by various church fathers:22 the veil divid- is possible that a prominent iconographic detail in this ing the holy place from the holy of holies in the Jewish composition further highlights this layer of meaning. temple (τὸ καταπέτασμα) is a type of Christ’s body, The white cloth in which the Virgin holds the purple through which the heavenly kingdom is revealed to might be a sign of reverence for the precious material, but could it also indicate that the wool is the vener- the tabernacle of the high priest” “. . . τὴν βασίλειον ἁλουργίδα, . . . τὸ able body of Christ, and that it must be handled with νοητὸν καταπέτασμα, τὴν τοῦ μεγάλου ἀρχιερέως σκηνήν. . . .”) utmost respect? Nicholas Constas has suggested that 21 Emphasis mine. Vat. gr. 1162, fols. 109r–v. “Ἐπεὶ δὲ κλήρῳ τὰ in this miniature “Mary’s hands, draped with a white τῆς ἱστουργίας καθυπεβλήθη, ἔδειξεν εὐθὺς ὁ ταύτην ὑπὲρ πάντας linen cloth, receive the purple as if it were a Eucharistic προτιμήσας Θεὸς τὸ τῆς ὑπεροχῆς αὐτῆς ἀνεστηκός· ἥ τε γὰρ πορφύρα particle.”26 Although the purple thread is prominently καὶ τὸ ἐκ κόκκου βαμμένον ἔριον ταύτῃ κατακληροῦνται, ἃ τὴν βασίλειον ἐνέφαινον ἀξίαν καὶ τὸ μέλλον τρανῶς κατεμήνυον. / Ἐδήλου presented as a eucharistic symbol in the sixth hom- δὲ τοῦτο, ὡς ὁ παμβασιλεὺς Χριστὸς ὁ Θεὸς τὴν τῆς σαρκὸς ἁλουργίδα ἐξ ily (discussed below), when Mary returns the spun αὐτῆς ἀνυφάνας ἐνδύσεται καὶ βασιλίδα τῶν ἁπάντων κτισμάτων αὐτὴν yarn to the temple, this is not the case in the fourth ἀναδείξειεν.” homily. In addition, in both Byzantine tradition and 22 See, for example, John Chrysostom, In epistolam ad Hebraeos, liturgical commentaries, participants in the Eucharist PG 63:27, 229, In memoriam martyrum (spurious), PG 52:829–31; are expected to receive Christ’s body with uncovered Kosmas Indikopleustes, Christian Topography, ed. W. Wolska- Conus, Topographie chrétienne, 3 vols. (Paris, 1968–73), 2:47; John hands and the officiating priests holds the paten and of Damascus, Expositio fidei, 96, 4.23:61–64, ed. P. B. Kotter, Die chalice containing the Holy Gifts with bare hands, as Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos (Berlin and New York, 1973), did Christ at the Last Supper.27 Even if we assume that 226; Photios of Constantinople, Epistulae, 125:21–48, ed. B. Laourdas and L. Westerink, Photii patriarchae Constantinopolitani Epistulae 23 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 109v. “Τὸ γάρ τοι τοῦ καταπετάσματος ὄνομα et Amphilochia, 6 vols., Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et πολύσημόν τε ὂν καὶ διαφόροις ἐφαρμόζον τοῖς πράγμασι τὸ πάντων Romanorum Teubneriana (Leipzig, 1983–88), 1:163–64; Photios of κυριώτατον, ὧν ἐδήλου, ᾐνίξατο· αὐτό τε γὰρ δηλοῖ τὸ ἀποτέμνον Constantinople, Fragmenta in Lucam, PG 101:1226. For a discus- ἔνδον τὰ τοῦ ναοῦ ἅγια, τόν τε οὐρανὸν ἐμφανίζει καὶ τὴν σάρκα τοῦ sion of this exegetical tradition see H. Kessler, “Through the Temple σωτῆρος μηνύειε. Ἅπερ, οἷμαι, διὰ τὸ τὰ ἔνδον ἀποτειχίζειν οὕτως Veil: The Holy Image in Judaism and Christianity,” Kairos 32–33 εἰρῆσθαι· ὁ μὲν γὰρ οὐρανὸς τὰ ἅγια, ἡ δὲ σὰρξ τὴν θεότητα, ἃ δὴ τὸ (1990–91): 53–77, esp. 67–77; idem, “Medieval Art as Argument,” κατασκευαζόμενον, ὑπετύπου.” in Iconography at the Crossroads: Papers from the Colloquium 24 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 109v. “Λαβοῦσα τοίνυν ἡ πανακήρατος βασιλὶς Sponsored by the Index of Christian Art, Princeton University, 23–24 τὸ κληρωθὲν ἔργον πρὸς τὸ τοῦ καλουμένου μνηστῆρος δωμάτιον ἵετο. March 1990, ed. B. Cassidy (Princeton, 1993), 59–70; O. Hofius, Der Ἔνθα τῆς αὐτοῦ ἐργασίας ἐχομένη πρὸς τὴν τοῦ μυστηρίου κατηρτίζετο Vorhang vor dem Thron Gottes: Eine exegetisch-religionsgeschichtli- λειτουργίαν.” che Untersuchung zu Hebräer 6,19 f. und 10,19 f. (Tübingen, 1972); Evangelatou, “Purple Thread of the Flesh” (n. 5 above), 263–64, 25 Hutter, “Die Homilien” (n. 1 above), 158–59. nn. 14–17 (with more primary sources). See also Constas, Proclus of 26 Constas, Proclus of Constantinople, 327, n. 29. Constantinople (n. 5 above), 325–29, for the metaphorical use of the 27 See, for example, K. Corrigan, Visual Polemics in the Ninth- temple veil by Iakobos of Kokkinobaphos. See also the many com- Century Byzantine Psalters (Cambridge, 1992), 58, with reference to ments by Constas, “Icon Screen” (n. 5 above). Byzantine sources. Also S. Gerstel, Beholding the Sacred Mysteries: dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 271 Mary’s pose and gesture resemble those of a Christian as wrapping for transporting it to her home.30 On receiving Holy Communion, it seems unlikely that the the other hand, in the miniature of Mary’s journey to white cloth in which she accepts the purple wool makes Elizabeth’s house, the Virgin’s lunch rests on a similar a eucharistic reference. white textile on her lap (fig. 27). Hutter has convinc- An alternative eucharistic reading is possible: in ingly argued that this scene has a eucharistic meaning, Byzantine culture Mary is often compared to the altar given the homily passage’s references to human salva- on which Christ’s body is offered to the faithful.28 Thus tion through Mary’s offspring, the paradisiacal charac- the white textile could be understood as an altar cloth ter of the miniature landscape, and the figs on Mary’s receiving the eucharistic gifts with Christ’s body sym- lap, which are often identified by Christian authors bolized by the purple wool. On the one hand, a similar as the forbidden fruit.31 In other words, the illustra- white textile appears as an entirely functional object in tion suggests that the fruit of Mary’s womb will allow household scenes in other Kokkinobaphos miniatures, humanity to return to the paradise lost through Eve’s so it is possible that here, too, it plays a practical role.29 eating of the forbidden fruit. Even though this minia- Perhaps it is a carefully chosen narrative and picto- ture appears in the sixth homily, in the interpictorial rial detail without Christological meaning, meant to context of the Kokkinobaphos miniatures, it could still enhance the visibility of the precious wool, visualize suggest that the white cloth in which Mary receives the the reverence with which Mary receives it, and serve purple wool in the fourth homily makes a eucharistic reference, presenting her as the altar table of the salvific fruit, Christ’s body. However, the visual features of the Programs of the Byzantine Sanctuary (Seattle and London, 1999), two miniatures should also be considered (compare 54–57. She mentions that by the eleventh century a change was intro- figs. 17 and 27). While Mary’s seated posture in the duced in Byzantine eucharistic practice: the laity would receive the miniature to the sixth homily suggests a table prepared bread mixed with wine (in the chalice) from a spoon, while the clergy for a meal (fig. 27), this is not the impression given by would receive the body and blood of Christ separately, as had previ- her upright body in the miniature to the fourth homily ously been the case for the laity as well. The representation of the communion of the apostles in Byzantine churches reflects the latter (fig. 17). So perhaps here the miniaturist did not have practice and usually depicts the apostles with uncovered hands. It in mind the eucharistic references found in the sixth should also be mentioned that in Byzantine iconography Mary usu- homily and its illustration. ally holds Christ or objects that symbolize him (like the purple wool Of course a lack of intention on the part of the or a book) with bare hands: this reflects her incomparable status as his mother, the purest of all creation, who contained the uncontain- miniaturist does not mean that the Byzantine audi- able in her womb. For the same reason she was compared to the liv- ence of the Kokkinobaphos codices did not apply cul- ing tongs that held the divine coal, but were not burned by its fire turally appropriate readings to conspicuous details of (Isaiah 6:6). See, for example, Ledit, Marie dans la liturgie, 69–70; the images in the context of the homilies, themselves Eustratiades, Ἡ Θεοτόκος ἐν τῇ ὑμνογραφίᾳ, 40–41 (λαβὶς) (both dense with theological references and symbols. Indeed n. 12 above). Some textual and visual examples are mentioned by Linardou, “Depicting the Salvation” (n. 1 above), 146–47, nn. 60 and 62. Isaiah’s vision of the tongs and burning coal is also depicted in 30 It should be noted that the cloth on the table holding the bun- the two Kokkinobaphos manuscripts (discussed below); and Mary is dles of colored wool to be assigned to the other virgins is covered described at least four times as the tongs of the divine coal in the text with a white textile similar to the one in Mary’s hands (red and blue of the Kokkinobaphos homilies (2.6, 3.11, 5.11, 6.16, PG 127:567C, stripes close to the edge, identical white fringe, fig. 17). Such a visual 612A, 641D–644A, 677C). connection might enhance the practical significance of this nar- 28 See, for example, Eustratiades, Ἡ Θεοτόκος ἐν τῇ ὑμνογραφίᾳ, rative detail in the context of the image: the priests provide Mary 79 (τράπεζα). with both the wool and its protective wrapping. On the other hand, 29 A similar cloth appears beneath a water jug or a food container could the table in front of the priests indicate the possible eucha- in the hands of a maid and lying on a corner of a banquet table in ristic connotations of the scene, alluding to an altar table with the the house of Joachim and Anna in both Kokkinobaphos hom- eucharistic gifts, as in the reading proposed by Constas? Even if that iliaries (cf. fig. 6). A maid with a similar textile under a food con- were the case, the white textile held by Mary does not correspond to tainer appears at Elizabeth’s house in the Vatican codex (fig. 30). Byzantine eucharistic practice, though it visually connects the mate- Vat. gr. 1162, folios 29r, 38v, 44v, 46v, 159r (Stornajolo, Omelie di rial she holds to the altar-like table in front of the priests; in that Giacomo monaco [n. 1 above], pls. 9, 14, 17, 18, 67); Paris. gr. 1208, sense, Byzantine viewers might have perceived eucharistic allusions folios 38v, 52v, 61r (Omont, Minatures des homélies [n. 1 above], pls. in the scene. For more possibilities see below. IV, VII, VIII). 31 Hutter, “Die Homilien” (n. 1 above), 182–85. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 272 Maria Evangelatou Byzantine viewers, immersed in a culture in which ronment, interpretations that a modern scholar might subtle interrelated references within and across media tentatively suggest could have been quite apparent to were ubiquitous, might have read eucharistic allusions the original audience. It is part of the power of visual in the image on the basis of their own rich intertextual creations operating within a living tradition to accom- and intervisual experiences.32 The sophisticated word- modate messages that might not have been intended by and-image interconnections in the Kokkinobaphos the original producers, but were “activated” by viewers. manuscripts, as discussed below, are a supreme example of what could be called the textintervisual character- Gideon’s Fleece istic of Byzantine culture.33 In such a dynamic envi- and the Kokkinobaphos Frontispieces 32 Since “intertextuality” was coined by Julia Kristeva to indi- The scene of the delivery of the purple to the Virgin is cate how the meaning of a text (either intended by the author or con- followed by a full-page frontispiece to the fifth homily, structed by the reader) is shaped through cross-references to other on the annunciation, presenting the miracle of Gideon’s texts, the term has been extensively used and discussed and many fleece, narrated in Judges 6:36–40 (fig. 18):34 related terms (like metatextuality or hypertextuality) have been intro- duced by scholars to specify with more subtlety the possible inter- actions among texts. The same concept applied to images or visual Gideon said to God, “If you will save Israel culture gave rise to the terms “interpictoriality” and “intervisual- by my hand as you have promised—look, I ity” (for example, to denote cross-references between the miniatures will place a wool fleece on the threshing floor. of a codex or the murals of a church, or between pictorial represen- If there is dew only on the fleece and all the tations in different monuments [interpictoriality]; or to indicate ground is dry, then I will know that you will cross-references between different visual media, for example film and painting, or religious ritual and pictorial iconography [intervisual- save Israel by my hand, as you said.” And that ity]). The literature on the application and significance of these terms is what happened. Gideon rose early the next is extensive and constantly being augmented, and the various rami- day; he squeezed the fleece and wrung out the fications and subtleties of the operation of these “inter-functions” is dew—a bowlful of water. Then Gideon said to well beyond the scope of this article. One concept I find particularly significant is that in the mind of the producers, participants, or con- God, “Do not be angry with me. Let me make sumers of culture, these cross-references operate both consciously and just one more request. Allow me one more test subconsciously, considerably amplifying the depth and complexities with the fleece. This time make the fleece dry of cultural phenomena. And in the mind of scholars who study them, and the ground covered with dew.” That night what is (or should be) of central importance is not simply the identi- God did so. Only the fleece was dry; all the fication of the cross-references but investigating why they arise and how they create meaning. Some representative literature on inter- ground was covered with dew. textuality: J. Kristeva, Desire in Language: A Semiotic Approach to Literature and Art (New York, 1980); G. Agger, “Intertextuality This incident was interpreted by the church fathers as Revisited: Dialogues and Negotiations in Media Studies,” Canadian a type of the virginal conception, the fleece being the Journal of Aesthetics 4 (1999): http://www.uqtr.uquebec.ca/AE/ womb of the Theotokos upon which fell the morning vol_4/gunhild.htm (accessed 31 Oct. 2014). On interpictoriality: C. Hahn, “Interpictoriality in the Limoges Chasses of Stephen, Martial, and Valerie,” in Image and Belief: Studies in Celebration of the to highlight the broader implications of the “visual” versus the “pic- Eightieth Anniversary of the Index of Christian Art, ed. C. Hourihane torial” (so as to include all forms of visual expression and communi- (Princeton, 1999), 109–24; W. Johnstone, “Interpictoriality: The cation, such as ritual, dress codes, and other types of performative Lives of Moses and Jesus in the Murals of the Sistine Chapel,” in actions). I believe that the term “iconotext,” which is used in schol- Sense and Sensitivity: Essays on Reading the Bible in Memory of arship to denote word-and-image relationships, is lacking this kind Robert Carroll, ed. A. G. Hunter and P. R. Davies (London, 2002), of breadth. See the discussion by L. Louvel, Poetics of the Iconotext 416–55; M. A. Rose, Pictorial Irony, Parody, and Pastiche: Comic (Aldershot, 2011). For the rich word-and-image relationship in the Interpictoriality in the Arts of the 19th and 20th Centuries (Bielefeld, pages of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries, in which these two modes 2011). On intervisuality (described as the intertextuality of the of expression and communication complement each other like the visual), see N. Mirzoeff, “Intervisuality,” in Exploding Aesthetics, ed. warp and weft of an intricate textile, see, for example, Linardou, A. W. Balkema and H. Slager (Amsterdam, 2001), 124–33. “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts Revisited” (n. 1 above). 33 In tentatively introducing this term to denote a combined 34 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 110v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, operation of intertextuality and intervisuality, in a web of references pl. 46); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 149v (Omont, Miniatures des homélies, within and across media, I intend to emphasize the equal significance pl. XVIII). Discussed by Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 242–54, and of both textual and visual interrelations in cultural experience, and Hutter and Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 59–60 (all n. 1 above). dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 273 dew, a symbol of the descent of the Holy Spirit for One objection to this reading might be that in the incarnation of the divine Logos.35 As Hutter Byzantine culture Gideon’s fleece was commonly inter- observes, Gideon’s fleece often appeared among the preted as a prefiguration of the annunciation,38 and the Old Testament types of the Virgin in Byzantine lit- tabernacle was one of the most common Old Testament erature, but it is not mentioned in Iakobos’s homi- types of the Virgin.39 Thus there is no need to look for lies.36 The miniature, however, complements the text a special connection between the fifth and sixth fron- in a most meaningful way. It is likely that the selec- tispieces and the spinning of the purple thread in the tion of this scene as a frontispiece at this place in the miniatures of the annunciation. But this tradition sequence of miniatures was carefully planned so that does not mean that Gideon’s fleece would have been the reader would relate the purple wool for the temple the automatic choice for a typological frontispiece to veil (the theme of the previous miniature and symbol an annunciation homily, nor would the tabernacle of Christ’s body) with Gideon’s woolen fleece (symbol have been automatically selected to introduce the sixth of Mary’s womb, where Christ would put on the veil homily. Indeed references to the Virgin-tabernacle are of human nature). In turn, the fleece could be related so frequent in the six Kokkinobaphos homilies that the to the following miniatures illustrating the homily tabernacle could easily have been used as the frontis- on the annunciation, where Mary is repeatedly shown piece to the second, third, fourth, or fifth homily.40 At spinning the purple wool while being told that she is the same time, other Old Testament types of Mary that destined to weave the purple garment of flesh for the refer to her virginity or the incarnation—the burn- Logos Incarnate (cf. figs. 19–20, 22–23). These minia- ing bush, the holy mountain from which came a rock tures are followed by the full-page frontispiece to the uncut by human hands, or the closed gate—were well sixth homily (fig. 24), which depicts the tabernacle known in Byzantine literature and could have been of the Old Testament, in other words a precious veil used instead of Gideon’s fleece as the frontispiece to the that was considered a prefiguration of the Virgin as fifth homily.41 By the twelfth century, the burning bush container of God, but also a symbol of Christ’s body, was well established as a Marian type in the liturgy cel- received from his mother in order to veil his divinity ebrating the annunciation,42 and the holy mountain and make it visible to human eyes.37 The visual transi- was well known as a Marian prefiguration in the visual tion from Gideon’s woolen fleece to the purple thread arts.43 Given that Gideon’s fleece is not mentioned in spun by the Virgin to the woven veil of the tabernacle specifically highlights the principal theme of the incar- 38 See n. 35 above. nation as the weaving of Christ’s body in the Virgin’s 39 See, for example, Eustratiades, Ἡ Θεοτόκος ἐν τῇ ὑμνογραφίᾳ, womb: the mother of the Lamb provides wool from her 71–72 (σκηνὴ); Ledit, Marie dans la liturgie, 77–78. fleece, spins the thread, and weaves the veil that will 40 See Homily 2.6, 2.11, 2.19, PG 127:576C, 584C, 596Β. Homily 3.9, 3.10, PG 127:609Α–B. Homily 4, Vat. gr. 1162, folios 88v, 98r–v, dress her son. 101r–v, 105r–v. Homily 5.2, 5.22, PG 127:632C, 657Α. 41 See Ledit, Marie dans la liturgie, 68, 90–94, and Eustratiades, Ἡ Θεοτόκος ἐν τῇ ὑμνογραφίᾳ, 12 (βάτος), 53 (ὄρος), 67–68 (πύλη). 35 See Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 243–44, and Hutter and Canart, 42 In the tenth-century Typikon of the Great Church, Exodus Das Marienhomiliar, 60. Also, Ledit, Marie dans la liturgie, 78–79; 3:1–8 (the episode of the burning bush) is the first reading at the Eustratiades, Ἡ Θεοτόκος ἐν τῇ ὑμνογραφίᾳ, 63 (πόκος) (both n. 12 liturgical celebration of the annunciation, preceding Psalm 71:6–7 above); A. Kartsonis, Anastasis: The Making of an Image (Princeton, (which refers to Gideon’s fleece). Le typicon de la Grande Église: ms. 1986), 192, n. 107; Corrigan, Visual Polemics (n. 27 above), 76–77. Sainte-Croix n° 40, Xe siècle, ed. and trans. J. Mateos, OCA 165–66, The last two discuss Psalm 71, which was considered prophetic of the 2 vols. (Rome, 1962–63), 1:254. incarnation and the annunciation because it mentions the fleece and 43 The mountain producing the rock uncut by human hands was the dew, and was illustrated with these scenes in the Byzantine mar- already visualized as a Marian type in the Byzantine marginal psal- ginal Psalters. This psalm is also mentioned in the inscription that ters of the ninth century (Chludov Psalter, fol. 64r) and the elev- accompanies the two Kokkinobaphos frontispieces with Gideon enth century (Bristol Psalter, fol. 105v, with reference to Mary in (“Ὁ Γεδεὼν καὶ ὁ πόκος· διὸ καὶ ὁ Δαβίδ λέγει· καταβήσεται ὡς ὑετὸς the inscription and not the illustration; Theodore Psalter, fol. 84r; ἐπὶ πόκον.” See also Hutter, Die Homelien, and Hutter and Canart, and Barberini Psalter, fol. 110v). See Corrigan, Visual Polemics Das Marienhomiliar. (n. 27 above), 37–40, figs. 50, 52; S. Der Nersessian, L’ illustration des 36 Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 243. psautiers grecs du Moyen âge, Londres, Add. 19.352, Bibliothèque des 37 See the comments by Constas, “Icon Screen,” (n. 5 above). Cahiers archéologiques 5 (Paris, 1970), 38, pl. 46; J. C. Anderson, dumbarton oaks papers | 68 274 Maria Evangelatou any of the six Kokkinobaphos homilies, it is fair to ask way for the ascent to heaven seen in the previous fron- whether there are reasons other than its traditional tispiece. Above the image of the ladder, Jacob is seen exegetical association with the annunciation that it was taking off his boots to cross the River Jordan, which used as the frontispiece. I believe Gideon’s fleece was demarcates the promised land, the earthly antetype chosen because of its connection to the symbolism of of the paradise lost to humanity by Adam and Eve. the purple wool spun by the Virgin. A brief overview Through the new Eve/Mary, the new Adam/Christ of the selection process for the other Kokkinobaphos will open to humanity a new, heavenly paradise. So in frontispieces may further support this suggestion. Christian thinking, every step that leads the biblical All the frontispieces in the Kokkinobaphos homil- chosen people closer to the Old Testament promised iaries seem to have been selected according to a carefully land symbolizes the progression of the incarnation that thought-out plan. The frontispiece to the first homily will lead the real chosen people, the Christians, back to (on Mary’s conception in Anna’s womb, fig. 2) depicts the heavenly Eden.47 the ascension of Christ.44 According to Hutter, this For this reason, the third homily, on Mary’s en- image acts as the frontispiece to all the homilies, which trance to the temple, is preceded by an image of Moses praise the Virgin as the instrument through which God and the burning bush, a critical step in the return of the came to earth in order to raise human nature back to Jews to the promised land (fig. 14).48 Here, the follow- heaven. This is exactly what happens at the ascension, ing analogy seems to be intended: while in the homily when Christ returns to heaven as both perfect God Mary is hailed as the instrument of the forthcoming sal- and perfect man, and his mother looks toward him and vation and liberation of humankind from the bondage prays for the salvation of all humankind.45 of sin, and is accepted on the holy ground of the temple The frontispiece to the second homily, on Mary’s as the holiest container of all, in the frontispiece, Moses birth (fig. 5), represents Christ ready to descend to learns on the holy ground of the burning bush (which the world through Jacob’s ladder, a well-known Old prefigures the incarnation through Mary) about the Testament type of the Theotokos.46 As Hutter has forthcoming liberation of the Jews from their Egyptian observed, the birth of Mary is the first step toward the slavery, and their journey to the promised land.49 birth of Christ, and his descent to earth prepares the The frontispiece to the fourth homily, on Mary’s betrothal to Joseph, takes us one step further (fig. 15): it makes reference to the greatest Jewish king, Solomon, P. Canart, and C. Walter, The Barberini Psalter, Codex Vaticanus Barberinianus Graecus 372 (Zurich and New York, 1989), 96. For an who ruled the promised land, built the temple, and was overview of biblical types of Mary in Byzantine art see D. Mouriki, also an antetype of Christ. In the illustration, Jesus is “Αι βιβλικαί προεικονίσεις της Παναγίας εις τον τρούλλον της shown lying on Solomon’s couch, guarded by the sixty Περιβλέπτου του Μυστρά,” Ἀρχ.Δελτ. (1970): 1:217–54, pls. 72–93; valiant ones mentioned in the Song of Songs (3:7–8).50 Underwood, Kariye Djami (n. 9 above), 1:223–37: T. Papamastorakis, “Η ένταξη των προεικονίσεων της Θεοτόκου και της Υψώσεως του Σταυρού σε έναν ιδιότυπο εικονογραφικό κύκλο στον Άγιο Γεώργιο 47 The connection between the promised land (demarcated by Βιάννου Κρήτης,” Δελτ.Χριστ.Ἀρχ.Ἑτ. 14 (1987–88): 315–23. See also Jordan) and paradise (demarcated by four rivers rather than one, as Linardou, “Depicting the Salvation” (n. 1 above), for a discussion of seen also in two miniatures of the second Kokkinobaphos homily) Jacob’s ladder, the burning bush, the couch of Solomon, and Isaiah’s is made by Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 226–29 and Hutter and Canart, vision of the burning coal in the Kokkinobaphos miniatures. Das Marienhomiliar, 27. For further discussion of this frontispiece, 44 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 2v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, pl. which has been unjustly misunderstood as an unsuccessful composi- 1); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 3v, Miniatures des homélies, pl. I. Discussed tion, see below, 304–9. in Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 24–45; Hutter and Canart, Das 48 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 54v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, Marienhomiliar, 19–21 (all n. 1 above). pl. 21); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 73v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, 45 Hutter and Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 19–21. pl. X). Discussed in Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 229–33; Hutter and 46 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 22v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 40–41. pl. 7); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 29v (Omont, Miniatures des homélies, 49 In Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 228, and Hutter and Canart, Das pl. IV). Discussed in Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 223–29; Hutter and Marienhomiliar, 40, Moses taking off his shoes in front of the burn- Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 26–27. For examples of Mary as the ing bush is compared to Jacob taking off his shoes on the banks of ladder in Byzantine literature see Ledit, Marie dans la liturgie, the Jordan. 66–67, and Eustratiades, Ἡ Θεοτόκος ἐν τῇ ὑμνογραφίᾳ, 36 (κλίμαξ) 50 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 82v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, (both n. 12 above). pl. 32); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 109v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 275 According to Christian exegesis, this couch is Mary’s her betrothal to Joseph (the subject of the homily) was body, the nuptial bed on which Christ’s human and a means of safeguarding the purity of God’s virginal divine natures would be united through the descent of mother and bride. the Holy Ghost, without the intervention of a man.51 The subject matter and iconographic details of the In the Kokkinobaphos frontispiece this nuptial bed, first four frontispieces of the Kokkinobaphos homiliar- a symbol of Mary’s virginity, is shown bearing Christ, ies were clearly chosen to emphasize the progression of and therefore proclaims that the Theotokos is exclu- the incarnation and of human salvation through Mary sively his bride.52 The underlying message might be that as Theotokos. And since all four specifically relate to the central message of the accompanying homilies (or pl. XIV). Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 233–41; Hutter and Canart, Das all the homilies, in the case of the first frontispiece), it Marienhomiliar, 48–50. is likely that the last two frontispieces do as well. Just as 51 See Linardou, “Couch of Solomon” (n. 1 above), 73–85, esp. Gideon’s fleece is thematically connected to the annun- 76–77, n. 17, with reference to Marian homilies by Andrew of Crete ciation in the fifth homily (fig. 18), there must be a con- and Tarasios of Constantinople. I thank Linardou for giving me a nection between the sixth homily and the image of the copy of her article even before it was published. It is the latest and tabernacle that serves as its frontispiece (fig. 24). The most comprehensive study on the Couch of Solomon frontispiece and contains all the previous bibliography on the subject. Linardou selection of the fifth and sixth frontispieces could be connects this frontispiece and the accompanying exegetical text in explained by the fact that they focus on the theme of the two Kokkinobaphos homiliaries to Eirene’s interest in the Song the fleece-wool and the tabernacle-veil, making them of Songs and its Christian interpretation. Linardou does not inves- especially meaningful in the series of miniatures that tigate why the Marian type of the couch was chosen specifically for starts with the delivery of the purple wool to Mary Iakobos’s fourth homily (dedicated to Mary’s betrothal). However, in a later publication (“Depicting the Salvation” [n. 1 above], 143) she and ends with the delivery of the purple yarn back draws a connection between the frontispiece and the theme of the to the temple, and along the way includes images of related homily: “Mary’s betrothal to Joseph in the sermon is juxta- threads and other veils as symbols of the incarnation posed with her mystical nuptial union with her Son and Bridegroom.” (figs. 17–25). Likewise there are visual and conceptual 52 Although the bride is not interpreted as a type of the Virgin interrelations among the first four frontispieces and in Byzantine exegetical literature on the Song of Songs before the fourteenth century (Linardou, “Couch of Solomon,” 77), such an miniatures appearing before or after them.53 interpretation is present much earlier in Byzantine Marian litera- It is worth noting that the frontispieces to the sec- ture. For example, in the fifth century Proklos of Constantinople ond, third, and fourth homilies present Old Testament says in his Oratio 6, De laudibus S. Mariae, 17, PG 65:756B: “Αὕτη types of the Virgin on which Christ’s image is depicted ἡ καλὴ τῶν ᾈσμάτων νύμφη, ἡ τὸν παλαιὸν χιτῶνα ἀποδυσαμένη, καὶ even though Mary does not yet bear him in her womb τοὺς νομίμους πόδας ἀποπλυναμένη, καὶ μετὰ αἰδοῦς τὸν ἄφθαρτον νυμφῶνα ἐν τῷ αὐτῆς ταμιείῳ ὑποδεχομένη.” Moreover, since Christ in the stages of her life discussed in the corresespond- is the groom (νυμφίος) and Mary is generally called the bride (νύφμη) ing homilies. But for the twelfth-century producers in Byzantine literature, she can be understood as his bride; but she is and users of the Kokkinobaphos manuscripts, the also the bride of God the Father, since she gave birth to his Son. Both incarnation had been eternally preordained through meanings can be implicit in phrases in which Mary is addressed the wisdom of divine providence, had been prefig- as “Θεόνυμφε” “Νύμφη Θεοῦ ἀνύμφευτε” “θεονύμφευτε” “νύμφη ἄμωμος” and the like (as, for example, in Joseph the Hymnographer’s ured and prepared in the Old Testament, had been Mariale, PG 105:1165D, 1185B, 1192A, 1276D, 1289B, 1305D, 1308A, historically accomplished through the birth of Christ, 1313C, 1389C, 1393B, 1409B). In other cases Mary is specifically and was perpetually experienced in the daily lives of mentioned as bride of either the Son or the Father (for examples see Christians through faith and religious practice. Thus Eustratiades, Ἡ Θεοτόκος ἐν τῇ ὑμνογραφίᾳ [n. 12 above], 49–50). In it would have made perfect sense to them that Christ the twelfth century, Neophytos of Paphos frequently refers to the Theotokos both as Christ’s bride and as the Father’s bride. See E. Μ. Toniolo, “Omelie e catechesi mariane inedited di Neofito il Recluso 53 For example, see the relation between Jordan and the rivers of (1134–1210 c.),” Marianum, ephemerides mariologiae 36 (1974): 184– paradise (figs. 5 and 7), or Jacob and Moses taking off their shoes 315, esp. 218, 234 (Homily on Mary’s entrance in the Temple, 5.142– on holy ground (figs. 5, 14), as suggested by Hutter (nn. 47 and 54, 14.420–22), 262 (Homily on the Annunciation, 18.405), 264, 49 above), or the appearance of the sixty valiant ones around the 270 (Homily on Mary’s Dormition, 1.21–22, 4.123–25), 296 (Homily couch of Solomon and around Mary as she walks toward the temple on Mary’s Nativity, 1.21–22), 330 (Catechesis on Mary’s Entrance in and when she is protected from demons in the temple (figs. 15–16; the Temple, 1.20–22), 292, 294 (Catechesis on Mary’s Dormition, Linardou, “Couch of Solomon,” 77–81, figs. 1–3, with reference to 1.6–7, 3.54). previous literature). dumbarton oaks papers | 68 276 Maria Evangelatou appears on Jacob’s ladder, in the burning bush, and on Gideon’s Fleece: Solomon’s couch even before the homilies deal with the A Link between Adam and Mary annunciation. It is significant that the Old Testament protagonists of the frontispieces do not see Christ’s A meaningful interrelation exists between Gideon’s image: Jacob turns his back to the apparition of Christ fleece (fig. 18) and Adam’s and Eve’s lamentation after at the top of the ladder,54 Moses faces away from their expulsion from paradise in the illustration of the Christ-Emmanuel in the burning bush, and Solomon second homily (fig. 10).56 In the latter scene, Adam is not even depicted in the fourth frontispiece. These and Abel are dressed in sheepskins of the same color iconographic choices reflect a theme explicit in the and texture as Gideon’s fleece, while Eve and Cain, the homilies: the Old Testament prophets were eager to negative figures in the first family, are distinguished by experience the incarnation and hoped it would happen sheepskins of a greenish rather than bluish color. This during their lives, but they predated the age of grace.55 is the only instance in the two manuscripts in which It was the exclusive privilege of Christians, like the Adam and Eve are dressed in sheepskins rather than in producers and users of the Kokkinobaphos homiliar- robes, or the leaves used to cover their nakedness imme- ies, to experience the truth of the incarnation through diately after the Fall (figs. 7, 8, and 10).57 The sheepskins the holy texts, images, and rituals of their faith, after seem to have been used to emphasize the progenitors’ the Virgin had become Theotokos (God-bearer) and disgrace after their expulsion from paradise: animal Meter Theou (Mother of God) and Christ had taught furs are not as refined as woven textiles, so they visu- and ministered to humanity in person. This para- alize an intermediary stage in the uneasy transition mount privilege, defining of Christian identity, was from paradisiacal bliss to the trappings of civilization. presented to the eyes of the Byzantine readers of the In addition, animal skins are products of sacrifice and Kokkinobaphos homiliaries, who looked upon the death, a condition that affected humans after the fall, image of Christ, while the Old Testament protagonists and led to the incarnation of the Logos so that through remained unaware of him. his death and sacrifice as the Lamb of God humanity It is also worth noting that when the Virgin is could reenter paradise. These concepts are relevant finally pregnant with the Logos Incarnate in the nar- to the story of Cain and Abel illustrated in the same rative of the fifth and sixth homilies, the frontispieces Kokkinobaphos miniature (fig. 10). Abel’s sacrifice of present Marian types that do not include Christ’s image. As the truth of the incarnation is described as 56 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 36v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, a historical reality in the unfolding of the textual nar- pl. 12); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 49v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, rative, the miniatures elaborate further. They do not pl. VΙ). Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 277–86; Hutter and Canart, Das simply visualize the reality of the incarnation through Marienhomiliar, 31–32 (all n. 1 above). images of Christ, but instead emphasize its material- 57 In the miniature of their expulsion from paradise (figs. 7–8), the ity and present its fabric: the wool and veil, Gideon’s first parents initially appear naked (when being tricked by the snake), fleece, and Moses’s tabernacle are used as symbols of the and then dressed in leaves. See Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 35r (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, pl. 11); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 47r (Omont, investiture of the Logos in the mantle of human flesh Homélies du moine Jacques, pl. V). Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 276–77; prepared by his mother. This theme of textile produc- Hutter and Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 30–31. After the fall, in the tion makes significant references to female agency that miniature discussed here (fig. 10), Adam and Eve first appear covered would have been important to the sebastokratorissa, as in leaves (upper part of the composition) and then dressed in sheep- I will discuss later on. For the moment I will examine skins (central part of the composition). They appear dressed in robes in the following scenes: Adam and Eve lamenting in Hades; Adam additional visual and textual evidence from the manu- and Eve rejoicing in Hades as Mary walks toward the temple; Adam scripts that corroborates the Christological interpreta- and Eve following Christ out of Hades and entering paradise, where tion of sacred fabrics. they venerate Mary. See Vat. gr. 1162, folios 30v, 62v, 48v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo Monaco, pls. 10, 25, 19); Paris. gr. 1208, folios 41r, 80r, 66v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, pls. V, XI, IX). For the 54 In the Vatican copy. In the Paris Kokkinobaphos Jacob’s body attire of Adam and Eve in the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries and in is turned toward Christ, but the patriarch is not looking at his divine Byzantine art generally (where the first parents appear dressed either descendant on top of the ladder. in sheepskins or woven clothes in scenes following their fall), see also 55 Homily 2.2, PG 127:568C–569B. Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 285–86. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 277 a lamb is favorably received by God (top right), which tion and sacrifice of the Son of God. According to a causes the jealous Cain to kill his brother (bottom long literary tradition—with its roots in the Bible and right). The alignment of the two episodes suggests that the exegesis of the early church fathers—those cloth- the death of Abel, the first in human history, prefigures ing metaphors refer to the old Adam as the one who the ultimate sacrifice of Christ the Lamb as ransom for lost his robe of glory at the fall, and to the new Adam human salvation.58 (Christ) as the one who wore the body of the first Adam The similarity between Adam’s clothes of shame, in order to restore the robe of glory to mankind.60 The Abel’s lambskin of innocence, and Gideon’s fleece description of Mary as the one who clothed Christ of grace also might have been intended to underline in the purple of the flesh originates from this literary the connection between Adam’s sin and its abolition tradition.61 In the clothing metaphors referring to her through the advent and sacrifice of Christ, the new role in the incarnation, the relationship between the Adam.59 Such an interpretation is corroborated by old and new Adam is often brought into focus. When the extensive use of clothing metaphors, both in the she clothed the Logos in a human body, the nudity of Kokkinobaphos homilies and Byzantine literature gen- Adam and Eve was amended: the skins they wore after erally, to describe the disgrace caused by the fall and the the fall were replaced by the robe of glory God had ini- grace bestowed on human nature through the incarna- tially bestowed upon human nature.62 58 For the eucharistic significance of Abel’s sacrifice to God (and therefore its connection to Christ’s own sacrifice on the cross) see 60 See S. Brock, “Clothing Metaphors as a Means of Theological n. 114 below. In the Paris Kokkinobaphos the murder of Abel has Expression in Syriac Tradition,” in Typus, Symbol, Allegorie bei a sacrificial overtone: Cain does not kill him with the usual stone den östlichen Vätern und ihren Parallelen im Mittelalter, ed. or a club, but with a knife, an exceptional occurrence in the sur- M. Schmidt (Regensburg, 1982), 11–40, repr. in idem, Studies in viving Byzantine imagery. Anderson suggests that this detail illus- Syriac Christianity: History, Literature, and Theology (Aldershot, trates Adam’s laments about Eve’s submitting to temptation with the 1992), art. XI; idem, “The Robe of Glory: A Biblical Image in the exclamation: “How could you fail to recognize the sharpened knife Syriac Tradition,” The Way 39 (1999): 247–59. Also, M. Aubineaude, drawn against us?” Anderson also observes that Cain’s and Abel’s ‘‘La tunique sans couture du Christ: Exégèse patristique de Jean 19, postures, the one standing, the other kneeling with hands bound 23–24,’’ in Kyriakon: Festschrift Johannes Quasten, ed. P. Granfield behind his back and head tilted backwards as the knife touches his and J. A. Jungmann, 2 vols. (Münster, 1970), 1:111–16; Constas, throat, resemble the iconography of animal sacrifice and the near “Weaving the Body of God,” 180–81; idem, Proclus of Constantinople, sacrifice of Isaac by Abraham (“Illustrated Sermons” [n. 2 above], 318, with extensive references to previous literature (both n. 5 above). 79–81). I believe that in these two sacrificial parallels, which both See also E. Haulotte, Symbolique du vêtement selon la Bible (Paris, allude to Christ’s own sacrifice, we might identify a profound theo- 1966), and, more recently, A. Cras, La symbolique du vêtement dans logical message: Abel was the first innocent victim in human history la Bible: Pour une théologie du vêtement (Paris, 2011). and the first casualty of death; Christ was the ultimate innocent vic- 61 For an anthology of Byzantine texts in which Mary is described tim, submitting to death in order to defeat it and eliminate what as the one who clothed Christ in the veil of human nature (fre- Abel experienced in the beginning of time (in other words, Christ quently with specific reference to the purple garment of flesh), see is both the new Adam and the new Abel). The chromatic similar- Evangelatou, “Purple Thread of the Flesh” (n. 5 above), 265–66, ity between Gideon’s fleece (as a reference to Christ) and Abel’s nn. 33–35. lambskin underlines this connection between the Old and the New 62 In the following examples, the investment of Christ in the Testament sacrifices that encompass the history of human salvation. robe of human nature, and Mary’s role in the incarnation, are Since Linardou has proven that the Paris Kokkinobaphos was pro- described as the remedy for Adam’s or humanity’s nudity or for their duced after the Vatican manuscript and was probably destined for being clothed in robes of disgrace: Akathistos Hymn, oikos 13, line Iakobos (see below, 291–92), it is possible that the novel iconogra- 16, PG 92:1341D (for a more recent edition with English transla- phy of Abel’s murder was invented by the author of the homilies to tion and commentary see L. M. Peltomaa, The Image of the Virgin enhance the theological implications of the miniature. Mary in the Akathistos Hymn [Leiden and Boston, 2001], 12–13); 59 In the context of this interpretation, the choice of color for the John Chrysostom, In incarnationem domini (spurious), PG 59:695; lambskin might be particularly significant: the use of blue in the Proklos of Constantinople, Oratio 4, In natalem diem domini, PG case of Adam, Abel, and Gideon to refer to the new Adam could 65:712D–713A; Germanos of Constantinople, In S. Mariae zonam, also allude to Christ’s identity as king of heaven. On the contrary, PG 98:373C, In praesentationem SS. Deiparae, PG 98:304D; Cosmas the green used for Eve and Cain might suggest a connection with the Hymnographer, Hymni, PG 98:493B; George of Nikomedeia, the earth, the realm of human punishment after the fall. Compare In SS. Mariae praesentationem, PG 100:1416BC, 1417B; Photios of the green color of the earthly landscape in the Lamentation compo- Constantinople, On the Annunciation (1§7), On the Annunciation sition, especially around the three lower episodes that illustrate the (2§7), ed. B. Laourdas, Ὁμιλίαι (Athens, 1959), 61:10–11, 81:33–82:3, first crime and death in human history (fig. 10). English translation by C. Mango, The Homilies of Photius, Patriarch dumbarton oaks papers | 68 278 Maria Evangelatou In this literary tradition, wool is often specifically Mary’s flesh is identified with both Gideon’s miraculous mentioned in the symbolic imagery describing the fleece and with Adam’s sheepskin (an obvious symbol of clothing of the Logos in the garment of human nature. human nature), because the Theotokos was both mirac- For example, in his Canons, Andrew of Crete refers to ulously pure and human. Without this connection the Theotokos as the one who produced or dyed in pur- between fleece and sheepskin (the Virgin’s pure nature ple “the wool of the incarnation.”63 According to John and human nature), the incarnation of the Logos and of Damascus, she is “the wool of virginity” from which the salvation of humanity would not have been possible. the robe of the incarnation was produced.64 Joseph the Christ, the lamb born from the fleece/Mary, sacrificed hymnographer refers to Anna as the shell producing the himself so that Adam’s sheepskins of disgrace—the purple dye (Mary), by which “the wool of the incarna- garments he wore to cover his sinful human nature— tion of the King was colored.”65 would be replaced by his original robes of glory. In the In Byzantine tradition, the most elaborate wool/ miniatures of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries, the sim- fleece/sheepskin metaphors on the incarnation are ilarities between Gideon’s fleece and Adam’s sheepskins found in the fifth-century homilies of Proklos of Con- are a perfect illustration of Proklos’s metaphor. stantinople, which have been insightfully studied by The homilies by Iakobos of Kokkinobaphos are Nicholas Constas.66 These orations are particularly pro- prolific in their clothing metaphors. Adam’s lamenta- lific in the typological interpretation of Old Testament tions over his fall in the second homily, for example, passages as references to Mary, and remained popular visualized in the miniature that presents him and and influential in later centuries.67 In his first homily Eve dressed in sheepskins (fig. 10), contain many such dedicated to the Virgin, Proklos defines the Theotokos references: because of his sin, he who was once deco- as the fleece of the heavenly dew (an obvious reference rated with glory is left naked and stripped of grace;69 to Gideon’s fleece). In her body, the robe worn by Christ he who was dressed with royal power is now robed in to unite divine and human nature was woven from the skin; he who was honored in the beauty of his creator’s wool of “Adam’s ancient sheepskin.”68 In other words, image as if in purple, is now covered in the shame of of Constantinople (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), 121, 148; Joseph the Hymnographer, Mariale (n. 52 above), 1045C, 1100D–1101A, 1144C, τοῦ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ὑετοῦ καθαρώτατος πόκος, ἐξ οὗ ὁ ποιμὴν τὸ πρόβατον 1220A. ἐνεδύσατο. . . . ὁ φρικτὸς τῆς οἰκονομίας ἱστὸς, ἐν ᾧ ἀῤῥήτως ὑφάνθη ὁ 63 The Virgin is “ἡ πορφυρὶς ἡ τὸ ἔριον βάψασα τῆς ἀποῤῥήτου τοῦ τῆς ἑνώσεως χιτών· οὗπερ ἱστουργὸς μὲν τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον· ἔριθος δὲ, Λόγου σαρκώσεως,” Canon in B. Annae Conceptionem, PG 97:1316B. ἡ ἐξ ὕψους ἐπισκιάσασα δύναμις· ἔριον δὲ, τὸ ἀρχαῖον τοῦ Ἀδὰμ κῴδιον· In Canon in B. Mariae Nativitatem, PG 97:1320A, Andrew κρόκη δὲ, ἡ ἐκ Παρθένου ἀμόλυντος σάρξ· κερκὶς δὲ, ἡ ἀμέτρητος addresses the Virgin as “τὴν ἄσπιλον ἀμνάδα, τὴν τὸ ἔριον Χριστῷ τοῦ φορέσαντος χάρις· τεχνίτης δὲ, ὁ δι’ ἀκοῆς εἰσπηδήσας Λόγος.” μόνην ἐκ κοιλίας σου προσαγαγοῦσαν τὴν ἡμῶν οὐσίαν.” According to this text, Mary is “the purest fleece of the heavenly dew, from which the shepherd clothed himself with the sheep . . . the 64 “Χαῖρε, ὑάκινθε τὸ φλογοφανὲς τῆς παρθενίας ἔριον ἐξ οὗ awesome loom of the divine economy on which the robe of union μυστικῶς τῷ Θεῷ ἱερούργηται ἄμφιον σωματώσεως.” Homilia II was ineffably woven. The loom-worker was the Holy Spirit; the in Nativitatem B. V. Mariae, PG 96:693D. In this passage John wool-worker the ‘overshadowing power from on high’ (Luke 1:35). of Damascus identifies the Virgin with “πορφύρα” “βύσσος” and The wool was the ancient sheepskin of Adam; the weft was the spot- “ὑάκινθος,” which are three of the four words used in Exodus to less flesh of the Virgin. The weaver’s shuttle was propelled by the describe the material of the tabernacle (26.1, 3). immeasurable grace of him who wore the robe; the artisan was the 65 “Ὁ κόχλος Ἄννα προήγαγε πορφύρα, τὴν τὸ ἔριον βάψασα τῆς Word who entered in through the sense of hearing.” This transla- σωματώσεως τοῦ Βασιλέως. . . .” Mariale (n. 52 above), 988A. tion is based on ibid., 136:20–31, 319, with minor differences. Most 66 Constas, Proclus of Constantinople (n. 5 above). importantly, I translate κώδιον as sheepskin rather than fleece, to dif- 67 See, for example, the reference to the loom of Mary’s body that ferentiate it from the word πόκος, which in the Greek text appears produced the mantle worn by Christ to mend the spoiled garment in conjunction with the dew descending upon Mary (and not with of Adam’s glory, Homilia in natalem diem domini, 2, PG 65:712C. Adam), and alludes to Gideon’s fleece. Critical edition and translation of the homily by Constas, Proclus 69 Homily 2.8, PG 127:580Α, where Adam laments that “τό τε of Constantinople, 226–37. The relevant passage appears at 230.55 ff. γυμνωθῆναι τῆς χάριτος, καὶ τῆς ἀφάτου τιμῆς ἀπορραγῆναι, καὶ εἰς 68 Oratio 1, De laudibus S. Mariae, 1, PG 65:681B. As Constas τὸ τῆς θνητότητος καταπεσεῖν ἐπιτίμιον, ἐπώδυνον αὐτῷ τὸν αἰῶνα has observed (Proclus of Constantinople, 134–35, 318–19), this pas- διετίθει.” Homily 2.9, PG 127:581Β, where Adam says of himself, sage contains one of the most elaborate weaving metaphors referring “ὁ τῇ δόξῃ ἐστολισμένος, γυμνὸς· ἄτιμος, ὁ τετιμημένος· ἐξόριστος ὁ to the incarnation in Byzantine literature. Mary is addressed as “ὁ βασιλεύς. . . .” dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 279 his disobedience.70 In the latter passage, the reference the idea that the robe put on by Christ in the Virgin’s to the purple/royal robe of glory lost by Adam further womb will replace Adam’s garments of shame. emphasizes the function of the purple wool spun by the In Byzantine theology and in the textintervisual Virgin as a symbol of the incarnation: she is preparing realm of the Kokkinobaphos homilies, Gideon’s fleece the new purple robe of humanity, worn by the second and the purple wool spun by the Virgin are of the same Adam to restore the first Adam to his original glory. physical substance,75 and symbolically refer to the same Additional clothing metaphors referring to the incar- sacred substance, the virginal flesh from which the true nation, to human salvation, or to the state of the human temple veil, Christ’s body, will be woven. Consequently, soul (as a pure or impure mantle) are found throughout in the sequence of miniatures that starts with the deliv- the homilies.71 In addition, at least three times Iakobos ery of the purple to the Virgin and continues with calls the Virgin ἀμνάς (ewe, female sheep), since she is its spinning during the annunciation (figs. 17–23), the mother of the Lamb (ἀμνός, male sheep).72 It is also Gideon’s fleece could be perceived as the source of the explicitly said that as an ἀμνάς she produced the wool purple wool prepared by Mary for the temple veil. of human nature in which Christ was dressed.73 She is also called the sheep of golden wool, from which the The Tabernacle Veil Creator put on the robe of human nature in order to cover the nakedness of humankind and its disgrace, The tabernacle (fig. 24),76 another type-fabric of the tearing the robes of skin worn since the time of Adam incarnation and forerunner of the temple veil, appears and Eve and clothing the human race in its original dig- after the spinning of the purple thread and seems to nity and beauty.74 complete the sequence that begins with the fleece of These references to the Theotokos as the sheep Gideon. The objects represented in the holy tent and that produced the “wool of the incarnation” are analo- mentioned in the frontispiece’s inscription seem specifi- gous to her typological identification with Gideon’s cally selected to emphasize the connection between the fleece. The textual references to this “wool of the incar- tabernacle and the purple thread: the ark, the cheru- nation” as both the one with which Christ’s human bim, the jar of manna, the tablets of the law, and the body was woven and through which Adam’s original flowering rod of Aaron were kept behind the veil that robe of glory was restored seem to be reflected in the separated the holy of holies from the rest of the sacred Kokkinobaphos miniatures: the similarities between ground in the tabernacle.77 This veil was of the same Gideon’s fleece and the sheepskin worn by Adam in the scene of his lamentations after the fall vividly convey 75 Indeed, in his homilies, Iakobos describes the material entrusted to the Virgin for spinning as wool (“ἥ τε γὰρ πορφύρα καὶ τὸ ἐκ κόκκου βαμμένον ἔριον. . . ,” Homily 4, Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 109r), and calls her “woolworker” (“ἔριθον,” Homily 6.9, PG 127:669B). 70 Homily 2.9, PG 127:581Α, where Adam says of himself, “ὁ τὴν Likewise, in the fourteenth-century mosaic of the Chora Monastery βασίλειον περιβαλλόμενος ἐξουσίαν, τοὺς δερματίνους περιβέβλημαι in Istanbul, when Mary receives the purple from the temple priests χιτῶνας. Ὁ καθάπερ πορφυρίδι τῇ τοῦ κατ’ εἰκόνα σεμνυνόμενος the inscription clearly states that all the fibers distributed to the vir- ὡραιότητι, τῇ αἰσχύνῃ καλύπτομαι τῆς παρακοῆς. . . .” gins for the temple veil were of wool (“ἔρια,” see n. 18 above). See also 71 See Homilies 2.4, PG 127:573Α; 2.13–14, PG 127:588Α; 3.2, PG E. Wayland-Barber, Women’s Work: The First 20,000 Years; Women, 127:600C–601A; 6.19, PG 127:681Α. Cloth, and Society in Early Times (New York and London, 1994), 103, 72 Homily 3.10, 17, 25, PG 127:609Β, 617D, 625D. See also the fol- 132, 254, where for technical reasons related to the dying of threads, lowing two notes. it is suggested that the purple, scarlet, and blue parts of the taberna- 73 Homily 2.7, PG 127:577D. (The prophets and the just ask the cle veil (forerunner of the temple veil) were indeed woolen. Logos to bring forth Mary’s birth, through whom he will be incar- 76 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 133v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, nate to save them from death: “Παράγαγε τὴν ἄσπιλον ἀμνάδα, ἐξ ἧς pl. 58); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 181v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, τὸ τῆς φύσεως περιβαλλόμενος ἔριον, ὠραιότατος ἡμῖν ὀφθήσῃ τοῖς ἐν pl. XΧΙΙΙ). Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 254–65; Hutter and Canart, τῷ σκότει.”) Das Marienhomiliar, 69 (all n. 1 above). 74 Homily 2.18, PG 127:593CD. “Ὦ χρυσοέριε ἀμνάς, ἐξ ἧς ὁ 77 See Exodus 25:16 (Moses must put in the ark the testimonies of Κτίστης τὸ τῆς φύσεως ἐνδυσάμενος περιβόλαιον, τὴν ἐμὴν περιέστειλε God’s alliance, which include the jar of manna [Exodus 16:33–34], γύμνωσιν· τὸ τῆς αἰσχύνης περιεκάλυψεν αἶσχος· τοὺς δερματίνους the tablets of the law [Deuteronomy 10:5], and Aaron’s flowering rod διέῤῥηξε χιτῶνας· τὴν πρώην ἠμφίασεν εὐπρέπειαν· τὴν ὡραιότητα [Numbers 17:16]). According to Exodus 26:33–34 and 38:1–8, the ark τοῦ ἀρχετύπου περιέθηκε κάλλους.” is placed behind the veil of the holy of holies and is accompanied by dumbarton oaks papers | 68 280 Maria Evangelatou four colors that were used for the entire tabernacle tent;78 of Christ on the heavenly ladder and in the burning and it was the exact forerunner of the veil concealing bush in the second and third frontispieces (figs. 5, 14). the holy of holies in the Jewish temple, for which the Two more images of symbolic veils appear in this Virgin was spinning the purple.79 The cross at the top visual transition from fleece to tabernacle, further of the tabernacle, above the opening revealing the holy enriching the visual references to the incarnation as the of holies, further relates this precious fabric to the veil clothing of Christ in the purple of the flesh: the heav- of the Jewish temple: this cross alludes to the temple enly veil lifted to reveal the divine (fig. 21) and the man- veil torn at the time of the crucifixion,80 when God tle of the future investiture of Christ as Pantokrator was revealed to the world through the human body of after his ascension (fig. 23). In the following paragraphs Christ, the true temple veil that gives access to the true I discuss some examples of the rich textile symbolism holy of holies, heaven.81 This reference to divine revela- of these images. tion through the tearing of Christ’s veil of humanity is emphasized in the Kokkinobaphos frontispiece by the The Veil of Heaven fact that the tabernacle veil is divided to reveal the con- tents of the holy of holies, while in Jewish practice this The miniature following Gabriel’s first salutation to veil, both in the tabernacle and the temple, would be Mary depicts Isaiah’s vision of God and his purifica- lifted only once a year, exclusively for the high priest.82 tion through the burning coal (Isaiah 6:1–6). The Indeed, the Jews represented in the foreground do not Creator is represented as the Ancient of Days, or the see the sacred objects revealed by the parted taberna- Pre-eternal Logos (cf. Daniel 7:9–14), revealed behind cle. Only the Christian readers of the Kokkinobaphos the veil of heaven (fig. 21).83 As Hutter has observed, homiliaries see them, just as only they can see the image this miniature elaborates on biblical references and Iakobos’s homily on the annunciation by presenting the moment of the incarnation as the revelation of God through the human nature bestowed on him by the the two golden cherubim. According to Christian exegesis, all these Theotokos.84 According to the Mariological exegesis of objects were prefigurations of the Virgin as container of the Logos Isaiah’s vision in Byzantine textual and visual sources, Incarnate (see Ledit, Marie dans la liturgie [n. 12 above], 71–78). The lower part of the Kokkinobaphos frontispiece discussed here shows the Virgin is the tongs that carry the burning coal the miracle of Aaron’s flowering rod. without being burned, and offer it to humankind for 78 Compare Exodus 26:1 and 26:31 for the similar colors of the the purification of its sins.85 Central to the theologi- whole tabernacle and the veil of the holy of holies. See also Hutter, cal message of this miniature is the heavenly veil, lifted “Die Homilien,” 255. to reveal God. In both Jewish and Christian tradition, 79 In the sixth Kokkinobaphos homily, when the high priest this is the archetype of the temple veil, dividing the vis- receives the spun purple from the Virgin’s hands, he uses the word “tabernacle” (σκηνή, see n. 114, below) to describe the temple. This ible from the invisible sky as the temple veil divides the reference further enhances the interrelation between the various holy place from the holy of holies.86 Bearing in mind sacred spaces and enclosures of the Jewish tradition, as well as the connection proposed here between the purple thread prepared by the Virgin for the temple veil and the tabernacle depicted in the fron- 83 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 119v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, tispiece to the sixth homily. pl. 52); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 162r (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, 80 Matthew 27:51; Mark 15:38; Luke 23:45. pl. XXI). 81 For this exegetical tradition, followed also by Iakobos of 84 Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 168–71, 342–57; Hutter and Canart, Kokkinobaphos, see above, 270. This is only one of the possible Das Marienhomiliar, 64–66. See also Linardou, “Depicting the interpretations of the cross above the tabernacle. Another allusion Salvation,” 145–48 (all n. 1 above). could be to the tabernacle as antetype of the Christian church and its 85 See n. 27 above. sanctuary. Elements of the Kokkinobaphos miniatures that allude 86 For an analysis of this idea see N. Gioles, “ Ἡ Ἀνάληψις τοῦ to this transition from the Old to the New Testament through the Χριστοῦ βάσει τῶν μνημείων τῆς Α΄ χιλιετηρίδος” (Ph.D. diss., incarnation will be discussed in my forthcoming monograph. For an University of Athens, 1981), 152–55, with further bibliography, of extensive analysis of the symbolic relationship between the taberna- which note especially T. Klauser, “Der Vorhang vor dem Thron cle and Christ’s body, as well as the tabernacle and the sanctuary of Gottes,” JbAC 3 (1960): 141–42. See also Hutter, “Die Homilien,” Christian churches, see Constas, “Icon Screen” (n. 5 above). 349–54; Hutter and Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 65. Also Constas, 82 Leviticus 16:29–34, cf. Hebrews 9:6–7. “Icon Screen.” dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 281 the Pauline exegesis of Christ’s body as the temple veil ones protecting the couch of Solomon, i.e. Mary, in the through which Christians can enter the heavenly king- fourth frontispiece (fig. 15).91 In other miniatures of the dom (Hebrews 10:19–20), it is easy to see the heavenly Kokkinobaphos homiliaries the same guardians sur- veil in the miniature as a symbol of the incarnation of round the Virgin in her human form (fig. 16).92 Their the Logos through which God was revealed not only to representation around the heavenly veil suggests that his highest angelic powers and his prophets, but finally this, too, is a symbolic depiction of the Theotokos as to the entire world.87 According to Hutter, there is a bearer of Christ, and that the angels who protect Mary conceptual link between the heavenly veil and the pur- in other miniatures are the same heavenly creatures ple thread the Virgin spins for the temple veil in the who stand close to the throne of God—a clear sign of previous and following miniatures.88 Seen together, the her incomparable status. purple thread and the heavenly veil signify the investi- Second, the representation of the lifted veil as ture of the Logos in the purple of the flesh for the rev- the visible heaven relates it to the rich Byzantine liter- elation of God to the world.89 ary tradition that describes Mary as heaven or wider The Christological meaning of the purple thread than heaven because she contained the Sun of Justice, and the heavenly veil is also Mariological, in the sense the creator of heaven whom heaven itself cannot con- that Christ took on human nature from his mother. It tain.93 At the beginning of his homily on the annuncia- is with her own blood that Mary prepared the purple tion, Iakobos describes the Theotokos as “the highest thread with which she wove the body of Christ. Her and living sky that mysteriously incarnated the one flesh became her son’s through the intervention of who extended heavens as skin and circumscribed it the Holy Spirit that united her pure humanity with as a tent.”94 Toward the end of the same homily the the supreme divinity of the Logos in Jesus Christ. This bond between Mary and her son is ingeniously “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts Revisited”), I take the details of that visualized in this Kokkinobaphos miniature through miniature to represent the iconographic intentions of the plan- the lifted veil that reveals the Pre-eternal Logos. The ner and miniaturist. According to my calculations, there are thirty star-studded curtain is a symbol not only of Christ’s angels above and thirty below the veil (excluding the cherubim, ser- human nature, through which divinity is made visible aphim, and archangels around God’s throne: unlike the rest, they bear halos). In this count of sixty I include faces that are partly vis- to human eyes, but of Mary as the container of Christ ible (portions of facial features, such as eyes or mouth, discernible and the weaver of his human body. Two elements reveal behind the complete faces). I do not count faces that are visible only this Mariological dimension: first, the sixty angels as a neck and chin or the top of the head and hair (without facial fea- surrounding the veil are depicted without halos and tures), of which I see three in the top group, above the veil, and one standing mostly in pairs,90 exactly like the sixty valiant more below the veil. It seems that in his effort to depict so many faces in such a small space, the miniaturist might have gone over by a few heads, but sixty are clearly visible. 87 See n. 22 above. 91 Hutter mentions that the pairs of angels around the heavenly 88 Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 354–56. veil look at each other like the angels around Solomon’s couch, but 89 For the symbolism of veils as vehicles of divine or imperial rev- she does not elaborate further on the connection between the two elation in ancient and medieval cultures and the influence of this miniatures (Hutter and Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 64). Hutter, idea on the Christian use of veils as symbols of the incarnation, see “Die Homilien,” 171, mentions the myriad angels in Daniel’s vision Evangelatou,“Purple Thread of the Flesh” (n. 5 above), 264–65, with of God as another reference made by this miniature (Daniel 7:10). references to further literature, among which note H. Papastavrou, 92 For the representation of the sixty valiant ones around the “Le voile, symbole de l’Incarnation: Contribution à une étude couch of Solomon, around the Virgin on her way to the temple, and sémantique,” CahArch 41 (1993): 141–68, esp. 156–61; B. A. Siegerl, inside the sanctuary see Linardou, “Couch of Solomon” (n. 1 above), Der Vorhang der Sixtinischen Madonna: Herkunft und Beduteung 77–81, figs. 1–3, with references to previous literature. eines Motivs der Marienikonographie (Zurich, 1977); J. K. Eberlein, 93 See, for example, Eustratiades, Ἡ Θεοτόκος ἐν τῇ ὑμνογραφίᾳ “The Curtain in Raphael’s Sistine Madonna,” ArtB 65 (1983): 61–77, (n. 12 above), 54, “οὐρανός,” and the following quotations from esp. 65–70, figs 10–11. See also Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 348–56. Iakobos’s homilies. 90 The miniature in Vat. gr. 1162 (fig. 21) is larger and allows for 94 Homily 5.2, PG 127:632C. “Σήμερον ὁ ὑπέρτατος καὶ ἔμψυχος a more accurate counting of the angels’ faces than does the minia- οὐρανὸς τὸν ἐκτείναντα τὸν οὐρανὸν ὡσεὶ δέῤῥιν, καὶ ὡς σκηνὴν ture in the smaller Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 162r, whose details are not eas- αὐτὸν περιαγαγόντα, σαρκούμενον ἀποῤῥήτως συνέχει. Σήμερον ἡ ily discernible in the reproduction in Omont, Homélies du moine ὁλόφωτος νεφέλη, τὸν τῆς δικαιοσύνης ἥλιον ἐγκολπωσαμένη, φαιδρὰς Jacques, pl. XXI. Since the Vatican copy was made first (Linardou, τῷ κόσμῳ τὰς μαρμαρυγὰς ἐξήπλωσε. Σήμερον ἡ ἀληθινή σκηνή, οὐ dumbarton oaks papers | 68 282 Maria Evangelatou Theotokos is again hailed as “our glorious sky” and illustration of the homily on the annunciation, the as “the highest sky through which we enjoy the heav- event that initiated the physical weaving of Christ’s enly treasures.”95 In the passage of the annunciation body with the thread of Mary’s blood. homily in which the Marian type of the tongs is men- tioned, the Virgin is called “the heaven from which The Pantokrator’s Mantle rose the Sun of Justice (Christ).”96 Similar metaphors are employed throughout Iakobos’s Marian homilies.97 The final miniature of the annunciation homily elabo- In the context of this miniature, the heavenly veil con- rates on the idea of the bond between mother and son taining the sun is analogous to the tongs that held the through another ingenious reinterpretation of the pow- coal: both are symbols of the Theotokos bearing Christ. erful fabric symbolism of the incarnation: it juxtaposes But, again, the veil is an even more multidimensional the thread spun in Mary’s hands and the finished veil symbol of the relationship between mother and son. As lying on the heavenly throne, awaiting the return of a reference to the fabric of the incarnation, it alludes the Logos Incarnate (fig. 23).98 Before this image, the to their common human nature: their bond is visual- Kokkinobaphos homiliaries include several miniatures ized through the wondrous textile that stands both for in which Mary speaks with Gabriel and finally accepts Mary as the container of the creator of heaven and for her role in the incarnation, all the while spinning the Christ as heaven made visible and accessible through purple thread—an act symbolic of the creation of being invested with her flesh. This visual interpreta- Christ’s body in her womb (cf. figs. 20, 22).99 In the final tion of Isaiah’s vision is particularly appropriate as an annunciation miniature (fig. 23), Mary continues to spin as she looks toward heaven, where Gabriel returns διὰ συμβόλων καὶ τύπων τὸν νομοδότην, ἀλλά, ὡς αὐτὸς ηὐδόκησεν, and a host of angels venerate the throne prepared for οὐσιωδῶς εἰσδέχεται, καὶ πᾶσι τὸν τοῦ Πνεύματος διαγορεύει νόμον.” Christ. According to Hutter, the mantle on the throne In this passage, heaven is described as a tent/tabernacle and Mary is refers to the future ascension of Christ and his investi- referred to as both the heaven/cloud and the tabernacle. All these expressions parallel closely the way heaven is depicted in Isaiah’s ture as king of the world.100 In other words, it alludes vision (40:22), as both the firmament and a veil. to the concluding moment of the incarnation, when the 95 Homily 5.22, PG 127:657A. (Iakobos says to Gabriel, after the human nature put on by the Logos will be dressed in the annunciation) “ Ἴθι, τοῖς οὐρανίοις ἀπάγγειλον τὴν τοῦ ἡμετέρου glory of the Pantokrator.101 Although Hutter does not οὐρανοῦ δόξαν· ἴθι, τὰ τῆς εὐρυχωροτέρας καὶ τιμιωτέρας αὐτῶν διήγησαι σκηνῆς παράδοξα·” Once more, the Virgin is described as both (wider than) heaven and as tabernacle, i.e., veil, comparable 98 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 130v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, to the veil of heaven in Isaiah’s vision. Iakobos also hails Mary thus pl. 57); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 177v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, (Homily 5.22, PG 127:657C): “χαῖρε, ὑπερκείμενε οὐρανέ, δι’ οὗ τῶν pl. XXII) (both n. 1 above). οὐρανίων κατατρυφῶμεν θησαυρῶν.” 99 Vat. gr. 1162, fols. 115v, 118r, 122r, 124r, 126r, 127v (Stornajolo, 96 Homily 5.11, PG 127:644Α. Mary is “ὁ τὸν τῆς δικαιοσύνης Omelie di Giacomo monaco, pls. 49, 51, 53–56); Paris. gr. 1208, fols. ἥλιον ἀνατείλας ἡμῖν οὐρανὸς.” 157r, 160v, 165v, 168v, 171v, 173v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, 97 The first homily starts with such a metaphor (PG 127:544– pls. XIX–XXII). In all these miniatures Mary holds the raw wool 545A). Earth rejoices, for she receives upon her Mary, the sky with her raised left hand and the spindle with thread in her lowered brighter and more spacious than heaven, holding in her the Sun of right. This positioning of the hands suggests that she continues to Justice (Christ). At the Virgin’s birth (Homily 2.11, PG 127:584Β), work the material into thread. heaven rejoices at the arrival of the more spacious heaven (the 100 Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 175–76, 362–66; Hutter and Canart, Theotokos). She is “the heaven superior to heaven” (ὑπερουράνιος Das Marienhomiliar, 68 (both n. 1 above). Compare the idea found οὐρανὸς, Homily 2.19, PG 127:596Β). She is higher and wider than in Homily 4.2:47–49 by Proklos of Constantinople (on Christ’s heavens, more spacious than all creation, the abode of the Sun of Nativity), where the incarnation is described as an imperial adven- Justice (Homily 3.10, 17, 28, PG 127:609A, 617D, 632Α). Her soul tus, with Christ seated on the “richly appointed throne of the Virgin is wider than heaven and her virtues brighter than the sun (Homily Theotokos” and wearing the “seedless flesh” instead of a “consular 4, Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 107v). She is the multi-starred firmament, the toga” (Constas, Proclus of Constantinople [n. 5 above], 230 [text], sun from which the body of justice rose (Homily 6.4, PG 127:664C). and 319 [commentary]). The Kokkinobaphos miniature discussed Earth is more beautiful than heaven for housing the Virgin, brighter here seems to employ the same metaphors to refer not to the begin- than the sun and the sky (Homily 6.16, PG 127:677C). She is a taber- ning but to the culmination of the incarnation, the glorification of nacle more spacious than heaven, a heaven wider than heavens, hold- human nature through the Logos Incarnate. ing in her the Creator as if she were the sky (Homily 6.19, 32, 34, PG 101 Of course Christ is the manifestation of the divine in the 127:681Β, 693Α, 696ΑΒ). human, his two natures united from the first moment of his dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 283 suggest it, her observations indicate a direct connection In other words, while both Isaiah’s vision and between the spun thread and the woven veil depicted the last annunciation image employ textile metaphors at the two ends of the diagonal axis of the composition. to refer to the incarnation, their visual vocabulary has As the Virgin spins the thread and looks at the veil, significant differences that reflect central aspects of she guides our attention from one to the other, as if to the theology of the incarnation: Mary contained the indicate that they are the starting and ending points of divine, Christ is divine. Mary is the ladder through the divine plan of salvation; the spun thread, the begin- which Christ descends to earth; the tongs holding the ning of the incarnation, will lead to the woven veil, the divine coal for the purification of human lips disgraced fulfillment of the incarnation’s goal: the clothing of by the fruit of sin; the loom that weaves from her own human nature in the glory of the new Adam. flesh the veil revealing heaven to human eyes. But The heavenly veil in the miniature of Isaiah’s finally the finished veil is detached from the maternal vision appears right after Gabriel’s first salutation to loom and Christ acts on his own divine accord, becom- Mary, and therefore emphasizes the shared human ing the path of humanity’s return to paradise. The nature of mother and son: the same star-studded cur- Marian ladder brings heaven to earth, so that Christ’s tain stands for the bodies of both. The royal veil lying divinely imbued body can take earth back to heaven. on the throne prepared for the ascent of Christ at the Indeed, the final annunciation miniature employs tex- end of the annunciation homily refers to the culmi- tile imagery to refer to the material fulfillment of the nation of the incarnation. This image thus highlights incarnation through the Virgin, but the emphasis is no the link between mother and son through the motif longer on her role as the ladder of heavenly descent, but of thread and textile, but also visualizes their differ- on the agency of God as the actor of earthly ascent.103 ence through the red yarn of flesh that makes visible This does not diminish in any way the contribution the blue fabric of heaven. The juxtaposition of spun of the Theotokos to human salvation, it simply puts thread and finished veil symbolizes the transference it in its proper theological perspective: she is most of humanity from Mary to Christ. At the same time it honored in all of creation, but she is not the creator; emphasizes the essential difference between the body she is the instrument of salvation, but not the savior; of the mother, the provider of the thread of human flesh, and the body of the son, the unique human tex- Compare the reference of Proklos of Constantinople mentioned in tile destined to clothe the divine. The purple thread in note 100 above. Mary’s hands is depicted in the same intense red that 103 Both Mary’s gaze and Gabriel’s flight toward the heavenly makes it stand out as a symbol of the incarnation in all throne emphasize the notion of ascent. In addition, earth and heaven are united not through the Marian ladder but through the the Kokkinobaphos miniatures, while the veil await- glow of light-reflective gold that can be considered symbolic of ing the return of Christ to heaven is deep blue against divine presence. For a discussion of light-reflective gold as a sym- the red cushions of the throne: she holds in her hands bolic nexus between material and spiritual realms through divine a symbol of her earthly humanity, which is the throne intervention (the agency of light), and references to further litera- on which heavenly divinity is presented to the world so ture, see M. Evangelatou, “Between East and West: The Symbolism of Space in the Art of Domenikos Theotokopoulos (El Greco),” that human nature can return to paradise.102 in Renaissance Encounters: Greek East and Latin West, ed. M. S. Brownlee and D. Gondicas (Princeton, 2012), 151–52, with further literature in n. 12, including B. Pentcheva, The Sensual Icon: Space, conception in Mary’s womb. This concept is inherent in the tex- Ritual, and the Senses in Byzantium (University Park, 2010), esp. tile symbolism of the incarnation: the human fabric contains and chaps. 4 and 5. Recent literature on light with occasional references through its actions reveals the divine essence behind it. But through to the symbolism of gold can be found in Hierotopy of Light and Fire the ascension of Christ, his human body physically enters paradise, in the Culture of the Byzantine World, ed. A. Lidov (Moscow, 2013). I marking the first return of human nature into the glory of Eden thank Jelena Bogdanovic for providing me a copy of this publication. since the fall, and heralding the return of humankind to its origi- See also H. Maguire, Nectar and Illusion: Nature in Byzantine Art nal birthplace, in both body and soul, after the final resurrection at and Literature (New York, 2012), 69–78, 90, 149–58, for references the end of time. to the golden background of Byzantine images (as opposed to land- 102 Indeed Mary is frequently described as Christ’s throne in scapes or architecture) as a symbol of the immutability of God and Byzantine literature, including the Kokkinobaphos homilies (e.g. of spiritual realities as opposed to the fleeting character of the world, 2.13–4, 2.19; PG 127:585C, 596B). See, for example, Eustratiades, nature, and physical human experiences. The author includes in this Ἡ Θεοτόκος ἐν τῇ ὑμνογραφίᾳ (n. 12 above), 28, “θρόνος”; 31 “καθέδρα.” discussion miniatures of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 284 Maria Evangelatou she is the human mother of God, but not herself divine. text and illustration present the Christological sym- It is her pure humanity that God used as the key of sal- bolism of the purple wool more emphatically than in vation, because without it he could not become human any other part of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries. The himself in order to die and rise again, defeating death writer observes that while the Theotokos was holding through death and restoring humanity to its original the purple thread, she was ignorant of the fact that in glory. The Theotokos has to be entirely human and her womb she was already weaving the royal purple of entirely pure, and it is this unique combination of ele- Christ’s body.107 In other words, Iakobos repeats that ments that raises her to the incomparable status of the the purple is a type of the mystery of the incarnation. Mother of God.104 The Kokkinobaphos homiliaries Moreover, in the following lines he mentions the high do not undermine her role in any way, as has been sug- priest of the temple and introduces an important nov- gested in the past.105 On the contrary, they glorify her elty in comparison to the apocryphal Protevangelion in theological terms appropriate for the economy of sal- of James, considered in Byzantine culture to be the vation, not simply as Mary, but as Theotokos. The last primary source for the events discussed here. While miniature I will examine offers further proof of this, according to this text the high priest at the time was through elaborate textile metaphors that emphasize the Samuel,108 Iakobos replaces him with Symeon,109 who Virgin’s motherhood in terms of the material produc- would receive Christ at his presentation in the temple.110 tion of the incarnation. Both in the text and in the miniature, Symeon receives the purple thread with covered hands as if it was the Mary Delivers body of Christ himself: his joy is comparable to the sen- timents attributed to him in Byzantine homilies on the the Purple Thread to the Temple presentation of Christ to the temple,111 and his posture Following the Tabernacle frontispiece to the sixth hom- is identical to the one he assumes when he holds Christ ily, the Virgin is represented collecting the spun thread, in Byzantine images of the presentation (fig. 26).112 walking toward the temple, and finally delivering the The textual references to the purple as a symbol of purple to the high priest (fig. 25).106 At this point, both Christ’s body are especially powerful in this part of the sixth homily. When Symeon sees the Virgin approach- ing, he exclaims that the sacrifices offered to God by 104 See the observations by Cross, “St Mary in the Christian East” Abel and Abraham were prefigurations of the offering (n. 5 above) for insightful comments on the importance of Mary’s motherhood in the economy of salvation, and especially the idea of the purple, which is more valuable and welcomed that she was exalted as Theotokos not only through the grace of God but through her own virtue, which rendered her a manifestation of human nature as God had intended it (esp. 9). 107 Homily 6.4, PG 127:664Β. 105 Linardou, “Depicting the Salvation” (n. 1 above), esp. 148–49, 108 Chap. 10, Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha (n. 9 above), 20. suggests that the representation of Christ instead of Mary on the Old Testament objects that appear as Marian prefigurations undermines 109 Homily 6.5, PG 127:664CD. her role. Linardou adds: “The typologies in the Kokkinobaphos 110 Luke 2:25–35. manuscripts epitomize Mary’s pronounced theological function as 111 Homily 6.7, 9, PG 127:665C/669B. “ Ὦ χαριεστάτης ἡμέρας, a medium and guarantor of the incarnation, yet this was not venera- ἥτις τὴν τοιαύτην συνήνεγκεν εὐφροσύνην! /. . . φόβῳ καὶ χαρᾷ τὴν tion of the Mother of God for her own sake, but more significantly εἰργασμένην [ὁ Συμεὼν] δέχεται πορφύραν. . . .” Symeon’s wonder and a theological argument in defense of the perfect, ineffable and inex- amazement at the mystery of the incarnation is expressed through- plicable unity of divinity and humanity in the person of Christ.” It is out his address to the Virgin, Homily 6.7–10, PG 127:665C–669C. precisely because of her motherhood that the Theotokos is so highly For Symeon’s joy upon receiving Christ in the temple, as described venerated in Eastern Orthodox theology, and not for her own sake. in Byzantine literature and represented in Byzantine art, see H. As the Mother of God she is the sacred vehicle of the incarnation Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium (Princeton, 1981), 84–90. and the most powerful intercessor on behalf of humanity. See the 112 For some examples, see H. Maguire, “The Iconography of insightful comments by Cross, “St Mary in the Christian East.” Symeon with the Christ Child in Byzantine Art,” DOP 34–35 106 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 142r (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo Monaco, (1980–81): 262–69, figs 1–14, and n. 2 (for previous literature on the pl. 62); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 189v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, subject). Hutter, “Die Homilien,” claims that the Kokkinobaphos pl. XXIV). Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 178; Hutter and Canart, Das miniature of the delivery of the purple back to the temple has no Marienhomiliar, 71. The caption of this miniature reads: εἰσκομιδὴ iconographic models, but its similarities to the iconography of τῆς προφύρας (introduction of the purple). Christ’s presentation to the temple suggest otherwise. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 285 than any other.113 Since the sacrifices of Abel and that when writing about the presentation of the purple Abraham were interpreted in Byzantine literature thread to the temple, Iakobos was inspired by Byzantine and visual culture as types of Christ’s crucifixion and homilies on the presentation of Christ in which the the Eucharist,114 this comparison elevates the purple event, often described in specifically eucharistic terms, thread to a symbol of Christ’s eucharistic body. When is seen to foreshadow Christ’s sacrifice.116 However, I Symeon takes the purple thread from Mary’s hands, he know of no other text in the whole corpus of Byzantine greets her as the source and container of that sacrifi- literature that contains such obvious and emphatic par- cial body by employing a series of symbolic images with allels between the presentation of the purple thread and obvious eucharistic significance: she is the vine provid- ing the grape (Christ) from which is produced the wine τοῖς μεθέξουσιν ὀφθήσεται.” The exaltation of Mary as a container of of immortality; which fills the krater of salvation that the Eucharist (because she holds Christ himself in or on her) is stan- offers incorruptibility; and she is the flourishing tree, dard in Byzantine literature, including the Kokkinobaphos homi- whose fruit becomes the nourishment of immortality lies. She is regularly compared to an altar, paten, chalice, krater, or for those who partake of the Eucharist.115 It is probable the golden jar of the manna (an Old Testament prefiguration of the Christian eucharistic vessels). See Ledit, Marie dans la litur- gie, 73–74; Eustratiades, Ἡ Θεοτόκος ἐν τῇ ὑμνογραφίᾳ, 17 (δίσκος), 113 Homily 6.9, PG 127:669B-C. “Τί τοιοῦτον ἐν τῷ περιωνύμῳ 38 (κρατήρ), 40 (κύπελλον), 73 (στάμνος), 79 (τράπεζα) (both n. 12 τούτῳ ναῷ ἀνετέθη τίμιον; Ποῖον οὕτω καθηγιασμένον κειμήλιον above). Relevant references from the Kokkinobaphos homilies ἐν τῇ ἁγίᾳ ταύτῃ καθιερώθη σκηνῇ; Τούτο παντὸς καλλιερήματος (not exhaustive) are: Homily 2.6, PG 127:567C; 2.19, PG 127:596Β; σεμνότερον, τοῦτο πάσης θυσίας ἱερώτερον, τοῦτο προσφορᾶς ἁπάσης Homily 3.9, PG 127:609Α; 3.11, PG 127:609C. For visual depictions εὐπροσδεκτότερον, ὑπὲρ τὴν Ἄβελ ἀπαρχὴν, ὑπὲρ τὴν Ἀβραὰμ of Mary as a eucharistic container in Byzantine culture see n. 14 ὁλοκαύτωσιν, ὑπὲρ ἅπαν ὁλοκάρπωμα διακαίων. Ὃ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι above (the chalice-like container of the purple wool with which τυποῦντες προέφερον, νῦν παραδόξως τελούμενον ἐν τῇ παναμώμῳ Mary is connected in the annunciation scenes of the Pantokrator προσκομιζούσῃ τοῦτο κατανοεῖται.” Psalter and the Euphrasian Basilica, or the altar on which appears 114 For example, in the Christian Topography (5.101–4, ed. Wolska- the purple wool, next to Mary dressed in the same color, in Paris. Conus, Topographie chrétienne [n. 22 above], 3:153–57), Abraham’s gr. 510); also Evangelatou, “Purple Thread of the Flesh” (n. 5 above), sacrifice is clearly described as a type of the crucifixion, while the 267–68. A more detailed treatment of this subject will appear in illustration of this passage emphasizes the eucharistic aspect of Evangelatou, “Byzantium’s Holy Grail: the Theotokos and the the event by depicting the altar in the shape of a chalice emitting Eucharist” (forthcoming). fire (cod. Vat. gr. 699, fol. 59r, cod. Sinait. gr. 1186, fol. 98r). See 116 See, for example Cyril of Jerusalem, In occursum Domini, PG K. Weitzmann and G. Galavaris, The Monastery of Saint Catherine 33:1192Β. Amphilochios of Iconium, De occursu Domini, PG 39:57A– at Mount Sinai: The Illuminated Greek Manuscripts, From the Ninth C. Gregory of Nyssa, De occursu Domini, PG 46:1160D–1161A, to the Twelfth Century (Princeton, 1991), fig. 160. The same exegesis 1165D, 1176A. Chrysostom, De occursu Domini (spurious), PG is presented, for example, in the sixth- and seventh-century mosaic 50:811. Cyril of Alexandria, Commentarium in Lucam, PG 72:501A– decoration of the churches of St. Vitale and St. Apollinare in Classe, C, 505C; idem, In occursum Domini, PG 77:1044D–1045A, Ravenna: both sacrifices (of Abel and Abraham) are depicted in the 1049B. Modestus of Jerusalem, In occursum, PG 86.2:3277A. sanctuary and the iconography emphasizes their eucharistic signif- Hesychios presbyter of Jerusalem, In praesentatione Domini, PG icance. See S. Schrenk, Typos und Antitypos in der frühchristlichen 93:1468C, 1469D–1472A. Leontios of Cyprus, In Symeonem, PG Kunst, Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 21 (Münster, 1995), 93:1580C. Andrew of Crete, In occursum, PG 97:1436B. Cosmas 14, pls. 2–3, 18. See also n. 58 above. the Hymnographer, In occursum, PG 98:512D. Theophylaktos of 115 Homily 6.7–8, PG 127:668B–C. “Ὦ τῆς τοῦ γένους εὐφορίας! Bulgaria, Enarratio in evangelium Lucae, PG 123:732A. Euthymios Εἰς ὅσον τὸν καρπὸν ἐπλεόνασεν! Ὑπερῇρε τὴν τῶν ἀγγέ λων Zigabenos, Commentarium in Lucam, PG 129:893B. See also the εὐθυνουμένην φύσιν τῷ μεγαλοφυεῖ τῆς καρποφορίας ταύτης spurious homily of Athanasios (attributed to George of Nicomedia, βλαστήματι. Ἐξέτεινε τὴν παραφυάδα ταύτην ἕως θαλάσσης, καὶ ἕως in Maguire, “Symeon with the Christ Child” [n. 112 above]), In οὐρανοῦ τὸ ἑαυτῆς ἀνέδωκε κλῆμα, τὴν ἀποτίστως φύουσαν ἄμπελον, occursum Domini, PG 28:980D, 996BC. For the connection between τὴν τῷ ἁγίῳ Πνεύματι πυκαζομένην, τὴν πιαινομένην τῇ χάριτι, τὴν τὸν Christ’s presentation to the temple and the crucifixion in Byzantine ἀγεώργητον καρποφοροῦσαν βότρυν, ἐξ οὗ τὸ τῆς ἀθανασίας ἀποθλίβεται art and literature see also Maguire, “Symeon with the Christ γλεῦκος, ἀφ’ οὗ τὸ τῆς μυστικῆς εὐφροσύνης προχέεται ῥεῖθρον, ἐξ οὗπερ ὁ Child,” esp. 266–69. See also Constas, Proclus of Constantinople σωτήριος πληρούμενος κρατήρ, ἀφθαρσίας τοὺς μεθέξοντας ἐμπλήσει. Ὦ (n. 5 above), 330–31; A. Weyl Carr, “The Presentation of an Icon at φυτοῦ τῶν οὐρανίων ἁψίδων ἐξικνουμένου, ὅπερ αὐτούς τε παρελάσει, Mount Sinai,” Δελτ.Χριστ.Ἀρχ.Ἑτ. 17 (1993–94): 239–48, esp. 245– καὶ πάσας νοερὰς ὑπερβήσεται δυνάμεις! Ὦ κατασκίου δένδρου τοῦ 47, for discussion of a homily on Christ’s presentation to the temple πᾶσαν λογικὴν κατακαλύψαντος φύσιν, καὶ παντὸς ὑπεραρθέντος by the twelfth-century Neophytos of Cyprus, where Mary’s offering νοουμένου ὑψώματος! ἐξ οὗπερ ὁ φυτουργὸς τῷ συγκεκαλυμμένῳ of Christ to Symeon is described in prominently eucharistic terms τρόπῳ, ὡς ἐκ δασέος ὄρους ἀνατελεῖ, καὶ συστελεῖ τοὺς τύπους εἰς τὴ (some of which are reminiscent of Iakobos’s description of Mary ἀληθείας κατάπαυσιν· οὗ μεταληφθησόμενος ὁ καρπὸς ἀθανασίας τροφὴ offering the purple). dumbarton oaks papers | 68 286 Maria Evangelatou the offering of Christ’s eucharistic body, which are both family with the privileges of a πορφυρογέννητη, a purw - accomplished through the Virgin. At this point in the ple-born princess,119 Eirene must have been familiar two Kokkinobaphos homiliaries, the previous textual with the complex symbolism of the precious purple.120 and visual references to the Christological symbolism As a woman, she knew that spinning and weaving of the purple thread and to Mary’s role as the weaver of were symbols of female virtue,121 which the Virgin, Christ’s body culminate in a powerful statement that the weaver of the incarnation, had “elevated in sym- leaves no doubt about the prominence of this evocative bols of universal salvation.”122 It is highly likely that symbolic concept in Byzantine culture. Iakobos of Kokkinobaphos, in collaboration with the Within the limits of this article I cannot present painter, wanted to address, cultivate, direct, or even all the arguments in support of my interpretations, nor flatter his female patroness’s awareness of the polyva- examine all the miniatures of the two Kokkinobaphos lent significance of weaving by orchestrating numer- manuscripts that relate to the theme of threads and ous textual and visual references to the fabrication of veils as symbols of the incarnation. My aim is to stimu- Christ’s purple mantle of humanity by the Theotokos.123 late interest in a multifaceted theme that I will fully The extent to which Eirene herself might have influ- address in a forthcoming monograph.117 However, enced the choice of subject matter and iconography in what has been said up to now allows me to proceed accordance with her own interests and aspirations is with two observations. While tracing the use of fleece, an intriguing question that remains open to specula- threads, and veils as symbolic of the incarnation, I iden- tion. In the second part of this article I would like to tified iconographic peculiarities and interrelations of make some observations that could shed light on the word and image that corroborate the opinion of Hutter, ways Eirene might have viewed a number of promi- Linardou, and other scholars on the close collaboration nent themes in the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries. I will of Iakobos with the illustrator of his two homiliaries.118 analyze evidence that supports the suggestion that she Moreover, the impressive concentration of spinning, commissioned the manuscripts, and I will discuss how veiling, and clothing imagery in both the text and the miniatures of these two codices is, I believe, unparal- 119 See n. 154 below. The Greek neologism πορφυρένδυτη reflects leled in any other monument of Byzantine art. Byzantine usage, such as χρυσένδυτος and cognates. This emphasis on the symbolism of the purple and 120 See n. 12 above. the weaving of Christ’s body by the Theotokos could 121 For the importance of spinning and weaving in the life of Byzantine women see Ph. Koukoules, Βυζαντινῶν Βίος καὶ be related to the identity of the commissioner, who in Πολιτισμὸς, 6 vols. (Athens, 1948–57), 2:12–16, 202–5; Constas, all probability was the sebastokratorissa Eirene: as a “Weaving the Body of God,” 18–88; idem, Proclus of Constantinople, πορφυρένδυτη, a purple-dressed member of the imperial 343–45, with further literature (both n. 5 above); E. Nardi, Né sole né luna: L’ imagine femminile nella Bisanzio dei secoli XI e XII, Fondazione Carlo Marchi, Quaderni 16 (Florence, 2002), 43–45; 117 Three more miniatures that will be discussed in a future pub- M. Fulghum Heinz, “Work: The Art and Craft of Earning a Living,” lication (for which see n. 4 above) are the headpieces of the fifth in Kalavrezou, Byzantine Women (n. 5 above), 140–41. See also and sixth homily, and the scene of the Annunciation at the Well Wayland-Barber, Women’s Work (as n. 75 above), esp. 101–26 with (for a brief mention of the latter see M. Evangelatou, “Το νήμα της reference to the Minoan and Mycenaean world and the Homeric Ενσάρκωσης: Ο συμβολισμός της πορφύρας στις εικονογραφημένες epics (references to traditions of the ancient world that lived on in ομιλίες του Ιακώβου Κοκκινοβάφου,” in Εικοστό πέμπτο συμπόσιο medieval societies). βυζαντινής και μεταβυζαντινής αρχαιολογίας και τέχνης, πρόγραμμα 122 Cf. Constas, Proclus of Constantinople, 317 ff., 332–38; και περιλήψεις εισηγήσεων και ανακοινώσεων [Athens, 2005], 37–38). Kalavrezou, Byzantine Women, 158, cat. no. 83, entry by A. Walker The conceptual links between the frontispiece miniatures and the and I. Kalavrezou. relevant homilies of the two codices, as well as the relationship of 123 Constas, “Weaving the Body of God,” 188–90, and idem, the spinning and weaving symbolism to the patroness Eirene and Proclus of Constantinople, 347–51, has made a similar proposal Byzantine female ideals and gender roles will also be discussed in regarding the homilies dedicated to the Virgin by Patriarch Proklos more detail in that monograph. of Constantinople, convincingly arguing that the patriarch’s exten- 118 Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 240–41, 396. Anderson, “Illustrated sive references to the weaving of Christ’s body in the Virgin’s womb Sermons” (n. 2 above), 101, says that Iakobos and the painter were were inspired by or related to the empress Pulcheria, a virgin who so successful in their collaboration “that at times it almost seems spent a large part of her time weaving in the seclusion of the palace, as if the same man both wrote and illustrated the book.” See also offering thus a sign of her bodily and spiritual dedication to Christ, Linardou, “Couch of Solomon” (n. 1 above), 75. in imitation of the Virgin Mary. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 287 they can be seen as sites of a dynamic presentation and In the following pages I assume that Eirene sebas- negotiation of female identity at the intersection of the tokratorissa was indeed the commissioner of at least the male producers’ conceptions and the female user’s per- Vatican Kokkinobaphos and I develop my gender anal- ceptions of the visual and textual material.124 ysis around her. I introduce this part of my exploration with a brief overview of previous arguments support- Part Two ing this hypothesis and present some new material. In addition, following Linardou’s observations, I explore Exploring Gender Constructs the idea of Iakobos as the possible recipient of the Paris The theological connotations of the thread and tex- Kokkinobaphos, in order to investigate further the tile symbols discussed above were deeply embedded in male-female dynamics operating on multiple levels in Byzantine culture and would have been apparent to any the Kokkinobaphos manuscripts. I examine significant Byzantine reader of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries. iconographic differences between the two homiliaries, However, textile production, which was inextricably ones that create subtle variations in the representation linked to female identity, also had strong gender impli- of sacred history to target their male or female recipient cations in Byzantium. Likewise, perceptions of the with divergent understandings of traditional gender Theotokos were very influential in the constructions roles and models. Then I contextualize gender percep- of gender. Consequently, the Kokkinobaphos codices tions in Byzantine culture in order to provide a frame- offer valuable material for investigating gender con- work for better understanding the homiliaries. In the structs with shifting implications in the eyes of male final part of the study I return to the Kokkinobaphos and female viewers. manuscripts, examining the prominence of mother- We know that the author of the homilies was hood in a number of miniatures that reinforce the male and we assume that the miniaturist was as well. argument that Eirene Sebasatokratorissa, a woman The possibility that the commissioner of at least one of who publicly presented herself as a pious and caring the two codices was female creates a field of dynamic mother, was indeed their commissioner; and that the gender tensions that might have influenced both the miniatures, in synergy with the text, contain multilay- production and the reception of the two homiliaries. ered references to gender that would have been read in Although the identity of the Kokkinobaphos commis- a variety of ways by their male and female audience. I sioner cannot be proven beyond doubt, most scholars conclude that this multiplicity is a basic component of consider the sebastokratorissa Eirene to be the likeli- the powerful visual impact and the deep cultural sig- est candidate. The following analysis supports this nificance of the Kokkinobaphos codices. suggestion and considers the ways that Eirene and her contemporaries might have read the Kokkinobaphos Eirene Sebastokratorissa as the manuscripts. But even if someone other than Eirene commissioned them, we can assume they were in- Kokkinobaphos Commissioner tended for a small number of individuals belonging We know that Eirene sebastokratorissa was an active to the same social and cultural circle. Readers prob- patroness of art and literature and that Iakobos was ably included both females and males, and notions of her spiritual advisor. His letters to her survive in an femininity expressed through Mary and her textile elegant manuscript with script, ruling, and decora- work would have had implications for both, since the tive headpieces similar to the two Kokkinobaphos construction of gender in patriarchal societies defines codices.125 This set of letters and the two manuscripts men and women in opposition to one another. Still, with Iakobos’s Marian homilies, our only sources on the prominence of Mary and textile production in the him, have encouraged scholars to identify the commis- Kokkinobaphos homiliaries suggests that they would sioner of the two homiliaries with Eirene. Indeed, the have had particular relevance for female readers. 125 For all these issues see the literature mentioned in n. 2 above. 124 A summary of the following material was also presented at the On the similarities between the two Kokkinobaphos homiliaries 2009 CAA conference, in a paper entitled “Purple-Spun and Purple- and the collection of letters see Anderson, “Illustrated Sermons” Dressed: Imaging Mary for a Byzantine Princess.” (n. 2 above), 85–95. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 288 Maria Evangelatou Marian focus of the homilies and the prominent pre- to add a prominent interest in the Holy Trinity, which sentation of themes from the world of women (such as further reinforces the hypothesis that the homiliaries thread production, motherhood, and households popu- were addressed to Eirene. Among Iakobos’s letters is a lated by housewives and their maids) in both the text homily “on faith, against the pneumatomachoi” (those and the miniatures corroborate the hypothesis that a who do not believe in the Holy Ghost, literally “com- woman was involved in the commission and use of the batants against the Spirit”); here the author vehemently manuscripts.126 proclaims the equality and communion among the As I will discuss below, motherhood is particu- three persons of the Holy Trinity.130 Similar ideas are larly exalted in the pages of the homiliaries. This fits visualized in two striking and unusual miniatures of with Eirene’s access to social recognition and power the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries that reflect Iakobos’s through her role as a respectable mother, especially devotion to the Holy Trinity. First the Godhead order- after the death of her husband in 1142, when her main ing Gabriel to deliver the news of the incarnation to concern and source of support were her children.127 Mary is represented as three co-enthroned identi- The unparalleled concentration of textile symbols in cal young men, a unicum in Byzantine iconography.131 the Kokkinobaphos codices is also consistent with After Mary receives the initial angelic salutation at Eirene’s particular interest in textile production.128 As the well and rushes back in her house in fear, she I have proposed elsewhere, there are some suggestive approaches a similar throne on which are represented parallels between Iakobos’s letters to Eirene and the three significant objects: purple raw wool, a spindle illustrated homilies, such as an exceptional interest in with thread originating from this wool, and a golden books, the protective power of holy scripture against cup.132 As I will discuss in more detail elsewhere, these the forces of evil, the need to search for meaning below three co-enthroned objects were probably intended as the surface of things, and the importance of Mary as another ingenious visualization of the Trinity, whose a model of Christian virtue.129 To these I would like will is fulfilled as the incarnation is announced to the Theotokos.133 The extraordinary attention given to 126 These issues are the subject of a more detailed analysis in the the Holy Trinity in both miniatures is in accord with following pages. the homily on the same subject in Iakobos’s letters to 127 See the discussion of Eirene’s devotional offerings to various Eirene, a theological exposition that was probably churches, accompanied by epigrams with prayers about her children, intended for her edification in dogma, which was also discussed below, 293–94. one of the purposes of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries. 128 This interest is attested in two basic ways: first, Eirene’s dedi- cation of precious textiles to a number of churches, discussed below, 293–94. Second, two surviving poems commissioned by Eirene and 130 Published in Jeffreys and Jeffreys, Iacobi Monachi Epistulae written by Manganeios Prodromos, which describe a luxurious tent (n. 2 above) 182–202. used by the sebastokratorissa, and discuss its meaning from two dif- 131 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 113v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, ferent points of view. See J. C. Anderson and M. J. Jeffreys, “The pl. 48); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 153v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, Decoration of the Sebastokratorissa’s Tent,” Byzantion 64 (1994): pl. XIX). Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 159–61, 327–41; Hutter and 8–18. These poems are the subject of a number of forthcoming Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 60–62 (all n. 1 above). articles by Margaret Mullett, whom I thank for sharing a copy of 132 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 117v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, her work before publication. See “Tented Ceremony: Ephemeral pl. 50); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 159v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, Performances under the Komnenoi,” in Court Ceremonies and pl. XX). Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 162–65; Hutter and Canart, Das Rituals of Power in Byzantium and the Medieval Mediterranean: Marienhomiliar, 62. Comparative Perspectives, ed. A. Beihammer, S. Constantinou, and 133 This subject will be treated extensively in my forthcoming M. Parani (Leiden, 2013), 487–513, and “Experiencing the Byzantine monograph (n. 4 above). Very briefly I mention here two of my main Text, Experiencing the Byzantine Tent,” in Experiencing Byzantium, arguments in support of the Trinitarian interpretation of the three ed. C. Nesbitt and M. Jackson, SPBS 18 (Farnham, 2013), 269–91. objects: first, the throne on which they appear is almost identical to A third article, “Reading the Tent: Four Byzantine Tent Poems,” the one on which the Trinity is enthroned a few folios earlier, and in Reading Byzantium, ed. T. Shawcross, I. Toth, and N. Gaul is not depicted anywhere else in the two homiliaries. Second, the (Cambridge, forthcoming), focuses more closely on the poems. raw wool and spun thread are consubstantial, and the one begets the 129 See M. Evangelatou, “Pursuing Salvation through a Body other, exactly like Father and Son, while the golden cup is equal in of Parchment: Books and Their Significance in the Illustrated importance (co-enthroned) but also of different properties, exactly Homilies by Iakobos of Kokkinobaphos,” MedSt 68 (2006): 239– like the Holy Spirit, which turns people into vessels of grace when it 84, esp. 243–44, 255–65, 282–83. overshadows them with its power. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 289 Scholars have also noted that the interest in the Christian exegesis is the New Solomon, the “peaceful” Song of Songs evident in Iakobos’s letters to the sebas- one according to the translation of the king’s Hebrew tokratorissa is also echoed in his Marian homilies, since name. In other words, the standard Christian inter- the couch of Solomon is prominent in both the full- pretation of the Old Testament theme of the couch of page frontispiece to the fourth homily and an accom- Solomon is that it prefigures the incarnation and its panying essay on its Christological, Mariological, and purpose: Christ is born through Mary (the royal couch) moral meaning (a special treatment not lavished on any from David’s bloodline, in order to bring peace to the of the other five frontispieces).134 Even a reference to world and become the savior and king of the true Israel, the word εἰρήνη (peace) in the same short exposition on the Christian flock.137 the couch of Solomon seems to have been intended as a In this passage, Iakobos does not translate the pun on the name of Eirene sebastokratorissa, a practice Hebrew name Solomon as “peaceful” (εἰρηνικὸς), as similarly observed in Iakobos’s letters to her, where he was traditional in patristic exegesis;138 instead he uses integrates the word εἰρήνη or its derivatives in his prose the word “peace” (εἰρήνη), in other words the name of in order to create suggestive references.135 Since this evi- the sebastokratorissa. Literary puns on the name of the dence offers substantial support for the identification of person an author wished to eulogize were not unusual Eirene as the commissioner of the two Kokkinobaphos in Byzantine culture,139 and Iakobos himself used homiliaries, I would like to analyze it a bit further. 137 See, for example: Theodoret, Quaestiones in libros Regnorum The Sebastokratorissa Eirene et Paralipomenon, PG 80:813A; idem, Interpretatio in Psalmos, and the Couch of Solomon PG 80:1429AB. Gregory of Nyssa, In Canticum canticorum, ed. H. Langerbeck, Gregorii Nysseni opera (Leiden, 1960), 6:201. Origen, In the first part of the exegetical text dedicated to the Commentarii in evangelium Joannis 10.39.267, lines 36–41, ed. couch of Solomon (Song of Songs 3:7), Iakobos inter- C. Blanc, Origène, Commentaire sur saint Jean, vol. 2, SC 157 (Paris, 1970), 546; idem, Selecta in Psalmos, PG 12:1521D; idem, Fragmenta prets the couch as a prefiguration of the Theotokos ex commentariis in Proverbia, PG 13:17B. Didymus, Fragmenta in who brings forth Christ/Solomon. The crucial sen- Psalmos, frag. 748, ed. E. Mühlenberg, Psalmenkommentare aus tence of his exposition is: “So, it is obvious that another der Katenenüberlieferung, vol. 2, Patristische Texte und Studien 16 Solomon is signified by this [reference of the Song (Berlin, 1977), 97. Photios, Epistulae et Amphilochia, Amphilochia of Songs]. He was also born into flesh from David’s 326:6–13, ed. Laourdas and Westerink (n. 22 above), 6.1:137. Michael Psellos, Poemata, Poem 2:39–40, Poem 53:260–64, Poem 54:817–21, seed; his name is peace (εἰρήνη) and he is the true king ed. L. G. Westerink, Michaelis Pselli poemata (Stuttgart, 1992), 15, of Israel.”136 Clearly Iakobos means Christ, who in 311, 363. 138 In addition to the sources mentioned in the previous note, 134 This is a self-contained text that does not form part of either see Theodoret, Explanatio in Canticum canticorum, PG 81:120CD; the third or the fourth homily, but is instead included between them; Gregory of Nyssa, In Canticum canticorum, ed. Langerbeck, Gregorii it explains the message of the couch of Solomon, which appears Nysseni opera, vol. 6:48; Origen, Commentarii in evangelium Joannis in the frontispiece to the fourth homily. See Linardou, “Couch of 6.1.5.6–7 (lines 31–33), ed. Blanc, 2:130. Solomon” (n. 1 above), 84, with references to earlier literature. 139 See, for example, the pun on the name of the fifth-century 135 This observation is made by Linardou, ibid., 80, n. 21, on the empress Eudokia: according to the historian Malalas, when basis of reports by Jeffreys and Jeffreys that puns on Eirene’s name she renewed the walls of Jerusalem she claimed that Psalm 50:2 are included in Iakobos’s letters (the text of the letters was not yet (ἀγάθυνον, κύριε, ἐν τῇ εὐδοκίᾳ σου τὴν Σιὼν, καὶ οἰκοδομηθήτω published at the time Linardou was writing her article). For some τὰ τείχη Ἰερουσαλὴμ) was a prophecy about her. In a similar vein, relevant cases see eidem, Iacobi Monachi Epistulae [n. 2 above], 17, Corippus writes that the construction of Hagia Sophia by Justinian 24, 36, 119). To mention two examples in detail (ibid., 24, 36), in foretold the ascent to power of the empress Sophia, who ruled after his eighth letter Iakobos rejoices at receiving εἰρηνικῶν γραμμάτων Justinian’s death alongside her husband Justin II. See A. McClanan, (peaceful letters/Eirene’s letters). In his eleventh letter, he prompts Representations of Early Byzantine Empresses, Image and Empire (New Eirene to praise God’s magnanimity so that she will gain εἰρήνην York, 2002), 21, 151. For a pun on the name of empress Eirene Doukaina πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοψύχους (in other words feel what her name suggests, by her daughter Anna Komnene, see Alexiad, 12.3.8.6–7, ed. B. Leib, fulfill her destiny, by being at peace with those who have the same Anna Comnène, Alexiade, vol. 3 (Paris, 1945, repr. 1967), 63: “. . . ἡ περὶ values as she does). τὰ πράγματα δραστηριότης καὶ τὸ κατὰ τῶν παθῶν ἐπιπληκτικώτατον 136 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 80v. “. . . οὐκοῦν εὔδηλον ὅτι ἄλλος Σολομῶν καὶ ἡ ἀνυπόκριτος πίστις, ὡς Σολομῶντι δοκεῖ. Οὕτως ἡ ἐμὴ μήτηρ καὶ διὰ τούτου σημαίνεται· ὁ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐκ τοῦ σπέρματος Δαβὶδ τὸ κατὰ πρὸς τοιούτους πολέμους ἐσκεύαστο, τὰ δ’ ἄλλα εἰρηνικωτάτη ἦν κατὰ σάρκα γενόμενος· ᾧ ὄνομα εἰρήνη· ὁ ἀληθινὸς τοῦ Ἰσραὴλ βασιλεὐς.” τοὔνομα.” Translated by E. A. Dawes, The Alexiad of Princess Anna dumbarton oaks papers | 68 290 Maria Evangelatou them in letters he addressed to Eirene. However, the It is worth noting that the exegetical expo- pun employed in the homiliaries is much more force- sition on the couch of Solomon with the pun on ful and striking than anything included in his letters: Eirene is included in both the Vatican and the Paris not only does it alter established exegetical terminol- Kokkinobaphos. If one codex was produced for the ogy, it also disrupts the syntactical structure of the sen- sebastokratorissa, who was the recipient of the other? tence by using a female name (Eirene) for a male subject Linardou has convincingly argued that the Paris copy (Christ). This syntactical inconsistency never occurs in was destined for Iakobos himself.142 If that was indeed traditional patristic exegesis on the couch of Solomon, the case, he had good reason to appreciate the pun on which employs the male adjective εἰρηνικὸς to refer to Eirene, both because he was its author and because he Jesus.140 It should also be noted that syntactical anaco- was her spiritual advisor. In other words, he must have lutha are not normally employed by Byzantine authors been proud to be so closely connected with a promi- who indulge in puns, precisely because harmoniously nent lady of the imperial court, and probably wished to inserting an allusion to somebody’s name in a smooth retain the allusion to her in his own copy of the homi- syntactical structure is part of the artistry of the liter- lies. If his fellow monks were also among the readers of ary device. Iakobos, in contrast, seems to have purpose- the Paris manuscript,143 the reference to Eirene would fully employed the syntactical anacoluthon of Christ as be a source of pride for them as well, since it meant there εἰρήνη in order to increase the effect of the pun: the syn- was a well-connected author in their community. It is tactical inconsistency would enhance the surprise that also possible that Eirene was responsible for the particu- Byzantine readers would have experienced because of larly high expense of producing the Paris copy. Perhaps the disruption of the expected exegetical terminology. she intended to cultivate a mutually beneficial relation- In these ways, the word εἰρήνη was further highlighted, ship with this monastic community, offering Iakobos amplifying the effect of the pun as a reference to the and his brethren a precious edifying book as proof of commissioner of the codex.141 her piety and as an instrument in their devotional prac- tice, and expecting in return their gratitude and prayers. Comnena (New York, 2009), 307: “Her activity in business, her stern The lack of a colophon or an introductory dedication resistance to passion and her genuine loyalty were such as Solomon referring to such intentions in the Paris Kokkinobaphos lauds. Thus my mother was prepared for wars of that kind, but in other does not mean that they did not exist. Perhaps the very respects she was as peaceful as her name.” striking pun on Eirene’s name that was included in the 140 Peace (εἰρήνη) was some times used metonymically for Christ Paris copy might have been intended as a humble yet in sources that interpret Solomon, the peaceful one, as Christ’s antetype. However, as far as I know, in all the sources the reference forceful reminder of the identity of the benefactor for to Solomon/Christ as εἰρηνικὸς is indispensable, and the reference whom the monks should pray: though not mentioned to Christ as εἰρήνη is usually omitted. In Iakobos’s exegesis, the directly, Eirene was very much present at the heart of opposite is the case, making his text exceptional. See, for example, the book, both in terms of her contribution to its cre- Theodoret, Quaestiones in libros Regnorum et Paralipomenon, PG ation and the appearance of her name in an exceptional 80:813A, “Καὶ γὰρ Σολομὼν εἰρηνικὸς ἑρμηνεύεται· καὶ ὁ Κύριος ἡμῶν εἰρήνη προσαγορεύεται.” Origen, Commentarii in evangelium Joannis biblical exposition in the center of the codex, literally 10.39.267, lines 36–41, ed. Blanc, 2:546, “ἡ τελειοτάτη εἰρήνη ἔσται between the first three and the last three homilies. ὅτε Χριστὸς ἔσται Σαλομών, ὅπερ ἑρμηνεύεται «εἰρηνικός.»” Origen, It should be mentioned that along with suggesting Selecta in Psalmos, PG 12:1521D, “Εἰς Σαλομὼν, κ. τ. ἑ. Εἰς Σαλομὼν that the recipient of the Paris codices was male, Linardou τὸν υἱὸν Δαυῒδ· «Βίβλος γὰρ γενέσεως Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ υἱοῦ Δαυΐδ.» has corroborated the hypothesis that the Vatican copy, Σαλομὼν γὰρ ἑρμηνεύεται εἰρηνικός· αὐτὸς γάρ ἐστιν ἡ εἰρήνη ἡμῶν.” In all these cases the syntax is smooth, without the unusual effect of the first to be produced, was destined for a female reader, the Kokkinobaphos phrase, in which a female word is the name of a whom she identifies with Eirene. Her argument that male subject (ᾧ ὄνομα εἰρήνη). there is a gender difference between the two recipients 141 For a reference to the political allusions that the sebastokra- centers on the significant iconographic variations in the torissa might have identified in this passage of the homiliaries, con- cerning her hopes for her oldest son’s claim to the throne as heir to the emperor Manuel Komnenos, see M. Evangelatou, “Motherhood and Politics in Twelfth-Century Constantinople: Eirene Sebas- 142 Linardou, “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts Revisited” (n. 1 tokratorissa and the Couch of Solomon in the Kokkinobaphos above), 387–90. Homiliaries” (forthcoming). 143 As suggested by Linardou, ibid., 397. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 291 two mauscripts’ miniatures of the fall.144 Her observa- smaller dimensions of the Paris copy left insufficient tions have important implications for the gender focus space.146 I believe the intention was instead to give of my analysis, so I will return to them in more detail greater prominence to James, both because he was iden- below. I will begin with an examination of Linardou’s tified with the author of the Protevangelion (the main hypothesis that the Paris Kokkinobaphos was produced source of the Kokkinobaphos homilies) and because for a male recipient, namely Iakobos the monk. Iakobos was James’s namesake. In the Kokkinobaphos miniatures the young James is represented as an eye- Iakobos the Monk witness to all the major events in Mary’s life from the moment she is entrusted to Joseph; indeed, the young and the Paris Kokkinobaphos boy functions as her guardian, and therefore guarantor According to Linardou, the most important evidence of her purity, before and after the conception of Christ that the Paris copy was produced for Iakobos comes (compare figs. 19 and 25).147 The visitation is of particu- from the miniature at the beginning of the manuscript, lar importance among the events witnessed by James, which is not found in the Vatican codex. This pres- because through the reaction of the baby leaping in her ents Iakobos standing and then prostrate before John womb, Elizabeth was inspired to recognize Mary as the Chrysostom and Gregory of Nyssa, who are seated mother of the Savior (Luke 1:41–45). And since the visi- before a copy of the Gospel of Matthew and the Song tation is reported both in the Gospels (Luke 1:39–55) of Songs respectively (fig. 1). According to Linardou, and in the Protevangelion (12:2–7), the prominence of this is not a straightforward author portrait, but rather James as an eyewitness in the visual representation of a ktetor image, which presents Iakobos as the manu- this event further highlights his authority as a source. script’s commissioner and comments on his literary Indeed, the recurring depiction of James as eyewit- sources and aspirations by connecting him to specific ness in several miniatures underlines the reliability of biblical texts and their patristic commentators.145 both the Protevangelion and the Kokkinobaphos hom- To this I would like to add a piece of evidence iliaries. In addition the homonymy between James/ that might also suggest the Paris copy was produced Iakobos the apostle and Iakobos of Kokkinobaphos for Iakobos: the visitation miniature, which narrates helps to present the former as a metonym of the lat- the meeting between Elizabeth, the mother of John the ter, suggesting that the monk is a worthy successor Baptist, and Mary according to Luke 1:39–55 and the of the apostle in his faithful narration of Mary’s life. Protevangelion 12:2–7, is depicted in both manuscripts This elevates the prestige of both the Kokkinobaphos with the same components, but in a different order. author and his literary production. So if the Paris copy In the Vatican codex (fig. 28), Zachariah and a maid was produced for Iakobos the monk, it was particularly appear on the left, more maids witness the kiss between significant for him to have Iakobos the apostle placed Mary and Elizabeth, and on the right stands James at the center of the visitation episode, as if to suggest (Greek Iakobos), Joseph’s younger son, future apostle, that through this biblical figure the Byzantine author, and Christ’s brother. According to tradition, James was the author of the Protevangelion, and he appears as 146 This is the suggestion put forward by Linardou, “Kokkinoba- Mary’s constant companion in several Kok kinobaphos phos Manuscripts Revisited,” 406. miniatures (cf. figs. 19, 25). In the Paris copy the young 147 Figure 19 represents the moment Gabriel arrives in Nazareth boy is in the middle of the visitation (fig. 29). Since the but does not yet reveal himself to Mary. In the same composition same number of participants is depicted in both codi- James looks upon the Virgin behind a veil, which suggests that he was constantly around, safeguarding her purity (while the motif ces, this rearrangement cannot be because the much of the lifted veil also has the added symbolism of a visionary rev- elation, underlining the significance of what is about to tran- 144 Ibid., 390–92. In the same publication Linardou proves spire in the annunciation). James cannot appear witnessing the beyond doubt that the Vatican Kokkinobaphos was the first to be dialogue between the Virgin and Gabriel depicted in the follow- produced, and the Paris manuscript was an abridged copy, smaller in ing Kokkinobaphos miniatures (e.g., figs. 20, 22), as that would be dimensions and with slightly fewer miniatures. against the Gospel narrative that presents her alone at the moment 145 Ibid., 387–90. See also Anderson, “Illustrated Sermons” (n. 2 of the angelic salutation (Luke 1:26–38). But his presence in the min- above), 72–73, where it is astutely observed that the two saints are iatures before and after gives proof of his reliability as a narrator and represented in monastic attire, further connecting them to Iakobos. guarantor of her virginity. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 292 Maria Evangelatou and by extension his readers, also become eyewitnesses the second probably had male users and possibly a male to this important event in the incarnation miracle. This commissioner. Therefore, I will not only examine the idea is underlined by another iconographic detail in significance of motherhood and textile production for both the Vatican and the Paris codices: in three min- Eirene, but will discuss subtle differences in the illustra- iatures in which James is depicted accompanying Mary tion of the two manuscripts that could further illumi- as she travels to, arrives at, and departs from Elizabeth’s nate the divergent interests and perceptions of a female house, the future author of the Protevangelion appears versus male audience. I will begin by considering the closer to the lower red border of the composition than importance of textile production for female identity in any other person (cf. figs. 28–29).148 This is a rare detail Byzantium, including some evidence concerning the in the Kokkinobaphos cycle.149 The intention might sebastokratorissa. have been to present St. James as the intermediary between the worlds of the viewer and the viewed, and Textiles, Byzantine Women, to suggest a parallel with Iakobos, who by authoring the homilies became the mediator between the readers and the Sebastokratorissa Eirene and the protagonists of the narrative. Since antiquity, spinning and weaving were second only Although the Paris codex is considerably smaller to childbearing as quintessential female occupations. than the Vatican codex and its miniature cycle has been They denoted women’s virtue, industriousness, and obe- abbreviated by a few scenes,150 it is still a very expen- dience in the seclusion of the domestic sphere.152 The sive manuscript. Unfortunately we cannot know for multivalent meanings of textile production operating sure if Iakobos or Eirene bore its cost; and we can only in the Greco-Roman and Jewish traditions converged hypothesize that the author shared his creation with his and were further enriched in the Christian tradition. brethren,151 all of whom might have been expected to As discussed above, a major component in the theme pray for the salvation of the wealthy benefactress, if she of symbolic textiles in Christian culture was the cloth- indeed provided their monastery with this devotional ing metaphors used to describe the incarnation as the treasure. What we can explore with greater confidence weaving of the purple mantle of human flesh, pre- are the cultural and social ramifications of the central pared inside Mary’s womb in order to dress the Logos. protagonist of the codices: the Theotokos, not simply as Consistent with this tradition, the Kokkinobaphos the Mother of God, but also as a model of pious behav- homiliaries place an unprecedented emphasis on images ior for all Christians, but especially for women. In both of fleece, wool, thread, and veil as symbols of the incar- the text and images of the Kokkinobaphos homiliar- nation. This unique concentration of references to ies Mary was given an important role in the construc- the purple mantle of the incarnation created by Mary tion of female identity, especially through the themes could further corroborate the hypothesis that Eirene, of motherhood and textile production. I will now a purple-dressed woman interested in textile produc- turn to issues of gender dynamics, taking into consid- tion, commissioned the two manuscripts (or at least eration that both manuscripts were produced by men, the Vatican codex). The imperial purple was the most but that the first had a female patron and user, while expensive dye in the Byzantine textile industry. The trade of purple-dyed textiles was an imperial monopoly, 148 Vat. gr. 1162, fols. 114v, 149r, 161v (Stornajolo, Omelie di as was the use of purple clothes. Only the emperor had Giacomo monaco, pls. 63, 65, 68); Paris. gr. 1208, fols. 189v (walking the privilege to be dressed entirely in purple (including to the temple, before the trip to Elizabeth’s home), 203r (visitation) his shoes) and sign in purple ink, while other members (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, pls. XXIV–XXV) (both n. 1 of the imperial family or high officials could wear the above). Today the Paris copy is lacking folios on which the departure from Elizabeth’s house, equivalent to Vat. gr. 161v, might have been depicted (for which see Linardou, “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts 152 See Wayland-Barber, Women’s Work (n. 75 above), esp. 101–26, Revisited,” 403). with reference to traditions of the Minoan and Mycenaean world 149 For a brief discussion of a few more exceptions that might and the Homeric epics that survived well into the medieval period. carry a significant meaning, see below, 319, and n. 291. Also S. Gualerzi, Penelope, o della tessitura: Trame femminili da 150 Linardou, “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts Revisited,” 403–5. Omero a Ovidio (Bari, 2007), for the importance of textile produc- 151 As suggested by Linardou, ibid., 397. tion for female identity in the ancient Greek and Roman world. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 293 color on only some of their garments.153 It is certain Komnenian princesses.158 In other words, according to that Eirene was among them.154 So for her, the purple the surviving evidence, among imperial women Eirene wool in Mary’s hands was not just a symbol of the incar- and members of her family almost monopolized the nation but also a reference to Eirene’s privileged status, dedication of expensive veils. The remaining fourteen which related her royal family to the king and queen of epigrams refer to offerings of crosses, icons, and other heaven. Furthermore, spinning and weaving were activ- religious objects favored by Komnenian women as ities in which Eirene was probably personally involved.155 devotional gifts. Only two of these fourteen epigrams In Byzantium even princesses and empresses were commemorate donations by Eirene and her daughter expected to spin and weave and those who did not were Maria,159 proving that the sebastokratorissa and her criticized, either implicitly or explicitly.156 household clearly favored veil donations. In addition, There is evidence to suggest that Eirene specifically three of the veil epigrams indicate that Eirene and her created textiles for dedication to famous Marian icons daughter-in-law did not simply pay for the production in Constantinople. Vassiliki Dimitropoulou’s Ph.D. of the textiles, but decorated or wove them personally.160 dissertation on the patronage of Komnenian women In general, Byzantine epigrams referring to pre- discusses twenty-seven surviving epigrams that com- cious donations state that the objects were made by the memorate their religious donations of various objects.157 donors. The rather ambiguous phrasing does not per- Thirteen of these were donations of veils, seven of mit us to determine whether this means they literally which were made by Eirene, two by her daughter Maria, made the objects themselves. The implication is usually and one by her daughter-in-law Maria Doukaina. that the donors paid for the production of the object. The remaining three were made by three different This must be the case, for example, with icons or metal objects, since we have no evidence of aristocratic men or women actually making such objects themselves. In the 153 See the sources mentioned in n. 13 above. case of textiles dedicated by women the issue is compli- 154 As a sebastokratorissa and wife of the purple-born sebas- cated, since we know that even aristocratic women were tokrator Andronikos, Eirene was also called βασί λισσα (queen), expected to spin and weave. Were they skilled enough like the purple-born daughters of the emperors. Both Iakobos and to produce precious veils decorated with gold threads other writers address her by saying “your royalty,” ἡ βασιλεία σου. and pearls, as described in some of the epigrams? It is In other words, she was not purple-born by birth, but certainly had possible that such embroidery was practiced by aristo- the status and privileges of a purple-born by marriage. See Varzos, Γενεαλογία τῶν Κομνηνῶν (n. 2 above), 365. See also O. Lampsidis, cratic women. In fact, Dimitropoulou observes that “Zur Sebastokratorissa Eirene,” JÖB 34 (1984): 91–105, esp. 100–101. three of the thirteen epigrams referring to female 155 The importance of spinning and weaving in the life of Komnenian dedications of veils describe the textiles Byzantine women is treated in Koukoules, Βυζαντινῶν βίος καὶ not simply as “made,” but as specifically “decorated” or πολιτισμὸς (n. 121 above), 2:12–16, 202–5; Constas, “Weaving the “woven,” indicating they were produced by the donors Body of God,” 185–88, and idem, Proclus of Constantinople, 343–45, with further literature (both n. 5 above); Nardi, Né sole né luna (n. themselves. Two of these are donations by Eirene, and 121 above) 43–45; and M. F. Heintz, “Work: The Art and Craft of Earning a Living,” in Kalavrezou, Byzantine Women (n. 5 above), 140–41. 156 See Nardi, Né sole né luna (n. 121 above), 43. Constas, Proclus 158 Ibid., 172–84. The epigrams are included in the appendix of Constantinople, 343–47, esp. 349, with special reference to the at 253–69. The ones referring to Eirene sebastokratorissa and the fifth-century empress Pulcheria and her sisters, who according to women of her family are published by E. Miller, “Poésies inedites de the historian Sozomenos were constantly occupied with weaving and Théodore Prodrome,” Annuaire de l’association pour l’encouragement embroidery. In the eleventh century, Psellos considered it unusual des etudes grecques en France 17 (1883): 33–40; idem, Recueil des histo- that the empress Zoe was not occupied with spinning and weaving, riens des croisades: Historiens grecs (Paris, 1975–81), 2:692; and in the but with the production of perfumes; see Chronographia 6.64, ed. Codex Marcianus 524, S. P. Lampros, “ Ὁ Μαρκιανός Κῶδιξ 524,” É. Renauld, Michel Psellos, Chronographie, ou Histoire d’un siècle de Νέος Ἑλλ. 8 (1911): 35–36, no. 70. Byzance (976–1077), vol. 1 (Paris, 1967), 148. 159 Dimitropoulou, “Komnenian Imperial Women,” 185–98. 157 V. Dimitropoulou, “Komnenian Imperial Women as Patrons 160 For this issue and the relevant comments made in the follow- of Art and Architecture” (Ph.D. diss., University of Sussex, 2004). ing paragraph see ibid., 172–84. The tent poems mentioned above I am very grateful to Dr. Dimitropoulou for sharing a copy of her (n. 128) also suggest Eirene’s special interest in textiles and their mul- thesis with me. tivalent symbolism. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 294 Maria Evangelatou the third is a donation by her daughter-in-law.161 In exactly this contradiction mutually reinforces both addition, the epigrams of the donations made by aspects of her function as a role model: by sanctifying Eirene’s daughter and daughter-in-law refer to purple obedience and seclusion she promotes female subor- as both the color of the veils and the color that denotes dination, but at the same time she enhances the pos- the imperial connections of their family. The epigrams sibility that women might claim prestige within their of Eirene’s donations make only the latter reference and traditional roles by imitating such an honorable model. do not specify if purple thread was also a basic material This is not a paradox, but an example of the ubiquity of the veils themselves, although this is plausible.162 If of contradictions in life, individual personalities, and it was, the viewer would have seen the purple of the veils their collective societies.164 and been reminded by the epigram embroidered on it The prominent theme of textile production is most that this color denoted the status of the imperial donor. revealing: Mary weaves the body of Christ in order to According to the epigrams, these veils were restore humanity to its original glory, destroyed by the offered to protect Marian images in exchange for pro- disobedience of Eve, who brought shame into the world tection offered by the Theotokos to Eirene and her and condemned her daughters to work all their lives in family. The two Kokkinobaphos manuscripts (or at order to clothe the nakedness of humankind. From this least the Vatican codex) can be seen as similar commis- perspective Mary does not only offer a new model of sions: precious objects that prove Eirene’s devotion to dignity for women who are constantly occupied with Mary and present the Virgin as a model for her, simi- weaving; as an exemplary obedient housewife, she also larly occupied in the study of scriptures and the pro- validates and promotes female seclusion through her duction of textiles: the sebastokratorissa emulates Mary involvement in textile production, exactly because she in exchange for divine protection and salvation.163 At gives this tedious occupation a special status as wom- this point it is time to investigate the gender dynamics en’s dignified duty. As the polar opposite of Eve and of the Kokkinobaphos project in the broader context an absolutely exceptional being, the virginal Mother of Byzantine culture and consider how the original of God reinforces the condemnation of women and audience of the manuscripts might have perceived the reminds them of their debt to men. Paradoxically, she models of female virtue exemplified by Mary and her also proves that female nature can rise to extraordinary textile production. The evidence and analysis presented heights and become more venerable than all creation in what follows will indicate that different interpreta- through motherhood, which made possible the incar- tions of the same material were possible, promoting a nation and hence human salvation. Eve herself is part more empowering or a more repressive construction of of this vital contradiction, because although her dis- femininity, depending on context, circumstances, and obedience caused the loss of paradise, it also caused the the viewpoint and identity of individual readers. glorification of humanity through Mary and her son. Mary and Female Identity in Byzantium 164 See the insightful comments on this issue by C. Bynum, “Why Paradox? The Contradictions of My Life as a Scholar,” Catholic Since the Theotokos was a fundamental social construct Historical Review 98, no. 3 (2012): 433–55. I thank Caroline Bynum of the patriarchal society of Byzantium, one wonders if for sharing this inspiring article with me. For a nuanced analysis the connection proposed between the sebastokratorissa of the contradictions inherent in Mary as a model of womanhood and the Mother of God would have promoted Eirene’s in the patriarchal establishment of the Christian church and for empowerment, or her subordination to the restrictive a feminist critique of the sexist construction of gender promoted through the ideal of the Virgin in Catholicism see M. Hamington, and at times explicitly misogynistic gender ideals of her Hail Mary? The Struggle for Ultimate Womanhood in Catholicism culture. In my opinion Mary’s identity promotes both (New York, 1995). A recent publication on Byzantine gender that exaltation and suppression of female potential, and explores polyvalence, diversity, and change within the framework of traditional sociocultural values in the construction of woman- hood in Byzantium is Questions of Gender in Byzantine Society, ed. 161 Ibid., 176–83. B. Neil and L. Garland (Burlington, 2013). Focusing specifically on 162 See the appendix with the epigrams in ibid., 253–69. Mary is chapter five by S. Gador-Whyte, “Changing Conceptions of 163 Discussed extensively in Evangelatou, “Pursuing Salvation” Mary in Sixth-Century Byzantium: The Kontakia of Romanos the (n. 129 above). Melodist,” 77–92. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 295 Without Eve’s sin there would be no need for Mary’s Kassia and Thekla applied Mary’s qualities to virtue or the miracle of the incarnation that made a female nature as a whole, while male authors and eccle- human woman the Mother of God and turned a divine siastical authorities tended to do the opposite, empha- judge into a compassionate healer, who suffered directly sizing that the Virgin is unique and an unapproachable the pains of humanity and glorified human nature ideal for the daughters of Eve. For example, in the first as never before by interweaving his divinity with it. Kokkinobaphos homily, Anna’s decision to dedicate Christ the new Adam is not just a restored Adam but a a female child to the Jewish temple is highlighted as a divine Adam; and he was born not simply from a new daring novelty that is justified by Mary’s exceptional Eve, but from a daughter of Eve who acquired honor character. The implication is that only male children that her foremother could never have imagined in her are an appropriate dedication, since females are lack- original state of grace before the fall. Although I am ing in purity. Indeed the author exclaims that nowhere not aware of a Byzantine text that presents Eve’s sin in in holy scripture is a female child offered to God, and this positive light, it is in complete agreement with the especially to the temple, to live among the officiating main tenet of Byzantine theology that the incarnation priests. Anna disregards this custom when she vows through Mary led to the glorification of human nature, that in exchange for the gift of fertility she will dedi- not only through Christ, who dressed his divinity in cate her child, even if it is female. The author justifies humanity, but also through Mary, who was worthy of this audacious infringement of tradition on the basis being his mother.165 A few surviving hymns written by of Anna’s extreme love for God, reading it as a proph- women, especially the ninth-century nuns Kassia and ecy of the true novelty, Mary’s exceptional nature. For Thekla, clearly depart from the misogynism of many “she alone from female nature, the only beginning of male authors who blame Eve for every possible evil and humanity, was ever promised and given to God as an misfortune of humankind. In the eyes of these female exceptionally precious offering.”167 Here the author hymnographers, Eve was punished for one sin commit- juxtaposes the extraordinary purity of the Virgin to the ted at the dawn of time (and in the context of human ordinary condition of other women, who are considered frailty her lack of judgment was by no means excep- inferior to men. tional); yet through the incarnation Mary not only reversed Eve’s curse and honored female nature beyond God’s Image? Eve and Adam in the Genesis Mosaics at San Marco, comparison, she also elevated it to an exceptional sta- Venice (Berkeley, 1997), esp. 28–76. For an alternative reading of this tus, higher than the state of grace before the fall.166 mosaic, focusing in particular on the relationship between the fore- mother and the Mother of God and suggesting that Eve is honored as the woman who prepared the path for the arrival of Mary, see A. Reed, 165 The most representative example is of course the Akathistos “Blessing the Serpent and Treading on Its Head: Marian Typology in Hymn which praises Mary as the salvatrix: through her not only are the S. Marco Creation Cupola,” Gesta 46, no. 1 (2007): 41–58, esp. Adam and Eve forgiven, but God is made available to all, the whole 45–52. On p. 54 (n. 39) Reed states: “To be sure, medieval depictions creation is renewed, and human nature is glorified. For Greek text, of Eve strike modern sensibilities as misogynistic. With further analy- English translation, and commentary see Peltomaa, Mary in the sis and more concerted efforts at historical and cultural contextualiza- Akathistos Hymn (n. 62 above). tion, however, we find that these images are complex, ambivalent, and 166 See E. Catafygiotu-Topping, “Thekla the Nun: In Praise of sometimes even sympathetic.” Reed mentions further literature on the Woman,” Greek Orthodox Theological Review 25 (1980): 353–70; A. M. possible positive reading of Eve as a prefiguration of Mary in Western Silvas, “Kassia the Nun c. 810–c. 865: An Appreciation,” in Byzantine Medieval culture: B. Williamson, “The Virgin Lactans as Second Women: Varieties of Experience 800–1200, ed. L. Garland (Aldershot, Eve: Image of the Salvatrix,” Studies in Iconography 19 (1998): 105– 2006), 17–39. For an overview of negative and oppressive as well as 38; and H. Kraus, “Eve and Mary: Conflicting Images of Medieval positive and empowering perceptions of womanhood in the Eastern Women,” in The Living Theater of Medieval Art (Bloomington, 1967), Orthodox tradition, including biblical and patristic references and 41–62, repr. in Feminism and Art History: Questioning the Litany, ed. saints’ lives, see the paper presented by E. Catafygiotou-Topping N. Broude and M. D. Garrard (New York, 1982), 79–99. to the Patriarch Athenagoras Orthodox Institute at the Graduate 167 Homily 1.13, PG 127:564A. “καί τοι οὐκ ἄν που τῆς Γραφῆς Theological Union at Berkeley in 1989, available online at http:// κατανοηθείη ἐν ἐπαγγελίαις ἢ ἐν ἀφιερώσει, Θεῷ ἀνατιθέμενον members.iinet.net.au/~mmjournl/MaryMartha/THEOLOGICAL θῆλυ, καὶ μάλιστα ἐν τῷ ναῷ τοῖς λειτουργοῖς συναριθμούμενον· %20REFLECTIONS%20/Orthodox%20Eve.html (accessed 14 ἀλλ’ ὅμως ὑπερβολῆ φιλοθεΐας, αὔτη καινουργεῖ τοῦτο, ἐν ἐπαγγελίᾳ October 2014). A very insightful analysis of the presentation of Eve προφητεύουσα, τὴν ἔσεσθαι μέλλουσαν ἐν τῷ πράγματι καινοτομίαν. as the quintessential evil female and antitype of Mary in Christian Μόνη γὰρ τῆς γυναικείας φύσεως, ἡ μόνη τῆς ἀνθρωπότητος ἀπαρχή, textual and visual production is offered by P. Howell Jolly, Made in καὶ ὑπεσχέθη καὶ ὑπέρτιμον ἀπεδόθη Θεῷ ἀνάθημα.” dumbarton oaks papers | 68 296 Maria Evangelatou Another striking example of the diametrically It is also important to consider that the Theotokos opposed Byzantine perceptions of Mary’s role as a model was venerated in Byzantium not only as the loving of female identity comes from canon seventy-nine of the mother who suffered with her son and interceded with Council in Trullo that took place in Constantinople in him on behalf of humanity, but also as the powerful 692. This canon condemns the introduction into the militant protectress of the empire, its armies, and its Christmas festivities of a popular custom for the cel- people.172 Byzantine women, in contrast, were encour- ebration of a new birth: after a successful parturition a aged to dedicate themselves to the traditional roles dish of sweet cereal mixture (semidalis) was offered to of obedient, caring, and loving mothers, wives, and the new mother and the visitors celebrating the happy daughters: usually they would gain recognition only for occasion. The canon forbids people to do this in honor complying with the limitations of secluded family life, of the Virgin on the day after Christmas since Mary, defining their identity through the men they served.173 who conceived miraculously and had a painless delivery, Certainly they were not allowed Mary’s dynamic inter- was not a normal mother.168 The canon does not specify ventions into public life. For example, no woman, even whether women in particular had a role in introduc- an empress, could participate in the army, even though ing this custom, though this seems a plausible hypoth- Mary was hailed as the general who fought in the first esis.169 That both men and women participated in the line of battle and secured victory in war. We might celebration suggests representatives of both sexes could assume that this striking contrast between the Virgin’s appreciate Mary as a model of human motherhood and extraordinary potential and women’s limited options by extension attribute an exalted degree of dignity to would have emphasized female subordination, but it is female labor. The ecclesiastical authorities, on the other also true that individual members of this society could hand, were anxious to disassociate the Virgin from all have processed these tensions in ways that allowed for other women, emphasizing through the prohibition of more empowering interpretations. For instance, Mary’s this custom that they were Eve’s daughters rather than militant activity could be seen as an example of brav- Mary’s sisters. Indeed, the reference to Mary’s uniquely ery and courage, inspiring women to stand up to the painless parturition resonates with God’s curse upon challenges of their personal lives, even if they were Eve, who was condemned after her fall to bear children only domestic. In the case of elite women who had in pain (Genesis 3:17). As Judith Herrin has observed, a access to powerful men and were occasionally allowed number of canons from the Council in Trullo reveal a a more active participation in public life, like the three tendency to restrict and monitor female activities, both inside and outside the context of church rituals; to asso- to scholarly literature, see M. Meyer, An Obscure Portrait: Imaging ciate women with Jews and heretics; and to accuse them Women’s Reality in Byzantine Art (London, 2008), 81–88. I thank of inappropriate, corrupting behavior (that requires male Mati Meyer for generously offering me a copy of her book. The control), or of simple-minded innocence (that leads them Galaktotrophousa seems to have been more popular in the Coptic tradition, possibly because the ecclesiastical establishment “appro- astray when proper male protection is lacking).170 It is priated” it as a symbol of the Eucharist. See E. S. Bolman, “The perhaps a byproduct of the intention of ecclesiastical Enigmatic Coptic Galaktotrophousa and the Cult of the Virgin authorities to distinguish Mary from ordinary women Mary in Egypt,” in Images of the Mother of God: Perceptions of the that the iconography of the Galaktotrophousa, the Theotokos in Byzantium, ed. M. Vassilaki (Aldershot, 2005), 13–22. Virgin breast-feeding Christ, does not seem to have been The ritual symbolism of the breast-feeding Mary in Coptic tradition does not exclude the possibility that female (and male) Copts saw particularly widespread in Byzantine visual production.171 it as a reference to the dignity and power of motherhood. Bolman suggests that breast-feeding was not connected with motherhood, 168 J. Herrin, “‘Femina Byzantina’: The Council in Trullo on at least in the culture of families that could afford a wet nurse, but I Women,” in Unrivaled Influence, Women and Empire in Byzantium would imagine that the majority of women breast-fed their own chil- (Princeton, 2013), 127. dren since they belonged to the poor strata of society from which the 169 Ibid. wealthier would hire wet nurses. 170 Ibid., 115–32, esp. 127–28, and 115, for reference to commentar- 172 B. Pentcheva, Icons and Power: The Mother of God in Byzantium ies that five hundred years after the Trullan Council still preserve the (University Park, 2006), 61–107. See also eadem, “The Virgin of same attitudes toward women. Constantinople: Power and Belief,” in Kalavrezou, Byzantine Women 171 For an overview of breast-feeding in Byzantine visual cul- (n. 5 above), 113–19, esp. 113. ture, including the Galaktotrophousa, with extensive references 173 Herrin, “Council in Trullo on Women,” 128. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 297 generations of Komnenian female protagonists in the goddesses.175 However, a major advantage they enjoyed Alexiad (Anna Dalassene, Eirene Doukaina, and Anna in comparison to Byzantine women (besides the belief Komnene), Mary’s role as leader of the army and inde- in the divine feminine, absent in Christian dogma) fatigable fighter might have reinforced their determina- was a much more active role in public worship, since tion. In any case, we should bear in mind that against they could earn prestige and influence as priestesses.176 the actual social and cultural limitations that molded On the contrary, ecclesiastical authorities increasingly Byzantine women’s life experiences, Mary’s multifac- restricted the participation of women in Christian cer- eted powers did not create an unambiguous path to emony, banning them from the priesthood and minis- female empowerment, but rather generated tensions try in the early period and eventually requiring them to that complicated the construction of female identities, be a totally silent audience during church services: by often promoting rather than challenging the subordi- the seventh century, canon seventy of the Council in nation of women expounded by the male-dominated Trullo entirely prohibited women from speaking dur- establishment. ing services, denying them even vocal participation in An analogous case is the six main Olympian god- communal prayers.177 In addition, as Herrin observes, desses of the ancient Greek pantheon, as presented the identity of many Byzantine female saints was cen- in the predominantly male-authored textual and tered on charity, promoting the role of motherly care- visual production that survives. None functioned as taker and nurturer, while a much greater variety of roles a straightforward positive and empowering model for was open to male saints.178 real Greek women, who were required to act as faith- Returning to the consideration of the Theotokos ful and obedient wives, mothers, and daughters, and as a female model, we may wonder if the Byzantines were expected to marry and produce successful male would have perceived the contradictions that we do in heirs.174 One wonders whether any ancient Greek Mary’s role as an exemplary woman who can promote women developed their own oral tradition to promote both empowerment and subordination. Byzantine a more positive identity and mythology about their literature on the incarnation, indebted to the ancient rhetorical category of antithesis, thrives on the inter- play of contradictions.179 For example, the Theotokos 174 For example, Hera was the goddess of marriage and queen of heaven, but her own marriage was rather unhappy. Her husband 175 For example, consider the possible existence of an alternative betrayed her constantly and his children by other women were far myth concerning Pandora, discussed by J. M. Hurwit, “Beautiful more powerful and honored than her own: Hera gave birth to two Evil: Pandora and the Athena Parthenos,” AJA 99 (1995): 171–86, male Olympians (Ares, feared and hated god of war, and Hephaestos, esp. 176–77. Hurwit uses visual evidence from Athenian pots and the ugly and lame ironsmith and patron of the working classes) and modern scholarship on the etymology of the name Pandora to sug- two female minor goddesses (Eileithyia, protectress of childbirth, gest that this mythical woman might have had an alternative identity and Hebe, connected to youth and marriage). By comparison, Leto as a chthonic goddess who provides the gifts of the earth (therefore gave birth to the powerful Olympians Apollo and Artemis (to men- a positive female figure). On the contrary, the widely known misog- tion just one case of prominent divine offspring sired by Zeus with ynistic narratives in Hesiod present her as the first human female, other women). The other Olympian goddesses were even more inap- who received gifts from all the gods in order to become the irresist- propriate as models for the ideal Greek wife and mother: they were ible seductress who brought misery to the world. The evidence for either husbandless mothers (such as Demeter, whose only daughter the alternative version is scarce and, as Hurwit observes, we are not was the fruit of her rape by her brother Zeus); promiscuous and irre- able to judge whether the chthonic divine Pandora is a different tell- sponsible lovers (Aphrodite); or virgins (Athena, Artemis, Hestia). ing of the same myth, or a different Pandora altogether. It is possi- Their characters and actions problematized female nature in various ble to imagine that an oral tradition about this alternative Pandora ways, thus promoting the condemnation of women as dangerous and might have circulated among women, but this remains hypothetical. inferior beings. For basic information on the personalities and spe- 176 See J. B. Connelly, Portrait of a Priestess: Women and Ritual in cialties of Greek goddesses, including the ones mentioned here, see, Ancient Greece (Princeton, 2007). for example, B. Powell, Classical Myth (Upper Saddle River, 2001), 144–47, 192–215. The issue of gender constructs in ancient Greek 177 See Herrin, “Council in Trullo on Women” (n. 168 above), 120. myths is prominent in scholarship and far beyond the scope of the 178 Ibid. present article. For a useful overview with references to further read- 179 Maguire, Art and Eloquence (n. 111 above), 53–83. See also ings see V. Zajko, “Women and Greek Myth,” in The Cambridge Cross, “St Mary in the Christian East” (n. 5 above), for influential Companion to Greek Mythology, ed. R. D. Woodard (Cambridge, hymns of the Eastern Orthodox tradition authored by men (such 2007), 387–406. as the Akathistos and the works by Romanos the Melodist) that dumbarton oaks papers | 68 298 Maria Evangelatou contains the uncontainable and she is wider than but also as the dynamic co-regent of her imperial son heaven, for the creator of the universe took his resi- Alexios.181 Anna’s Alexiad has long been recognized by dence in her and rose like the sun of justice from her scholars as a unique case of female-authored autobiog- womb. In the case of the miracle of the incarnation, raphy and an epic imperial history that speaks clearly these contradictions are far more than simple gestures about both the proud self-perception and bitter disillu- of literary elegance; they operate at the core of the sions of this ambitious Byzantine princess. As her own mystery and theology of salvation that unites human words betray, Anna was painfully aware that her fail- and divine in the person of Christ. However, the con- ure to claim imperial power for herself was due not to tradictions with respect to the construction of gen- personal shortcomings, but to the prejudicial cultural der identity in the surviving record of Byzantium are restrictions applied to her gender.182 more elusive, because they exist at a subtextual level Another valuable insight into assertive female self- and were generated by individual personal responses perception is the literary production of the nuns Kassia to social and cultural values. To what extent and how and Thekla. Only one hymn by Thekla dedicated to were Byzantine men and women conscious or uncon- the Theotokos has been preserved, yet its pride in the scious products and producers of such values, in their dignity of Mary and of female nature in the service of lives and in the textual and visual record they left virtue and the Church is crystal clear.183 More mate- behind? Here evidence of specific gender dynamics is rial has survived from Kassia, who fiercely declared the even more elusive, because most of the material was resilience of women and saw them sharing in Mary’s produced by men, and even when women attempted to constancy of virtue rather than Eve’s momentary lapse find and record their own voices, they were not just dis- of judgment.184 couraged, but to a large extent conditioned to express These rare survivals of evidence nevertheless themselves according to the restrictions and values of demonstrate that at least some Byzantine women with their male-dominated society.180 Some women might access to wealth and education not only challenged have tried to find personal validation by complying dominant male prejudices against female nature but with the norms and others by challenging them, but strove to leave a record of their struggle. How many there is scarce direct evidence. more negotiated alternative, empowering perceptions, Yet the evidence that does exist suggests some experiences, and expressions of femininity in their women not only were aware of the unjust limitations daily lives we will never know. The Kokkinobaphos imposed on them but were certain of their own poten- homiliaries are an intriguing case because they offer tial and value, and understood how their achievements elusive evidence for the construction of gender. They in the face of adversity could be additional proof of were made by men to honor a woman of exceptional their worth, both as women and as human beings. prestige (Mary), and at least one of them was destined This seems to be the spirit of Anna Komnene’s com- for use by another woman (Eirene), who in terms of ments about her paternal grandmother, who achieved wealth and social standing was far more powerful honor and power not just as the influential mother, than the miniaturist or the author of the homilies. These factors render the gender dynamics of this pro- present Mary as the one who honored human nature beyond com- duction very complex, leaving them open to various parison and was loved by God more than any other part of his cre- interpretations, all of which could have been valid in ation (precisely because she became the mother of the Logos who the manuscript’s original context based on differences had to come to earth to absolve the original sin of Eve). in the gender, social status, and personal interests 180 See, for example, the comments by B. Hill, Imperial Women in Byzantium 1025–1204: Power, Patronage and Ideology (New York, 1999), 6–8, 10–14. In the chapter “Towards a Feminist History of Byzantium,” 18–28, Hill makes further comments on this issue, 181 T. Gouma-Peterson, “Gender and Power: Passages to the including the difficulty of studying the social and cultural ideas Maternal in Anna Komnene’s Alexiad,” in Anna Komnene and Her operative for and experienced by historical people without being Times, ed. eadem (New York, 2000), 107–24, esp. 116. sidetracked by one’s contemporary perceptions. See also B. Neil, “An Introduction to Questions of Gender in Byzantium,” in Niel and 182 Ibid., with references to further literature. Garland, Questions of Gender (n. 164 above), 1–10, esp. 3–7, the sec- 183 Catafygiotu-Topping, “Thekla the Nun” (n. 166 above). tion on methodological issues. 184 Silvas, “Kassia the Nun” (n. 166 above). dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 299 of its producers and users.185 The following discus- it is not a coincidence that contrary to Eirene sebas- sion of two Komnenian princesses with antithetical tokratorissa, there is no record that Anna Komnene approaches to power further illuminates the dynamic donated veils or other objects to icons of Mary. Instead, and multidimensional construction and perception of surviving epigrams mention her dedication of two gender in Byzantine culture. icons of Christ.187 The random survival of evidence perhaps skews our perception, but it is also possible The Examples of Anna Komnene that this ambitious princess saw the king of heaven rather than his queen mother as the figure more con- and Eirene Sebastokratorissa sistent with her personal aspirations.188 In addition, It is reasonable to assume that the male producers of although Anna praises motherhood as honorable and the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries might have perceived empowering in the case of her paternal grandmother Mary’s dedication to spinning as promoting female and her mother,189 she does not present herself in the obedience and domestic seclusion, reinforcing “the same role: she never mentions her four children in the proper place” of women by presenting it as an honor- Alexiad.190 This makes perfect sense if we consider her able status that the Virgin herself exalts through her personal ambitions for direct access to power and the example. Women like Anna Komnene, the talented fact that her offspring did not provide her with any author and headstrong princess who attempted to political and social capital, since they did not hold any seize imperial power for herself and was punished by important public positions that could have made her the male-dominated establishment of the empire, influential as their mother. On the contrary, her grand- might have perceived the message of female subordi- mother had access to power through her imperial son, nation in Mary’s spinning, but would have regarded it and her mother had it through her husband, and later instead with disapproval. Indeed her male contempo- attempted to enhance it by promoting her daughter raries probably objected to her preference for produc- rather than her son to the throne, which caused the ing texts rather than textiles as much as she objected downfall of both women.191 to their expectations that she hold a spindle rather Contrary to Anna Komnene, Eirene sebastokra- than a pen. This tension is implicit in Tornikes’ funer- torissa did not aspire to be an autonomous contender ary eulogy for Anna, which mentions exactly such an for power, but to achieve it through the traditional exchange of instruments emblematic of female and male identity to describe Anna’s literary endeavors, sense of the difficulties she faced because her interests and ambitions and praises her “manly” qualities. His statement seems were not considered appropriate for women in Byzantium; see D. R. Reinsch, “Women’s Literature in Byzantium? The Case of Anna to imply latent disapproval that she violated her female Komnene,” in Gouma-Peterson, Anna Komnene and Her Times nature in order to excel in male activities.186 Perhaps (n. 181 above), 97–101. 187 Dimitropoulou, “Komnenian Imperial Women” (n. 157 above), 192, 264. As Dimitropoulou observes, the surviving evi- 185 For some suggestions centered on the theme of female liter- dence suggests that Anna herself wrote the epigrams accompany- acy and the use of books as presented in the Kokkinobaphos minia- ing the two icons, and it is possible that they were not public but tures see Evangelatou, “Pursuing Salvation” (n. 129 above). On the private commissions, for her own use. Either way, they are indica- subject of female literacy in Byzantium see A. R. Brown, “Psalmody tive of Anna’s personal interest in Christ rather than his mother as and Socrates: Female Literacy in the Byzantine Empire,” in Neil and a powerful and empowering figure: although the epigrams refer to Garland, Questions of Gender (n. 164 above), 57–76. the incarnation and the passion, Mary is not mentioned at all. The 186 J. Darrouzès, Georges et Dèmètrios Tornikès: Lettres et discours focus is on Christ, who is without mother in heaven and without (Paris, 1970), 315. Tornikes writes that Anna “exchanged the spin- father on earth. dle and thread for the reed pen and book” and that she had “a male 188 This in no way implies that Anna did not venerate Mary as soul in a female body.” He compares her to the γυναῖκα ἀνδρείαν of well. It simply indicates that she might have preferred Christ to his Proverbs 31:10, which means not just “valorous” but “manly” woman. mother as an empowering model. In his eulogy he uses various words deriving from ἀνήρ or ἄρρην (man, male) to characterize Anna. It has been noted that Anna was 189 Gouma-Peterson, “Gender and Power” (n. 181 above). perceived as a paradox by contemporary men, who were uneasy with 190 D. C. Smythe, “Middle Byzantine Family Values and Anna her exceptional learning and intellectual activities; see Nardi, Né Komnene’s Alexiad,” in Garland, Varieties of Experience (n. 166 above), sole né luna (n. 121 above), 52–55. Anna herself seems to have regret- 126, 137. ted that she was born a woman rather than a man, which gives us a 191 Gouma-Peterson, “Gender and Power.” dumbarton oaks papers | 68 300 Maria Evangelatou roles of wife and mother. Though she complied with a result, the homiliaries produced under her patron- the standard Byzantine expectations about the ideal age elevate an established tradition of textile meta- female, as a prominent member of the court she also phors about the incarnation into a uniquely elaborate had more choices within her sociocultural limits, not and emphatic presentation of Mary as the spinner and unlike Mary.192 Both women were defined through weaver of human salvation through the veil of flesh she their relation to male authority figures: in the case of prepares for the investiture of the Savior. Eirene, her husband and sons; in the case of Mary, her In the Kokkinobaphos project men were paid to son and God.193 Through them they acquired special serve a woman who exalted herself by association with status within the patriarchal restrictions that defined the most obedient servant of all, the Mother of God. their lives. As Meter Theou without a human husband, Due to her position and disposition, Eirene probably Mary offered Eirene a most useful model, especially chose to identify with Mary as an empowering female after the death of her husband in 1142: she embodied symbol. On the contrary, the men who produced her access to power through motherhood. luxurious homiliaries might have seen Mary as a model, or even an advocate, of female obedience. Yet even this Female Commissioner and Male Producers idea would not necessarily have excluded a recognition of female power exercised through motherhood and Eirene’s aspirations were promoted in the Kokkino- industrious textile production—the two most impor- baphos homiliaries through Mary’s example, but tant duties of a virtuous woman. Indeed, in the illustra- they were textually and visually articulated through tion of the codices the negative presentation of Eve is the intervention of the male author and illustrator. juxtaposed with the positive exaltation of Mary in ways Although we cannot say to what extent Eirene was that suggest the male producers, consciously or subcon- involved in the creation of these codices, it is clear that sciously, projected into the images their own perceptions their producers responded to her personal interests. of female gender identity, which were not necessarily in In this sense, even if we cannot prove Eirene’s direct agreement with those of the female commissioner. Or agency and involvement in the choice of specific icono- perhaps they all looked approvingly at the same texts graphic themes, we may assume she still exerted an and images, but interpreted them in very different ways. important influence, therefore asserting another kind In the following pages I focus on a number of of agency, perhaps indirect but still decisive: both the Kokkinobaphos miniatures in which biblical women author and the miniaturist must have been aware of are prominent. I base my interpretations on a careful Eirene’s appreciation of sacred textiles and possibly her visual analysis of the material in the context of cen- direct personal involvement in textile production. As tral Byzantine cultural values about female identity. I use these images as case studies that illustrate how images can accommodate readings from various gender 192 After all, she was not forced to spin and weave for economic perspectives. At the same time, the emphasis of these reasons, as most Byzantine women were, but she could choose to occupy herself in the production of precious textiles that, when ded- miniatures on female protagonists, and especially on icated to icons of Mary, would further promote Eirene’s status in ideals of motherhood, further reinforces the hypoth- Byzantine society. esis that a woman like Eirene sebastokratorissa, who 193 For example, the epigrams that accompanied the veil dona- presented herself as a dedicated mother, might indeed tions of Eirene and her daughters emphasize their dependence on be the commissioner of the Kokkinobaphos project. I male members of their families, even the dead ones: Eirene’s status begin my analysis with Eve, the first biblical mother, stems from her husband’s position as sebastokrator and when he dies she is beset by trouble and in dire need of Mary’s protection. One whose sinister role in the fall of humankind to a large of her primary concerns is the well-being of her sons, the power- extent both reflected and defined the place of women ful members of her family who can ensure her own well-being. Her in Christian societies like Byzantium. I move on to daughter and daughter-in-law also mention Eirene’s husband as the the more positive role models of Rebecca, Anna, and source of their status and are primarily concerned with the protec- Elizabeth, and then to the more ambiguous representa- tion of their husbands, who in turn will ensure their wives’ well- being. Likewise in Byzantine culture and in the Kokkinobaphos tion of Mother Earth. I conclude with an analysis of manuscripts, Mary is praised as the mother of Christ and not as an the place of women in the anastasis compositions of the independent divine figure. Kokkinobaphos manuscripts. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 301 Gender Construction in the Garden of Eden honor, while the sequence of the biblical narrative and the theology of salvation would suggest the emphasis A useful consideration in the investigation of shifting should be just the opposite: how the curse of the fore- gender perceptions in the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries mother was reversed by the purity of the Theotokos. It is Linardou’s suggestion that the Paris codex was made seems that the male producers of the codex intended to for Iakobos, and only the Vatican manuscript was pro- present women as daughters of Eve instead of sisters of duced for Eirene. Linardou identifies an iconographic Mary in order to promote a sense of guilt and humil- variation in the fall story that indicates the male pro- ity in the female reader, rather than pride and exalted ducers of both codices emphasized Eve’s blame only in dignity, and to remind her of the problematic status of the Vatican copy that was addressed to a woman:194 the her gender.197 I would like to highlight one more detail miniature of the expulsion from paradise in the sebas- that appears only in the Vatican miniature of the fall tokratorissa’s codex presents the Genesis episodes out and likewise seems to serve the purpose of highlight- of order, so that Eve’s eating of the fruit appears in the ing female culpability and the due subordination of center of the composition, while she tempts Adam in women to men: when Eve offers the fruit to Adam, they the top right, and they are reprimanded in the top left; are represented as two youths, identical except for the they are finally expelled from paradise in the bottom rendering of pectoral muscles and Eve’s gesture (fig. 7, right (fig. 7).195 The miniature is followed by the part top right). But after Adam is led to sin, he appears of the homily that includes Adam’s lengthy accusations older, with a beard that clearly distinguishes him from against Eve, showcasing her responsibility for the fall. Eve, suggesting that the disobedience instigated by In the Paris codex, in contrast, the episodes appear in the first woman has introduced aging and death into their proper narrative sequence, and the miniature is sit- human fate (fig. 7, top left). The curse of aging is even uated in a part of the homily text that includes Adam’s more prominent in the Lamentation miniature, where lamentations and recognition of his own responsibility Adam appears at the top of the composition with a lon- in the fall. Linardou insightfully suggests that this dif- ger beard and hair and in the center with a grey beard ference proves the intention of the male producers to and hair; Eve, in contrast, is still youthful, emphasizing remind the female recipient of the Vatican codex that how her act harmed the first man more than it did her- her sex is to blame for humanity’s fall: “the prominent self (fig. 10). Another way to interpret the introduction role of the sinner Eve in the Expulsion miniature of of this age difference immediately after the eating of the V [the Vatican codex] appears as intended to instruct fruit is that it suggests Eve is no longer Adam’s equal, the feminine viewer on what was perceived to be the but his junior partner, both in terms of age and agency. ‘cursed fate’ of Eve’s daughters i.e. women. The visual In other words, her moral inferiority and unworthiness message does not simply echo gender-charged relations have placed her under Adam’s authority, in the same but in a vicious circle reproduces them and instructively way that all women should be under the control of men promotes them as a visual reality intended for the eyes in the male-dominated culture of Byzantium. of a woman.”196 Other details of the Vatican miniature seem It is indeed significant that such a forceful accu- intended to emphasize the immaturity and mischief sation against Eve is so prominent in a homiliary that of Eve (and her daughters), further justifying their exalts another female, Mary, in the highest terms subordination to men. The standard Byzantine ico- possible. In a sense this emphasis on Eve’s culpability nography of Genesis 3:8–13, seen for example in the seems intended to counterbalance Mary’s incomparable Cappella Palatina mosaics (fig. 9) and the middle Byzantine Octateuchs, clearly visualizes the delega- 194 For the following see Linardou, “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts tion of responsibility for the fall as presented in the Revisited” (n. 1 above), 390–92. Bible: Adam points toward Eve, who points toward 195 The miniature illustrates homily 2. Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 35r (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, pl. 11); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 47r (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, pl. V). Hutter, “Die 197 Compare how Eve appears dressed in exactly the same col- Homilien,” 276–77; Hutter and Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 30–31 ors as Rebecca and Anna, suggesting a fundamental commonality (all n. 1 above). between the foremother and her distant daughters. This point is dis- 196 Linardou, “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts Revisited,” 392. cussed in more detail below, 314–15. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 302 Maria Evangelatou the serpent.198 But in the Vatican Kokkinobaphos, between Adam and Eve immediately after the fall Eve gestures toward Adam while he humbly holds his (although there is one in the Lamentation miniature); hands crossed in front of his chest (fig. 7, top left). This and the gestures of the two sinners are identical, sug- visual language seems to suggest that despite her obvi- gesting equal contrition, as they lower their heads, ous guilt (highlighted by the central display of her fall extend their left arms in supplication, and raise their in the same miniature), the woman blames the man, right hands to their throats, perhaps to indicate remorse who instead feels remorse for his own lack of judg- for eating the forbidden fruit. In addition, Adam is ment. Perhaps this detail was even intended to suggest depicted seated when Eve gives him the fruit, which that women are not just mischievous, but also imma- might suggest that he is her senior and that she should ture, irresponsible, and incapable of grasping moral serve him and submit to his authority.202 Instead her consequences. This is also reflected in Byzantine law, actions go against this duty, undermining his position.203 which punished women only in the case of adultery or At the same time, Adam’s lack of resistance to her influ- murder, as if all other crimes were beyond their com- ence highlights his own responsibility. It seems that prehension and accountability.199 Precisely this atti- in this miniature the issue is Adam and Eve’s shared tude is emphatically showcased in the sixth homily of culpability, which reflects the content of the second the Vatican Kokkinobaphos, when Joseph, suspecting Kokkinobaphos homily, as well as the biblical narra- Mary of unchastity, blames himself for not guarding tive, where the man accepts the forbidden fruit from her more closely to protect her from her own weakness, the woman without a second thought.204 Their shared as Adam should have done with Eve: if he had not let her out of his sight, the serpent could not have led her 202 Compare the hierarchy of seated and standing figures dis- astray.200 This insidious reference to female immaturity cussed below in connection with Jacob’s story: the sons are stand- and lack of moral strength is already present in the cor- ing in front of their seated parents, but when Rebecca interacts with responding episode of the Protevangelion: there Joseph her husband, she is always standing while he is seated or lying down. laments that his misfortune echoes the story of Adam, 203 The idea that Eve should have been Adam’s subservient assis- tant, but instead caused him irreparable harm, is emphasized in the who left Eve alone “in his hour of praise,” allowing the Kokkinobaphos second homily. Adam laments how his own “mem- serpent the opportunity to deceive her.201 ber” (a reference to the creation of Eve out of his rib) became a lethal These visual statements condemning women in arrow (wordplay between μέλος and βέλος), and by abandoning her the Vatican Kokkinobaphos do not appear in the Paris own head (her husband, as specified in Ephesians 5:22–24), she was copy (fig. 8, center): no age difference is introduced led astray with disastrous results. The issue of hierarchy is further elaborated through reference to animals, which were supposed to be ruled by humans, rather than rule them (as the serpent did through its influence on Eve). The reference is to animals being created as 198 See K. Weitzmann and M. Bernabò, The Illustrations in the Adam’s helpers and named by him, before Eve was created as a helper Manuscripts of the Septuagint, vol. 2, The Byzantine Octateuchs, 2 parts of his own kind and was also named by him as “woman.” Although in (Princeton, 1999), 1:37–38, 2: figs. 91–94. Genesis Adam professed his union with her in one flesh, the context 199 Hill, Imperial Women in Byzantium (n. 180 above), 16. of Eve’s creation produced a striking analogy between her and the 200 Vat. gr. 1162, folios 167r–v. Ἐγὼ ὑπαίτιος τοῦ ὑφορωμένου animals (see Genesis 2:18–25). Homily 2.9, PG 127:580D: “ἣν βοηθὸν νῦν ἀτοπήματος, ἐγὼ τῆς ἐμῆς πρόξενος ζημίας. Εἰ γὰρ διαπαντὸς τῇ ἐδεξάμην, ταύτην ἐπίβουλον εὗρον· ἣν συνεργὸν ἤλπιζον ἐν τοῖς καλοῖς, τηρουμένῃ συνῴκουν, οὐκ ἂν τὴν διηνεκῆ κατάραν ἐκληρωσάμην. Εἰ ταύτην τῶν ἐναντίων πρόξενον κατανοῶ. Τὸ ἐμὸν μέλος, ἀναιρετικὸν μὴ τὴν παρακαταθήκην ἐάσας εἰς ἀνονήτους ἐστελλόμην ἀποδημίας, βέλος. Ἡ εἰς βοήθειαν συνεζευγμένη, συνωθεῖν ἐμελέτησας. Τί γὰρ οὐκ ἂν στεναγμοὶ τὴν ἐπιδημίαν διεδέξαντο . . . Παραπλησίως τοῖς τῷ ὄφει ἐπείθου; τί δὲ τὴν σὴν ἐγκαταλείψασα κεφαλήν, περιῆγες τοῦ προπάτορος Ἀδὰμ περιεπάρην κακοῖς· κἀκεῖνος γὰρ εἰ μὴ τῆς πλανωμένη, καὶ τὸν ὄλεθρον ἐπεισάγουσα; διατί τῇ τῶν ὑποχειρίων δεδομένης διέστη βοηθοῦ, οὐκ ἂν συνεζεύχθη τῷ τῆς ἀρᾶς ἐπιτιμίῳ, ὑπεῖξας συμβουλῇ; Ἄρχειν τούτων ἐτέθημεν, μὴ ἄρχεσθαι ὑπ’ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἂν ἀμφότεροι ταῖς τοῦ θηρεύοντος παγίσιν ἑάλωσαν. προσετάγημεν· βασιλεύειν αὐτῶν· μὴ γὰρ βασιλεύεσθαι ὑπ’ αὐτῶν.” 201 Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha (n. 9 above), 24–25 (chap. 204 In Genesis 3:1–6 Eve disputes the consumption of the forbid- 13): μήτι εἰς ἐμὲ ἀνεκεφαλαιώθη ἡ ἱστορία τοῦ Ἀδάμ; ὥσπερ γᾶρ ὁ Ἀδὰμ den fruit with the serpent before she is persuaded to eat it (she men- ἐν τῇ ὥρᾳ τῆς δοξολογίας αὐτοὺ ἦν καὶ ἦλθεν ὁ ὄφις καὶ εὗρε τὴν Εὔαν tions God’s prohibition); on the contrary, Adam does not raise any μόνην καὶ ἐξηπάτησεν, οὕτως κἀμοὶ ἐγένετο. I assume that ὥρα τῆς objection: he simply accepts what Eve offers him. Christian authors δοξολογίας refers to Adam’s glorifying God, which further high- developed the tradition of Adam resisting her suggestion before lights his piety and the irresponsible behavior of Eve: while he was being persuaded. Although totally unsupported by the biblical nar- praising his Creator, she was disrespecting both of them through her rative, this claim entered the illustration of the middle Byzantine disastrous disobedience. Octateuchs, reinforcing visually the notion of Eve’s culpability and dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 303 guilt is particularly highlighted through their identical life and mentality.207 In this context, Adam’s lapse of gestures before the accusing angel, a departure from the judgment and his inability to resist the undue influ- standard iconography that faithfully illustrates the bib- ence of his inferior partner would prompt the monks lical delegation of blame from Adam to Eve and from to contemplate their conduct and feel shame and con- Eve to the serpent (Genesis 3:12–13, compare figs. 8–9).205 trition for their own sins and for those of humankind Linardou suggests that the biblically accurate as they prayed for the forgiveness of the world. At the sequencing of scenes in the Paris Kokkinobaphos was same time, the textual and visual references in the the result of the insertion of the miniature into the Paris Kokkinobaphos to the disastrous effects of sub- passage of the second homily emphasizing Adam’s cul- verted hierarchy—when a seated Adam is corrupted pability, rather than in the exposition on Eve’s guilt in by a standing Eve—would have worked to reinforce the next passage, which was illustrated in the Vatican socially and culturally constructed stereotypes about Kokkinobaphos.206 I see both the different place- the divinely approved order of things and the “proper” ment and iconography of the scene in the Paris copy place of men and women. as meant to shift attention away from Eve’s guilt, pre- In contast, the Vatican miniature of the fall cisely because the intended audience is male. Iakobos starkly highlights Eve’s culpability and Adam’s moral and possibly other monks in his monastic community superiority. As Linardou has observed, this suggests would not have needed an extra reminder of Eve’s cul- that the male author and miniaturist, working in close pability as they were already advocates for her blame, in collaboration, presented Eirene with a gender-charged accordance with the biblical story and male-dominated statement intended to validate and promote the subor- Byzantine culture, in which misogynistic statements dination of women. It is possible that the sebastokra- abounded. Perhaps the interest of Iakobos and his torissa understood it as such, but it is also possible that brothers focused on the responsibility and reproach- in the context of this Marian homiliary she could have able conduct of both Adam and Eve because contrition interpreted the first woman’s sin in the more empow- and repentance were prominent features of monastic ering way that I have suggested above: Eve’s fall led to Mary’s exaltation. Because of the sin of the first mother, the Virgin became the Mother of God, and through Adam’s moral resistance. See Weitzmann and Bernabò, Byzantine her female nature was not just restored to grace, but Octateuchs (n. 198 above), 1:34–35, 2: figs. 83–86. honored beyond comparison. Motherhood became 205 It should be noted that in Genesis 3:12 Adam seems to imply the gateway to salvation, through which the glory of that his fall is also God’s responsibility, since he was the one who introduced him to Eve: “The woman whom you gave (to be) with being united with divinity in the person of Christ was me, she gave me from the tree, and I ate.” “Ἡ γυνή, ἣν ἔδωκας μετ’ bestowed on human nature. Indeed, when Adam sud- ἐμοῦ, αὕτη μοι ἔδωκεν ἀπὸ τοῦ ξύλου, καὶ ἔφαγον.” In the Septuagint denly ages after eating the fruit, his features become text, the repetition of the verb “gave” (ἔδωκας and ἔδωκεν) further Christ-like, which might suggest that the path is now reinforces the sinister analogy between God giving Eve to Adam and open for the advent of the new Adam (fig. 7, top left). Eve giving the fruit to Adam, which implies not only that God and Eve are both culpable for Adam’s fall, but that Eve is comparable to It is useful to bear in mind that contradictions are not the forbidden and deadly fruit. In the second Kokkinobaphos hom- simply unavoidable in human experience, they are ily (§§8–10) Adam blames Eve for the fall, but he also admits his also the cause and effect of much of its richness and own responsibility and lack of judgment. See PG 127:577D–584A. diversity, as they resonate with the potential of varied Paragraph 8 refers to Adam’s lamentation and shame for his dis- interpretations. In this context Eirene could have sub- obedience, which caused not only his own punishment, but that of humankind. In paragraph 9 Adam strongly condemns Eve for being scribed to the interpretation that does not see Eve and treacherous instead of helpful to the one she was destined to serve Mary as polar opposites, but as mother and daughter and obey; he also mentions Satan’s envy as leading to the trickery of the serpent and laments the loss of paradise and the shame of his lowly status after his expulsion. He deplores his disobedience and 207 For example, sorrow and penitence feature prominently as sinfulness and marvels at the magnanimity of God, who is still pre- fundamental components in the life of virtuous monks accord- pared to forgive and save humanity. The same feelings of contrition ing to the Heavenly Ladder of John Climacus, which was particu- and gratefulness are the theme of paragraph 10. larly popular and well-known among both Byzantine monks and 206 Linardou, “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts Revisited” (n. 1 lay Christians. See K. Ware, “Introduction,” in John Climacus, The above), 391–92. Ladder of Divine Ascent (Mahwah, NJ, 1982), 14–16 . dumbarton oaks papers | 68 304 Maria Evangelatou who together make possible the incarnation and bring is the person who initiates Jacob’s transformation exceptional honor to human nature. into a patriarch and Christ’s forefather; typologically, Rebecca, another biblical woman who exemplifies since she is a prefiguration of Mary and the Church; the dynamic vitality of contradictions, appears promi- and morally/culturally, since she is an exemplary nently in the second Kokkinobaphos frontispiece. Her mother. These aspects of her character are interrelated support of her younger son Jacob at the expense of the and significantly enrich the function of the frontis- firstborn Esau is described in positive terms even by the piece as a successful visual introduction to the main male authors of the Byzantine tradition, who recognized themes of the second homily. On the contrary, in past in her actions the path that led Jacob to triumph: first scholarship this frontispiece has been misunderstood exiled to avoid his brother’s wrath, he came into great as unsuccessful, driving attention away from the blessings and fortune, finally becoming a patriarch and theological focus of the text. I will therefore discuss Christ’s forefather.208 This contextual evaluation of the it in its entirety in order to highlight its complexity sin of lying as a means to a positive outcome is analogous and sophistication, and shed more light on Rebecca’s to the more flexible and polysemantic approach that motherhood as a highly meaningful component of Eirene might have used to read Eve’s role in human his- the whole. tory against the negative perception of the first mother The top register of the frontispiece shows Jacob usually embraced by Byzantine men. In a sense, the trib- greeting his father before departing for Mesopotamia ulations and final triumph that characterized Jacob’s life in search of Laban, his maternal uncle, whose daugh- due to the influence of his mother parallel the history ters he will marry (fig. 5). His mother, Rebecca, and a of humanity under the influence of two other mothers, maid witness the event at the far right of the compo- Eve and Mary. Rebecca appears at the beginning of the sition. The second register shows Jacob taking off his second Kokkinobaphos homily, in which Eve’s fall is boots in order to cross the Jordan, and the bottom prominently depicted; this might have inspired a reader register represents his dream of the heavenly ladder like Eirene to draw parallels between the two women. that in patristic exegesis is interpreted as a prefigura- However, Rebecca’s representation has much wider tion of Mary connecting earth and heaven through her implications and significantly enriches the homiliaries’ role in the incarnation. In previous scholarship it has discourse on gender construction, making her an impor- been suggested that, in comparison to the other typo- tant subject for close analysis. She appears in the second logical composition of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries, frontispiece as a catalyst in Jacob’s life and the composi- the second frontispiece contains superfluous narrative tion is structured to emphasize her bond with her son details in the top two registers, diverting attention (fig. 5). Thus motherhood is highlighted as a supreme from the ladder, which is relegated to the bottom reg- value, which relates both to the role of the Theotokos as ister. In addition, the top register is seen as present- Mother of God and to Eirene as a woman who sought ing an incongruous narrative because the miniaturist prestige and power through her traditional role as a depended too closely on the images in an illustrated mother. In the following paragraphs I shall demon- Octateuch, clumsily compiling several scenes in one strate how the exceptional depiction of Rebecca and register.209 Alternatively, it has been suggested that two other biblical mothers, Anna and Elizabeth, in the the inclusion of Isaac in this depiction of Jacob’s story Kokkinobaphos homiliaries was intended to reinforce was meant to emphasize the lineage of the patriarchs, the notion of Mary and Eirene as exemplary mothers. who were the forefathers of David and thus of Mary and her son.210 I believe the latter was a contributing Christology, Mariology, and Motherhood: factor, but there are many more significant reasons for the iconographic choices, and these may explain all the Rebecca’s Polyvalence details of this unusual frontispiece, including the prom- The presentation of Rebecca in the second Kokkinoba- inence of Rebecca. Below I will argue that the three phos frontispiece as the mother of the main protago- registers were composed to emphasize ideas central nist is important in three ways: historically, since she 209 Linardou, “Depicting the Salvation,” 137–38, esp. 138. 208 Discussed in greater detail below, 308–9. 210 Ibid., 138. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 305 in the Kokkinobaphos manuscripts: Christological the way back to Eden. Thus, far from being a superflu- and Mariological typology that interprets the Old ous detail, Jacob’s crossing of the Jordan enhances the Testament as a prefiguration of human salvation ful- understanding of the ladder/Mary as the path of return filled in the New Testament through Mary and her son; to paradise. Indeed, the desire to create this visual par- and motherhood as a noble role that empowers women, allel led to a resequencing of the historical order of giving them prestige and influence within the param- episodes: as Hutter has noted, Jacob’s dream of the eters of Byzantium’s patriarchal culture. ladder occurred within the promised land, before he The typological significance of Jacob’s story, crossed the river that demarcated the eastern boundary including the episode of his blessing by his father and of his ancestral home as he traveled to Mesopotamia. the role of his mother, is amply attested in Byzantine Instead, in the Kokkinobaphos frontispiece the cross- exegetical sources ranging from scriptural interpre- ing is purposefully depicted before the dream: taking tation to hymnography.211 Below I will make use of Jordan as an allusion to paradise, this arrangement this material, but first I would like to emphasize that emphasizes how Mary the ladder unites earth and the biblical story itself provides a number of impor- heaven, allowing the Logos to descend to earth and tant clues that could justify its detailed presentation humans to ascend to heaven.213 Such careful planning and prominence in the Kokkinobaphos frontispiece. in the design of the bottom two registers suggests that Familiarity with the biblical text alone would have we should closely investigate the significance of the top allowed the producers and users of the homiliary to register as well. relate it to basic Christian concepts and to the influen- The text of the second homily includes references tial role of Rebecca as mother. to Jacob’s life as the beginning of divine interventions The story of Jacob as narrated in Genesis 25–33 signaling the favor of God toward his people and pre- is that of exile from one’s homeland, trials overcome paring them for the supreme gift of the Creator’s own through virtue and divine guidance, and final return son.214 The frontispiece echoes the central theme of to the ancestral home, the promised land of Israel, with progression toward salvation though the incarnation great fortune and blessings from God. In a sense this that is made possible through Mary the ladder—a story parallels the return of humankind to paradise, a biblical type that is explicitly mentioned in the second theme that is extensively discussed in the second hom- homily.215 In this light it is worth reconsidering the ily, introduced by this frontispiece, and visualized in frontispiece’s caption, which reads: “Jacob’s farewell miniatures including the expulsion of Adam and Eve, their lamentation, the deserted paradise, and the return to paradise of the just led by the resurrected Christ 213 Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 226–27; Hutter and Canart, Das (figs. 7, 10, 11). Hutter has astutely observed that the Marienhomiliar, 27. rivers of paradise prominent in depictions of Eden are 214 Homily 2.4, PG 127:569D–573A: Joachim and Anna pray to echoed in the frontispiece representation of the Jordan God to grant them a child by invoking how he reversed the barren- ness of Sarah, Isaac’s mother, and Hannah, Samuel’s mother, and (compare figs. 5 and 7).212 The depiction of the earthly performed numerous other miracles for the salvation of their fore- river that symbolizes the paradisiacal bodies of water fathers. They begin their enumeration of those miracles with Jacob in the middle register of the frontispiece, above the (572B), who received divine blessing and was renamed Israel. They heavenly ladder, further emphasizes that this ladder is continue with references to the miracles performed during the Exodus from Egypt. The author of the homily concludes that thanks to the sincere plea of the virtuous couple, they became parents of the 211 See the examples mentioned below. Byzantine homilies and immaculate Virgin who through her son brought about the regener- hymns that employ Old Testament types to illuminate Christian ation of human nature and its restitution to its original glory. beliefs are no less exegetical than patristic biblical commentaries that 215 Homily 2.6, PG 127:576B: “has the ladder been raised, are entirely dedicated to the interpretation of the Old Testament through which the king of heavenly powers will descend in our low- from a Christian perspective. In both cases, exegesis is the interpre- est abode?” Homily 2.12, PG 127:584D: through Mary’s birth “the tation of holy scripture in order to unveil the divine plan for human heavenly were united with the earthly” (an obvious evocation of salvation that is prefigured in the Old and fulfilled in the New Mary as the ladder). Homily 2.20 PG 127:597AB, Mary is the instru- Testament and the life of the Church. ment of salvation: “You constructed her as a bridge passing over the 212 Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 226–29; Hutter and Canart, Das tribulations of the world and conducting to peace. You raised her as a Marienhomiliar, 27. ladder, leading from sadness to joy and from earth to heaven.” dumbarton oaks papers | 68 306 Maria Evangelatou [departing] toward Laban in Mesopotamia.”216 This is women.222 Hence his journey to Mesopotamia, where not an inaccurate or elliptic caption:217 it fits the theme he earned great fortune and blessings from God, allow- of all three registers without specifically mentioning ing him to return home and reconcile with his brother. the crossing of Jordan and the dream of the ladder that In other words, it was because of his mother’s actions take place on Jacob’s way to Mesopotamia. Informed that Jacob faced tribulations that led to triumphs, and Byzantine viewers would be familiar with the Marian helped transform him into a major patriarch of Israel connotations of the ladder, which was prominent in and Christ’s forefather. Rebecca’s significant role in their literary tradition, including hymns and homilies the story is emphasized through her speaking gesture, regularly performed on church feasts.218 The caption and her powerful bond with her son is conveyed by directs attention to the governing theme of departure/ the intense red color of his tunic and her maphorion. exile in the life of Jacob, which would bring to mind The prominent depiction of Rebecca next to the type the entire story, including his return home and the of maid that often appears indoors in Kokkinobaphos symbolic implications for the return of humankind miniatures to suggest the world of the household to paradise via the Marian ladder. In addition, Jacob’s (cf. figs. 4, 28–29) is a tribute to the power of mother- departure was a consequence of his taking the right of hood and a reference to the realm of female activities primogeniture away from his brother Esau, forcing the that influence the life of men. Indeed, Rebecca wears younger son to face trials that lead to further blessings the same red maphorion and light blue tunic as Anna, from God, all of which resulted in Jacob’s becoming Mary’s exemplary mother, who appears repeatedly in Israel’s patriarch and Christ’s forefather. The first reg- the Kokkinobaphos miniatures, usually tending to her ister of the frontispiece emphasizes the Christological daughter, and is frequently praised in the homilies for significance of the story by depicting Jacob between the her piety and maternal dedication.223 Another signifi- patriarch Isaac (traditionally understood as an antetype cant parallel between Rebecca and Anna is their mirac- of Christ)219 and his mother Rebecca, who accord- ulous pregnancies, which indicate the special nature of ing to the Genesis narrative orchestrated the blessing their offspring. The text of the second Kokkinobaphos exchange and the departure of her son. homily mentions Sarah and Hannah as Old Testament In this context the top register’s depiction of examples of barren women who, like Anna, became fer- Rebecca making a speaking gesture behind her son as tile through divine intervention.224 The frontispiece to he greets his father is not an incongruous detail due to the homily complements those references by depicting uncritical copying of a model.220 On the contrary, it Rebecca (as well as Isaac, the fruit of Sarah’s womb). reinforces the message of the frontispiece by highlight- The extent to which the top register of this Kok- ing the mother’s role in the story: it was because of her kinobaphos frontispiece was planned to visualize the love for Jacob and her trickery that her younger son internal dynamics and significance of Jacob’s story stole his father’s blessing, angering his older brother, can be further appreciated through a brief comparison Esau, who became set on killing Jacob for revenge.221 with the Octateuch miniatures. The eleventh-century Rebecca orchestrated Jacob’s life-saving departure by Octateuch (Vat. gr. 747) and the three twelfth-century convincing Isaac that Jacob should not marry local Octateuchs (Seraglio G. I. 8, Smyrna A.1, and Vat. gr. 746) include the same set of images with only slight 216 Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 223; Hutter and Canart, Das Mari- variations.225 First Isaac sends Esau out to hunt for his enhomiliar, 27. Ὁ ἀποχαιρετισμὸς τοῦ Ἰακὼβ πρὸς Λάβαν εἰς Μεσοποταμίαν. 222 Genesis 27:42–46. 217 As suggested by Linardou, “Depicting the Salvation,” 138. 223 Elizabeth, the mother of John the Baptist, is also given a 218 See n. 46 above. prominent role in the text and images of the sixth homily (discussed 219 For example, Epiphanius, Homilia in divini corporis sepul- below). turam, PG 43:452–53. For more patristic references see L. Brubaker, 224 See n. 214 above. See below for exegetical references that draw Vision and Meaning in Ninth Century Byzantium: Image and parallels between Rebecca’s reversed infertility and Mary’s virginal Exegesis in the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus (Cambridge, 1999), fertility. 208. 225 For images and descriptions of the following miniatures see 220 As suggested by Linardou, “Depicting the Salvation,” 138. Weitzmann and Bernabò, Byzantine Ochtateuchs (n. 198 above), 221 Genesis 25:28, 27:5–17. 1:97–100, 2: figs. 371–86. For a discussion of the Octateuchs as dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 307 meal. The son stands obedient, his arms crossed in front reclining pose only when the father receives the meals of his chest. The father lies in bed in Vat. gr. 747, but and blesses each son accordingly creates a significant is seated on a stool in the twelfth-century manuscripts. visual context for the Kokkinobaphos frontispiece. Rebecca peeks through a curtain behind her husband The image of Isaac prostrate (instead of seated) before a in Vat. gr. 747, but in the twelfth-century Octateuchs standing Jacob in the Kokkinobaphos miniature does she appears standing behind Isaac, raising the hem of not simply illustrate the moment the father sends his her mantle close to her face, perhaps to suggest secrecy, son to Mesopotamia, as the caption specifies; it also shame, and anxiety over her plot to deceive her husband. recalls the scene of a prone Isaac blessing a standing This deception is depicted in a second register within Jacob, the critical event that instigated both the trip to the same frame: Isaac lies in bed on the left, Jacob pre- Mesopotamia and the elevation of the younger son to tending to be Esau approaches with the meal in the cen- the status that would make him the great patriarch of ter, and Rebecca stands on the right, making a speaking Israel and forefather of Christ. Likewise, in the same gesture that suggests she is the one who instructed her frontispiece the depiction of a seated Rebecca making a younger son to impersonate his older brother. In the speaking gesture recalls the Octateuch scene that illus- next scene, Esau presents the meal to Isaac in bed, and trates her advising Jacob to flee. after realizing the deception, turns around to pursue Through the process of interpictoriality, the Kok- Jacob. In the following composition a seated Rebecca kinobaphos miniature alludes to other significant epi- advises a standing Jacob to flee to Mesopotamia, and sodes of the narrative, revealing the deeper meaning within the same frame a standing Rebecca shares with a of the story and the roles of the participants. It is very seated Isaac her distress about the possibility that Jacob probable that Eirene, or other members of her circle might marry a Canaanite woman. This prompts Isaac’s who would have had access to the Kokkinobaphos action in the next miniature: seated in front of Jacob, manuscript, might have seen an illustrated Octateuch he advises his son to go to Mesopotamia in order to find like those surviving from the twelfth century. In any a wife among the daughters of Laban. The boy stands case, the miniaturist of the Kokkinobaphos homiliary obedient, his arms crossed before his chest (repeating would have been familiar with the Octateuch iconogra- the gesture of Esau when he was sent in the fields to phy, since it has been convincingly argued that he par- hunt). In all the manuscripts the hierarchical relation- ticipated in the production of the Seraglio Octateuch.227 ship of the figures is clearly indicated by whether they In the second Kokkinobaphos frontispiece the painter are seated or standing: Isaac appears either on a stool or did not produce a derivative and erroneous compo- in bed in front of his standing sons or wife; Rebecca is sition by uncritically combining different narrative seated in front of a standing Jacob, but she stands when episodes in a single scene.228 On the contrary, he she speaks to a seated Isaac. used the subtle iconographic elements of Jacob’s story Two significant features are peculiar to the three from the illustrated Genesis text to produce a new, twelfth-century Octateuchs alone. First, they give highly sophisticated, and multilayered representation greater emphasis to the mother by presenting her in full of Jacob’s departure that reinforced the themes of the behind Isaac when he sends Esau to the fields. Second, Kokkinobaphos codices. they depict the patriarch lying in bed only when he The exegetical interpretations of Jacob’s story in receives the meal from Jacob or Esau, while Vat. gr. 747 Byzantine tradition further illuminate its Christologi- also shows him in bed in the scene in which he asks cal significance and give great prominence to Rebecca, Esau to hunt for him. This depiction is actually closer detailing her typological significance and praising her to the Genesis narrative, which mentions Isaac’s infir- exemplary motherhood. Genesis already specifies that mity and his desire to eat meat procured by his son.226 the twin boys born to Rebecca refer to two different However, the twelfth-century Octateuchs’ use of the a creation of the middle Byzantine period see J. Lowden, The Octateuchs: A Study in Byzantine Manuscript Illustration (University 227 J. Anderson, “The Seraglio Octateuch and the Kokkinobaphos Park, 1992). Master,” DOP 36 (1982): 83–114, esp. 89–93. 226 Genesis 27:1–4. 228 As suggested by Linardou, “Depicting the Salvation,” 138. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 308 Maria Evangelatou nations,229 and the major differences in their characters aggressive Esau, who was the legal heir).233 In addition, and life trajectories reinforce that idea. Christian exe- Rebecca is likened to the ultimate mother/protector/ getes explain those differences, and especially the fact mediator, the Virgin Mary, a prominent symbol and that Jacob is blessed as the first-born instead of Esau, as embodiment of the Church. These ideas are central in a prefiguration of the Christians’ replacing the Jews as the hymn that Romanos Melodos dedicated to Jacob’s the new chosen people of God.230 Exegetes also empha- blessing by Isaac, to be sung on the fifth Sunday of size that because of that blessing, Christ was born from Lent.234 Moreover, exegetes note that Rebecca’s mirac- Jacob’s bloodline, in accordance with the prophecy ulously reversed sterility was an Old Testament pre- that a star would rise out of Jacob.231 Like other patri- figuration of the even more miraculous virginal birth archs, Jacob is considered an antetype of Christ.232 In of Christ, offering proof of the omnipotence of God.235 this exegetical context Rebecca is given special promi- Even the fact that Rebecca was chosen as Isaac’s bride nence as a symbol of the Church, which takes care of when she was first seen next to a well (Genesis 24) is her virtuous children (or rewards all children according paralleled to the annunciation and the choice of Mary to their deeds, thus preferring the meek Jacob to the as God’s bride, which, according to the Protevangelion, first happened next to a well.236 Finally, a prominent motif in Christian authors’ estimation of Rebecca is 229 Genesis 25:21–23. Septuagint translation by Brenton: “And her exemplary motherhood: in choosing to promote Isaac prayed the Lord concerning Rebecca his wife, because she was and protect the better of her two sons despite the risks, barren; and the Lord heard him, and his wife Rebecca conceived in her womb. And the babes leaped within her; and she said, If it will be in giving him good counsel and cleverly orchestrat- so with me, why is this to me? And she went to enquire of the Lord. ing the blessing and his escape to Mesopotamia, she is And the Lord said to her, ‘There are two nations in thy womb and exalted as a wise mother acting under divine guidance, two peoples shall be separated from thy belly, and one people shall becoming a valuable instrument for the fulfillment excel the other, and the elder shall serve the younger’.” of God’s plans. Indeed her rather deceitful behavior 230 For example, Hippolytus of Rome, De benedictionibus Isaaci is unequivocally justified and praised as the result of et Jacobi, ed. M. Brière, L. Mariès, and B. C. Mercier, Hippolyte de Rome, Sur les bénédictions d’Isaac, de Jacob et de Moïse, PO 27 (Turnhout, 1954), 10, 14, 16, 30. Romanos Melodos, Cantica, 4, 233 For example, Hippolytus of Rome, De benedictionibus Isaaci §19, 3–4, ed. Grosdidier de Matons, Romanos le Mélode, Hymnes, et Jacobi, ed. Brière et al., 14, 18. Gregory of Nazianzos, Funebris vol. 1, SC 99 (Paris, 1964), 192. Alternatively, Jacob symbolizes the oratio in laudem Basilii Magni Caesareae in Cappadocia episcopi virtuous believers of God, Christians who were previously Jews or (oration 43), ed. F. Boulenger, Grégoire de Nazianze, Discours funè- polytheists, as opposed to the unbelievers whose heels are struck (a bres en l’ honneur de son frère Césaire et de Basile de Césarée (Paris, reference to Jacob clinging to Esau’s heel as they were born, Genesis 1908), 71. This homily was read on the feast day of Basil the Great on 25:26). For example, Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, 6.7.60, ed. 1 January, and therefore the reference to Rebecca as a prefiguration L. Früchtel, O. Stählin, and U. Treu, Clemens Alexandrinus, vol. 2, of the Church must have been a familiar concept to the Byzantines. GCS 15 (Berlin, 1939), 462. An alternative interpretation is that Esau For the reading of the homily see G. Galavaris, The Illustrations of and Jacob symbolize the ecclesia ex gentibus and ecclesia ex circumci- the Liturgical Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus (Princeton, 1969), 11. sione (the polytheists and Jews who became Christians). For exam- 234 Romanos Melodos, Cantica, 4, ed. J. Grosdidier de Matons, ple, Athanasius, Questiones ad Antiochum ducem, PG 28:633B. Yet Romanos le Mélode, Hymnes, 172–92. Indeed, the opening lines of another interpretation sees Jacob and Esau as referring to orthodox the hymn present an analogy between Rebecca’s advice that secured vs. heretical Christians. For example, Gregory of Nyssa, In sanctum Jacob the blessing of his father, and Mary’s intercession that provides Ephraim, PG 46:844B. Christians with the blessing of Christ (§1, 172). Further on (§11–12, 231 Numbers 24:17: “A star will come out of Jacob; a scepter will 184–86) Rebecca is the first to recognize that Jacob’s blessing pre- rise out of Israel.” Mentioned, for example, by Athanasios, De incar- figures the incarnation of Christ. The closing of the hymn (§19, 192) natione verbi §33.4, ed. C. Kannengiesser, Sur l’ incarnation du verbe, presents Esau and Jacob as the prefiguration (typos) of the Jews and SC 199 (Paris, 1973), 384. Romanos Melodos, Cantica, 10, §5.9–10 Christians, and exalts Rebecca as a prefiguration of the Church. (kontakion for Christmas), ed. Grosdidier de Matons, Romanos le 235 For example, John Chrysostom, Peccata fratrum non evul- Mélode, Hymnes, vol. 2, SC 110 (Paris, 1965), 54. ganda, PG 51:359–61. Idem, In Genesim, PG 53:442–46. 232 For example, Hippolytus of Rome, De benedictionibus Isaaci 236 This parallel is made by Gregory of Nyssa, In diem luminum, et Jacobi, ed. Brière et al., 14, 18–26, where Jacob is said to prefig- 9.1:231. For the annunciation at the well in the Protevangelion see ure Christ’s birth from the Virgin (which implies that Rebecca pre- Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha (n. 9 above), 21 (chap. 11). This epi- figures Mary). Epiphanios, Homilia in divini corporis sepulturam, sode is described and illustrated in the fifth Kokkinobaphos homily: PG 43:452–53. Gregory of Nyssa, In diem luminum, E. Gebhardt, Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 117v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, pl. 50); Gregorii Nysseni opera (Leiden, 1967), 9.1:232, lines 19–20. Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 159v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, pl. XX). dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 309 her maternal instinct and divine providence.237 This is further enhanced by prominent references to Anna interpretation recognizes that women can be empow- and Elizabeth, to which I will now turn. ered through motherhood, which could provide posi- tive role models within the patriarchal restrictions of Praising Exemplary Mothers: Byzantine society and increase women’s sense of self- worth and pride. Anna and Elizabeth The visual prominence of Rebecca in the second Anna, the mother of Mary, and Elizabeth, the mother Kokkinobaphos frontispiece and the textual and cul- of John the Baptist, are prominently exalted in both tural references it would have evoked emphasize her the text and the images of the Kokkinobaphos homil- motherly influence in the biblical story and comple- iaries in ways that go far beyond the Protevangelion or ment the focus on Mary’s motherhood. This sanctified the Gospel accounts. This unusual emphasis on their female role would have been particularly significant exemplary conduct seems designed to address and for the patroness of this lavish Marian project, Eirene acknowledge Eirene’s investment in motherhood as an the sebastokratorissa, who sought prestige and recog- empowering role. nition in the traditional role of mother.238 The focus The first Kokkinobaphos homily corresponds to on motherhood that exalted the holy protagonist of the chapters 1–4 of the Protevangelion, which give special homiliaries and linked her to their pious commissioner prominence to Anna’s suffering and prayers concern- ing her infertility. The Kokkinobaphos author is even more lavish in his praise of Anna, stating that her sor- row and patience were twice as great as Joachim’s, as 237 For example, Basil the Great, Homilia in principium prover- biorum, PG 31:412A. John Chrysostom, Ad Stagirium a daemone she was afflicted by both his withdrawal in the desert vexatum, PG 47:464D. Idem, In Genesim, PG 54:448, Rebecca and the contempt of those who criticized her for her has prudence (σύνεσις). PG 54:451, she is God-loving (φιλόθεος). barrenness. Anna is also praised for her bravery, piety, PG 54:464–70, God works his will through Rebecca; her love and and generosity, which lead her to invent a daring new excellent advice to Jacob serve divine providence: “ Ὅρα μητρὸς φιλοστοργίαν, μᾶλλον δὲ Θεοῦ οἰκονομίαν. Αὐτὸς γὰρ ἦν ὁ καὶ ταύτην offering to God as a thanksgiving for his blessing: the πρὸς τὴν συμβουλὴν διεγείρων, καὶ τὸ πᾶν κατορθωθῆναι ποιῶν. Εἶδες dedication of a female child to the temple.239 Besides τῆς μητρὸς τὴν ἀρίστην συμβουλήν”; guided by God and by her true illustrating Anna’s prayer in her garden, where she love, she reassures Jacob that she will take upon her Esau’s curse, so receives the news of her miraculous pregnancy, the that her younger son takes courage and goes ahead with their plan. miniaturist has illustrated her encounter with her hus- Her wisdom and God’s help allow the plot to succeed, so that Jacob is rewarded for his virtue through the primogeniture blessing: “Τί band, which is mentioned in the Protevangelion but οὖν ἡ Ῥεβέκκα, ἡ θαυμασία καὶ φιλόστοργος; Ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἐξ οἰκείας not in the Kokkinobaphos homily.240 An interesting γνώμης μόνον τοῦτο διεπράττετο, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ ἄνωθεν ὑπηρετεῖτο detail has been inserted into the scene, one absent even προῤῥήσει, πᾶσαν σπουδὴν ποιεῖται τὸν φόβον ἐξελεῖν τοῦ παιδός, from the Protevangelion: Anna puts aside her spindle καὶ θάρσος ἐνθεῖναι, ὥστε τὴν συμβουλὴν εἰς ἔργον ἀγαγεῖν. . . . Θέα and red wool as she rises from her seat to meet Joachim μοι ἐνταῦθα τῆς Ῥεβέκκας μετὰ τῆς φιλοστοργίας καὶ τὴν πολλὴν σοφίαν. . . . Σκόπει μοι πάλιν ἐνταῦθα, πῶς τῆς ἄνωθεν χάριτος ἦν τὸ (fig. 4).241 In this way she conforms to the model of the πᾶν. . . . Ἀλλ’ ἐπειδὴ Θεὸς ἦν ὁ συνεργῶν τοῖς γινομένοις, ἅπαντα εἰς ἔργον ἐξῄει. . . . Ὅρα πῶς δείκνυται ὅτι τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ χάριτος ἦν τὸ πᾶν, 239 See Homily 1.9–13, PG 127:556B–564A. Similar praises to τῆς παρασκευαζούσης καὶ αὐτὸν μηδὲν τῶν γινομένων συνιδεῖν, καὶ τὸν Anna are included in the second sermon of George of Nicomedia Ἰακὼβ ἀπολαῦσαι τῆς πατρικῆς εὐλογίας. . . . ὁ δὲ Θεὸς ὁ τὰ μέλλοντα on Mary’s conception by Anna, which Iakobos used as a source for προορῶν, καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν τρόπων ἀρετῆς χαρακτηρίζων καὶ δεικνὺς his homily (see PG 100:1357–72, esp. 1369B–72A about Anna’s novel τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ θεράποντας, οὕτως ἅπαντα οἰκονομεῖ.” PG 54:473, as an decision to dedicate a female child to the temple). Even if Iakobos’s admirable and loving mother Rebecca continues to give excellent praises of Anna and other biblical mothers are not entirely novel, we advice, so that Jacob can escape his brother’s wrath by seeking a wife must acknowledge his decision to include such references in his own in Mesopotamia: “Ἀλλ’ ἡ θαυμασία μήτηρ τοῦτο αἰσθομένη, πάλιν τὴν homilies. More examples are mentioned below. μητρικὴν φιλοστοργίαν περὶ τὸν παῖδα ἐπιδείκνυται καὶ συμβουλὴν 240 Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha (n. 9 above), 8–9 (chap. 4). εἰσάγει τὴν δυναμένην αὐτὸν ἐξαρπάσαι τῶν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ χειρῶν.” 241 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 16r (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, 238 The very public statements that Eirene made through the pl. 6); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 21v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, dedication of precious veils to Marian icons in Constantinople (dis- pl. III) (both n. 1 above). I am not aware of another depiction of this cussed above) mention the well-being of her children as a main con- event that includes the detail of Anna spinning before meeting her cern and reflect the importance of motherhood in Eirene’s life. husband. For the standard Byzantine iconography of the scene see dumbarton oaks papers | 68 310 Maria Evangelatou industrious housewife, dedicated to textile production, first homily: while the Protevangelion and the homily and foreshadows Mary’s commitment to spinning, mention Joachim making offerings to the temple by which is showcased in the miniatures of the fifth and himself,244 Anna is also depicted holding gifts.245 This sixth homilies. Spinning might also be a symbol of con- is the earliest surviving Byzantine depiction of the ception and the weaving of the child’s body in Anna’s subject and it conforms to the standard iconography womb; her belly appears conspicuously full as she of the scene in later examples, where both parents are stands to meet her husband after learning of her mirac- shown.246 This departure from the Protevangelion nar- ulous fertility. The symbol of the thread as the mate- rative is significant, revealing an intention to highlight rial of new life is also employed in the annunciation. In Anna’s piety and her concern about her infertility, thus addition, the visual echoes between Anna’s and Mary’s showcasing her exemplary pursuit of motherhood.247 spinning underline the unfolding of the mystery of the It is possible that this departure from such a highly incarnation: the miraculous conception of Mary’s pure regarded account was meant to present Anna as a body in Anna’s womb is the first step toward the even model for Byzantine women, who often appear in liter- more extraordinary conception of Christ’s divinely ary sources pleading for divine help to combat sterility.248 imbued body in the Virgin’s womb. Anna spins her daughter’s blood, which will be woven into the human 244 Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 1–3, 10 (chaps. 1 and veil Mary will create for the incarnation of the Logos. 5, referring to the initial refusal and final acceptance of Joachim’s It is possible that Anna’s spinning in this min- gifts to the temple). Compare Kokkinobaphos, Homily 1.5–8. PG iature was inspired by a reference to Elizabeth in the 127:549B–556B. Protevangelion that is not illustrated in the homiliaries: 245 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 8v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, she is said to have “set aside her scarlet and run to the pl. 4); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 11v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, door and opened it” to receive and praise Mary as the Ps. II). mother of the Savior.242 In other words, according to 246 The few earlier surviving examples are from Georgia and Russia. See the discussion of this iconography and relevant visual this apocryphal text, Elizabeth was spinning a scarlet material from Byzantium and its periphery by Lafontaine-Dosogne, thread just before the baby in her womb rejoiced at the “Cycle of the Life of the Virgin,” 167–68. proximity of Christ in Mary’s womb.243 Here, again, 247 The Protevangelion doesn’t mention the temple offerings as spinning refers to female identity and the creation of gifts in exchange for the couple’s fertility (on the contrary it speci- life. But while Mary spins the purple when she learns of fies that the offerings are rejected by the high priest because of their the incarnation, Elizabeth spins scarlet just before they infertility). However, in the culture of gift exchange characteristic of most religious systems, including Judaism and Christianity, we meet and she becomes aware of her cousin’s miraculous can assume that temple offerings regularly accompanied requests for pregnancy. Both colors are precious and symbolic of divine blessing, which in the case of Joachim and Anna was desired royal honor, and both are emblematic of blood, suggest- specifically for the achievement of parenthood. God accepted the ing life and sacrifice, but while the Virgin is the Mother gifts as a sign of the couple’s piety (even though the high priest of God, Elizabeth is the mother of his forerunner, and rejected them), and granted them fertility for which more gifts were offered, and accepted even by the priest. The second Kokkinobaphos so the hierarchy of purple and scarlet reflects the wom- homily includes a relevant comment: under the letter of the law en’s roles and their relative honor. It is interesting that infertility was seen as a sign of impiety for which the gifts were in the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries Elizabeth’s spin- rejected by the priest, forcing Joachim and Anna to resort to the ning is not referenced in the text or the miniatures, but invocation of divine grace; but in God’s eyes their virtue was unde- Anna’s spinning is introduced in the visual material, niable. See Homily 2.3, PG 127:569BC. emphasizing spinning as a symbol of the incarnation 248 See A.-M. Talbot, Holy Women of Byzantium: Ten Saints’ Lives in English Translation (Washington, D.C., 1996), 123, n. 29. that proceeds through Mary’s bloodline. Talbot notes that “the infertility of a saint’s parents, a frequent com- Anna’s prominence in the story is further high- monplace in vitae . . . has its roots in the biblical motif of barren lighted by another element in the illustration of the parents who at long last bear a holy child (e.g., Isaac, Samuel, John the Baptist). At the same time, sterility was a real problem in the Byzantine world, as suggested, for example, by the use of amulets; see J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, “Iconography of the Cycle of the Life of the J. Herrin and A. Kazhdan, ODB 2:994, s.v. Infertility.” For spiritual Virgin,” in Underwood, Kariye Djami (n. 9 above), 4:172–74. and medical practices against sterility see also M.-H. Congourdeau, 242 See Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 23 (chap. 12). “Les variations du désir d’enfant à Byzance,” in Becoming Byzantine: 243 The episode is mentioned in greater detail in Luke 1:39–56. Children and Childhood in Byzantium, ed. A. Papaconstantinou dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 311 The scene also promotes the cultural construction and among her people: the image is labeled “Anna’s parturi- restriction of positive femininity to the roles of wife tion and the congregation of the tribe-leaders of Israel,” and mother.249 The same message is central in the instead of the standard “Nativity of the Theotokos.”251 Kokkinobaphos miniature created for Eirene. After all, In addition, Anna is inspired by the Holy Spirit to pro- she was a woman who defined herself and her sociocul- claim her daughter the instrument of human salvation. tural role through the identity of her husband and sons, She is depicted addressing David the forefather with deriving influence from serving them as a virtuous wife praises about her daughter; and she presents Mary to be and devoted mother. For Eirene, Anna’s prominence blessed by the religious authorities.252 In other depic- in the male-dominated world of the Jewish temple, as tions of this scene, the Protevangelion narrative is often much as her unparalleled decision to dedicate a female respected and the father presents the daughter to the child to God, could have offered a model of empower- priests; the mother is away from the feast, relegated ment through compliance with the patriarchal require- ment of pious motherhood. 251 This is a stark departure from the standard iconography of The second Kokkinobaphos homily corresponds Mary’s nativity, in which Anna is surrounded by women attending to her needs. Lafontaine-Dosogne, “Cycle of the Life of the Virgin,” to chapters 5–7 of the Protevangelion, which celebrate 174–77. In the Protevangelion Anna does not invite the leaders of the Anna as the mother who rejoices and thanks God after twelve tribes to celebrate the birth of her child, but she does men- Mary’s birth and the blessing of the priests organized by tion the tribes as she rejoices about her newfound fertility on her her husband, and turns the child’s room into a sanctu- daughter’s first birthday: on this occasion Joachim invites the temple ary to preserve her purity. The text and miniatures of the priests to bless Mary, and when Anna returns the child to her room she thanks God and exclaims: “Hear, hear the twelve tribes of Israel, Kokkinobaphos homily supplement the Protevangelion that Anna is breast-feeding.” Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 13 account in ways that increase the prominence of the (chap. 6). It is noteworthy that in the Marian sermons of George of mother:250 after Mary’s birth, Anna invites the tribes Nikomedeia used extensively by Iakobos as sources for his homi- of Israel to celebrate the reversal of her sterility and her lies, Anna is said to rejoice at the birth of her daughter among her child’s purity. In the scene of Mary’s nativity, she is rep- female friends, not among the leaders of the tribes, and in gen- eral she is not given the prominence that Iakobos lavishes on her resented surrounded by the tribe leaders: male author- (see PG 100:1416D). For the inscription accompanying the minia- ity figures are gathered to praise her achievement of ture see Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 92–93; Hutter and Canart, Das motherhood, and yet she stands out strikingly among Marienhomiliar, 28–29 (Τόκος Ἄννης καὶ σύγκλητος τῶν φυλάρχων them (fig. 6). Even the caption emphasizes not Mary’s Ἰ(σρα)ὴλ). As Hutter observes, the presence of the tribe leaders birth, but Anna’s delivery and her position of honor around Anna has displaced the Virgin’s bath from its primary posi- tion in the foreground, next to the mother’s bed. This departure from tradition further emphasizes the exceptional honor bestowed and A.-M. Talbot (Washington, D.C., 2009), 35–42. I. Kalavrezou, on Anna at the expense of the nativity of the Theotokos, normally “Female Popular Beliefs and Maria of Alania,” TUBA/JTS 36 (2011): the main theme. 88–92, examines visual and textual evidence on the invocation of 252 In Homily 2.13–14, PG 127:585BC, Anna mentions David Mary or John the Baptist (son of the barren Elizabeth) by Byzantine while she praises her daughter as a royal descendant of the king. In women wishing for fertility. the accompanying miniature Anna is seated opposite David, gestur- 249 Lafontaine-Dosogne, “Cycle of the Life of the Virgin,” 168, ing toward him. She holds her daughter and he holds a scroll with one hypothesizes that the influence of textual and visual sources (rather of his prophecies concerning the Virgin as the gate of God (Psalm than sociocultural concerns) could explain the presence of Anna 117:20): Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 41r (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, in the scene of the temple offerings: she mentions as evidence the pl. 15); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 56r (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, Protevangelion reference that Anna considered the rejection of gifts pl. VII). Concerning Mary’s blessing by the priests see Tischendorf, an affront directed at her, and not just her husband; and the iconog- Evangelia Apocrypha, 12 (chap. 6): in the Protevangelion Joachim raphy of Mary’s presentation to the temple, where both parents are presents Mary to the priests and Anna takes her back to the seclusion depicted, according to the Protevangelion narrative of that episode. of her room. In the Kokkinobaphos miniatures the mother assumes 250 Compare Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha (n. 9 above), both roles. The text of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries is not clear 10–14 (chaps. 5–7) with the Kokkinobaphos Homily 2.5, 2.12–18, PG about who brings the baby to the celebration (“brought to the feast 127:573B–D, 585A–593B. For all the miniatures of the second and carried in an embrace”), but it does mention that the mother pub- third homily that exalt Anna see Vat. gr. 1162, fols. 29r, 38v, 41r, 43r, licly rejoiced and presented her own wealth (Mary) to the priests, 44v, 46v, 57v, 59v, 62v, 64r, 65r, 67v, 68v, 74v (Stornajolo, Omelie and then took her back to her room. Homily 2.15, 2.17, PG 127:589A di Giacomo monaco, pls. 10, 14–18, 23–30); Paris. gr. 1208, fols. 38v, (Ἀχθείσης γὰρ ἐπ’ ἀγκαλῶν φερομένης ἐπὶ τῆς εὐωχίας . . .), 592A 52v, 56r, 59r, 61r, 63v, 77v, 80r, 86r, 87v, 91r, 92v, 100 bis v (Omont, (. . . προάγει τὸν ἐναποκείμενον θησαυρόν, και δημοσίᾳ τὸν κοινὸν καὶ Homélies du moine Jacques, pls. IV, VII, VIII, X–XIII). οἰκεῖον προστίθησι πλοῦτον . . .). dumbarton oaks papers | 68 312 Maria Evangelatou to the more private role of playing with and embrac- society in which women were confined to very restric- ing the child.253 In the second Kokkinobaphos homily, tive roles.257 Anna’s prominence in the Kokkinobaphos however, Anna assumes a prominent role in the public homiliaries suggests that conformity to those roles did celebration of her offspring and her maternal bond with not just reinforce male authority and control, but could Mary is exalted, both visually and textually. confer dignity on and promote the empowerment of The same is true for the third Kokkinobaphos women willing to comply with cultural expectations. homily, which deals with the dedication of Mary to the Elizabeth is another prominent role model in the temple. In the miniatures Anna always appears closer Kokkinobaphos homiliaries. The Protevangelion con- to her daughter than does Joachim, who stands behind denses the narrative of the visitation in Luke 1:39–56, his wife.254 The Protevangelion describes how Joachim including only a brief reference to her praise of Mary invited virgins to accompany Mary to the temple, and as the mother of the Lord.258 In both sources Mary how both parents were amazed when their daughter is said to stay with Elizabeth for about three months did not turn to look back at them or seek their embrace and then return to Joseph’s house.259 In Luke 1:57–80 when she was introduced to her new home.255 The the birth of John the Baptist follows Mary’s depar- third Kokkinobaphos homily goes further, dedicat- ture, suggesting she was not present for it, while the ing several paragraphs to the exaltation of Anna as the Protevangelion does not mention John’s birth.260 In inspired mother who elaborately praises her daughter’s the sixth Kokkinobaphos homily, however, Elizabeth role in human salvation, introduces her to the high is given extraordinary prominence as a woman of priest Zachariah, and explains to him the paramount unsurpassed faith, and new elements are introduced to significant of the unusual dedication of a female child.256 highlight her piety, honorable motherhood, and strong The visual and textual emphasis on Anna’s motherhood bond with Mary: extensive passages are dedicated to the reminds us that the bond between mothers and daugh- elaborate praise Elizabeth addresses to the Virgin on ters achieved through social and cultural education her arrival and departure, and both episodes are illus- was a central theme in Byzantine tradition. As Herrin trated in separate miniatures (figs. 28–29).261 In addi- has observed, it was relevant not only to lived realities, tion Mary remains with Elizabeth until she gives birth but to the ideological constructs of a male-dominated to John the Baptist, so that the future Mother of God 253 See Lafontaine-Dosogne, “Cycle of the Life of the Virgin” 257 J. Herrin, “Mothers and Daughters in the Medieval Greek (n. 241 above), 178–79, with additional reference to surviving exam- World,” in eadem, Unrivaled Influence (n. 168 above), 80–114 (103–6 ples in which Anna presents Mary, either because the homiletic tra- specifically on Anna and Mary). dition, not the Protevangelion, was the source for the images, or 258 Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 23 (chap. 12). because the church in which Anna was afforded such a prominent 259 Luke 1:56; Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 24 (chap. 12). role was dedicated to her or the Virgin. See especially ibid., 179, n. 86: 260 Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 24 (chap. 12). in the Cretan church of Kyra Panagia (Lady All-Holy) dedicated to 261 Homily 6.17–38, PG 127:680A–697C, contains the narra- Mary, Anna alone presents Mary to the priests and later to the high tive of Mary’s first visit to Elizabeth, with all the praises addressed priest in the scene of the Virgin’s presentation to the temple. to John’s mother for her extraordinary faith. Elizabeth’s greetings 254 In the standard Byzantine iconography of Mary’s presenta- to Mary on arriving and departing are in PG 127:680A–684D, and tion to the temple, Anna is usually depicted closer to Mary than 693D–697C. The relevant miniatures are in Vat. gr. 1162, fols. 149r, Joachim (the parents appear either directly behind their child or fol- 161v, 164r (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, pls. 65, 68, 69); lowing the virgins who accompany her). However, occasionally their Paris. gr. 1208, fols. 203r, 217r (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, position is reversed, as for example in the eleventh-century Basil pl. XXV). The Vatican copy includes two miniatures dedicated to Menologion and the mosaic in the katholikon of the Daphni monas- Elizabeth’s farewell to Mary: one in which she accompanies the tery. See Lafontaine-Dosogne, “Cycle of the Life of the Virgin,” 179– Virgin at the beginning of her return trip, and one in which she bids 81, figs. 17–20. See also the previous note, about the very rare case of her younger relative farewell as she continues on alone. The Paris Anna alone presenting Mary. copy illustrates only the latter, but since several folios are missing 255 Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha, 14–16 (chaps. 7–8). between Mary’s arrival and departure from Elizabeth’s house, it is 256 Homily 3.7–15, PG 127:605A–616A. None of these elements possible that the Paris copy once included the same number of min- are included in the fifth, sixth, and seventh sermons of George of iatures (see Linardou, “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts Revisited” Nikomedeia, which are about Mary’s dedication to the temple and [n. 1 above], 403–4). For a discussion of all the miniatures concern- were extensively used by Iakobos as sources for his third homily. See ing Mary’s visit to Elizabeth see Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 185–92, PG 100:1402–55. Hutter and Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 73–76. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 313 can share in her cousin’s joy and witness the miracle can be considered a fitting preamble to Mary’s miracu- of Zachariah’s newfound voice (which permits him to lous motherhood, so that the birth of the Forerunner further praise the Virgin).262 This allows an elaborate prepares the way for the incarnation of Christ. composition centered on motherhood to be included The sixth Kokkinobaphos homily also states that in the illustration of the homily (fig. 30). It comprises after Mary returned to Joseph’s house and was submit- four scenes: the first and last depict Mary in dialogue ted to the test of chastity (through a ritual prescribed with Zachariah, while the other two depict the nativ- in Numbers 5:11–31), she was sent back to Elizabeth’s ity of John the Baptist and Elizabeth breast-feeding the house to await the results of the trial.266 This is a sig- newborn child in front of a group of obedient maids.263 nificant departure from the Protevangelion, which The latter episode is a striking addition, since the hom- describes Mary as being sent to the mountains after ily makes no reference to nursing. Indeed, among the undergoing the ritual.267 In the Kokkinobaphos nar- numerous Byzantine depictions of John’s nativity rative, the second meeting between the Virgin and known today, only the Kokkinobaphos manuscript Elizabeth gives the author the opportunity to further illustrates Elizabeth breast-feeding him.264 This scene exalt both women: Zachariah’s wife receives Mary highlights both motherhood and the miraculous nature with praises for her extraordinary purity and divine of Elizabeth’s fertility despite her advanced age.265 This motherhood. Thus the homilist commends Elizabeth for her unshaken faith and uses her as a reliable wit- ness of Mary’s chastity. Both manuscripts illustrate this 262 Homily 6.28–33, PG 127:689A–693D. Iakobos analyzes the wording of Luke 1:56–57 and claims that Mary’s presence at the birth part of the homily with a two-part miniature: on the of John the Baptist is also implied in the Gospel account. For more left Elizabeth receives Mary in her home (both women details see note 267 below. stand at the threshold of the house in the presence 263 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 159r (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, of maids and a temple clerk); on the right Elizabeth pl. 67); the miniature might have been included in the Paris copy as well, but currently this codex is missing the relevant pages (see Linardou, “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts Revisited,” 403–4). 264 I am not aware of any text that mentions John’s breast-feeding following the blessing of the temple priests. At that moment Anna (it is absent from the Protevangelion and the Gospels; I have not mentions twice that breast-feeding her child is proof of God’s favor. examined homilies in honor of the Forerunner). For a detailed list Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha (n. 9 above) 11, 13 (chaps. 5–6). of the surviving depictions of John’s nativity and a discussion of its The Kokkinobaphos homiliaries (both text and images) do not iconography and popularity see Α. Katsioti, Οι σκηνές της ζωής και depict Anna breast-feeding Mary, perhaps because the intention ο εικονογραφικός κύκλος του Αγίου Ιωάννη Προδρόμου στη Βυζαντινή was to present her birth and childhood as exceptional, and there- Τέχνη (Athens, 1998), 48–60 (p. 57 for the uniqueness of the breast- fore removed from the quotidian experiences of ordinary infants. feeding episode in Vat. gr. 1162; Katsioti lists 65 nativity scenes, Lafontaine-Dosogne, Iconographie de l’enfance de la Vierge, 100–101, including one Coptic and five Armenian examples). In addition, 134–35, mentions only two surviving examples of Anna breast- Lafontaine-Dosogne mentions a devotional image from the thir- feeding Mary as part of the life cycle of the Virgin, and a few more teenth century (not a nativity narrative) in which both Anna and cases of independent devotional depictions of Anna breast-feeding Elizabeth appear next to each other breast-feeding their infants. See Mary. For an overview of the motif of breast-feeding in Byzantine Iconographie de l’enfance de la Vierge (n. 7 above). imagery, with extensive references to relevant scholarly literature, see 265 There are well-known precedents emphasizing breast- Meyer, Imaging Women’s Reality (n. 171 above), 81–88. feeding in the stories of women who miraculously became moth- 266 This part of the homily is not published in PG, but in Hutter, ers in old age. For example, in Genesis 21:6–7, Sarah rejoices at the “Die Homilien” (n. 1 above), vol. 2, Appendix 1, 17–18 (Vat. gr. 1162, birth of Isaac, and mentions her ability to breast-feed as evidence fols. 188r–v). of her miraculous fertility. The episode is not illustrated in the 267 Tischendorf, Evangelia Apocrypha (n. 9 above), 29–30 (chap. 16). Byzantine Octateuchs, but it appears in a miniature of the ninth- In the Protevangelion and in the Kokkinobaphos homilies, both Mary century Paris. gr. 923, fol. 368v, illustrating a chapter of this florile- and Joseph undergo the test (though Numbers 5 institutes it only for gium “on joy and gladness.” See K. Weitzmann, The Miniatures of a woman suspected of unchastity). In the Protevangelion they are sent the Sacra Parallela: Parisinus Graecus 923 (Princeton, 1979), 42, fig. separately to a mountainous region (εἰς τὴν ὀρεινήν) to await the results 31. Also discussed by M. Evangelatou, “Word and Image in the Sacra of the trial. Iakobos claims that this region refers to a location close to Parallela (codex Parisinus graecus 923),” DOP 62 (2008): 169, n. 256. Jerusalem, where Elizabeth’s house was, but he mentions only Mary An even more emphatic reference to breast-feeding as evidence of a (not Joseph) visiting Elizabeth during the trial period. It seems he miraculous motherhood in old age appears in relation to Anna in the bases his claim on Luke 1:39–40, the official Gospel narrative about Protevangelion. The narrator presents Anna nursing Mary after her the Virgin visiting Elizabeth after the annunciation. According to birth, and again after she takes her daughter back to her chambers, Luke, Zachariah’s and Elizabeth’s house was εἰς τὴν ὀρεινήν. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 314 Maria Evangelatou praises the Virgin as the Mother of God (both women It is noteworthy that Anna, the virtuous mother are seated inside the house, facing each other).268 of the Virgin, Rebecca, the loving and cunning mother Perhaps the most surprising novelty introduced of Jacob, and Eve, the mother of all humankind, are in the sixth Kokkinobaphos homily to highlight depicted identically in the Kokkinobaphos miniatures Elizabeth’s extraordinary faith is a lengthy passage fol- (cf. figs. 4, 5, 6, and 11). Since female physiognomy does lowing the first Visitation miniature. In it Elizabeth not vary greatly in the miniatures, the style and color is said to surpass all the major patriarchs of the Old of clothing and hair are crucial to the identification Testament because, unlike them, she did not require of characters.270 These three mothers wear exactly the divine proof to believe in God’s power. An extensive passage, accompanied by a miniature, describes how 270 For a detailed physiognomic identification of male figures in even Abraham, who was willing to sacrifice his own son the Kokkinobaphos codices by the color and shape of beard and hair, to obey God’s will, had requested proof of the divine see Maguire, Nectar and Illusion (n. 103 above), 115–18. In compari- promise that the land of Canaan would become his son the female figures are rather similar, differing mainly in cloth- (Genesis 15:7–17). In contrast, Elizabeth, prompted by ing, e.g., the imperial attire of female saints in fig. 3, or the wearing of the movement of John the Baptist in her womb, and by veils. Mary and other exemplary mothers appear veiled, while maids and Eve during her life are unveiled. Eve is veiled only in Hades, the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, immediately recog- waiting for or witnessing the anastasis. This suggests the veil con- nized Mary as the Mother of God.269 fers respectability, implying modesty and a higher social status (in Both the text and the miniatures of the sixth the case of ladies versus maids). If it is also a marker of married versus Kokkinobaphos homily systematically and insistently unmarried women, the fact that Mary always appears veiled, even highlight Elizabeth as a shining example of piety, faith, as a child, could suggest that she is Christ’s bride in all stages of her life. The lack of physiognomic differentiation among female figures and motherhood, making her a prominent positive seems to suggest a shared female nature with limited individuality model of female identity. This could have been under- and agency. It is hard to say, however, whether this was an intentional stood by Eirene not only as a high standard of respon- pictorial choice or simply the result of iconographic conventions sibility, but also as an inspirational example of female (that some Byzantine viewers might have interpreted as a statement ethos and success, promoting a sense of empowerment about femininity): women lack the facial hair that allows for differ- entiation between men, and the hair of veiled or crowned women is and self-worth. covered, concealing any age difference. This limits the visual identi- fication/differentiation of women to their clothing, and since most 268 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 188v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, female protagonists wear a tunic and maphorion, the color of the pl. 81); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 252v (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, clothes becomes paramount. Skin color is also used as a means of pl. XXIX). differentiation: Anna and Elizabeth have darker skin in compari- 269 Homily 6.22–27, PG 127: 684C–689B. Abraham’s sacrifice is son to the fair maids and the Virgin, indicating their advanced age. illustrated in Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 156v (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo Since Rebecca, another older mother, is represented with fair skin, monaco, pl. 66); the Paris codex is missing the relevant pages (see like her son Jacob and her maids, perhaps a light female complexion Linardou, “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts Revisited,” 403–4). It is was used in the miniatures to indicate the moral maturity that the noteworthy that George of Nikomedeia, whose sermons Iakobos crafty Rebecca lacks. On the other hand, Rebecca’s plotting in favor used extensively as sources, made a similar comparison to highlight of Jacob is traditionally praised (discussed above). Is the depiction of the superior faith of a New Testament figure, but his subject of praise her as a younger woman simply an oversight on the part of the min- was male rather than female: George contrasted Abraham’s disbe- iaturist, or is it a choice meant to undermine her status as an insight- lief and need of proof for the promise of divine favors (including his ful and mature mother? Or perhaps the youthful depiction made her possession of Canaan) to Joachim’s immediate and heartfelt belief a compelling model for Eirene, who might similarly have been plot- of the news that his wife would bear a child (PG 100:1389). It is pos- ting to advance her son to the imperial throne (a theme to be treated sible that this passage inspired Iakobos’s juxtaposition of Abraham in my forthcoming article [n. 141 above])? Eve’s skin tone presents and Elizabeth, significantly redirecting his praises from a male to a another interesting puzzle. Although she is depicted younger than female figure so as to promote the theme of exalted motherhood and Adam after the fall (her hair remains dark while his has become celebration of exemplary women central in the homiliaries. It should grey in the Lamentation scene (compare figs. 7, 8, and 10), her skin also be noted that according to the Gospel narrative, Elizabeth’s tone is similar to his throughout the miniatures so that she always enthusiastic recognition of Mary’s divine pregnancy (guided by appears darker in comparison to the fair Virgin. Since Eve’s identity the reaction of her unborn male child) proves John’s mother to be was so negatively charged in the eyes of male Christians, including more faithful and divinely inspired than her husband: Zachariah the producers of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries, perhaps her darker requested proof to believe the news of his wife’s unexpected preg- complexion indicates both age (after all she is the oldest woman in nancy, and was struck mute by the annunciating angel until John the human history), and her moral failings, making her the antithesis of Baptist was born. See Luke 1:5–23. the pure and fair Mary. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 315 same red maphorion and light blue tunic, which makes be renewed. The Virgin is hailed as the most precious them look alike despite their very different actions and flower and fruit, and her mother, Earth, is exalted for moral characters. In Eirene’s mind this might have been generating a glorious offspring who will cleanse the a sign of the exalted nature of motherhood in human world of idolatry, sin, and fruitlessness.274 A woman history, which is not undermined by the wide range of like Eirene could have perceived this eulogy and the moral potential exemplified by these three women. In accompanying miniature as an inspiring and empow- the mind of the male producers of the codex, perhaps ering reference to female nature, exalted through tra- the opposite message was intended: that Rebecca and ditional conceptions of motherhood and fertility, and even the blessed Anna herself are daughters of Eve; and elevated into a symbol of universal renewal and salva- Mary (whose clothing is very similar, but not identical, tion that obliterates Eve’s transgression. The naked per- in color to that of the other women) and Elizabeth (who sonification of earth in this paradisiacal setting could wears dark colors, perhaps suggesting a more ascetic evoke the first human mother, but a female viewer life, appropriate for the mother of John the Baptist) are might choose to read the composition in a positive the only ones who do not share in Eve’s guilt since they light, focusing on the earthly mother’s pride in bearing gave birth to sons who reversed the damage done by the the pure mother of the heavenly king. first mother.271 Both the text and the miniature, however, con- tain subtle elements that could promote an alternative Mother Earth and the Mother of God reading, one more consistent with the dominant patri- archal discourse of Byzantine culture that exalted Mary The sixth homily’s miniature, illustrating Mary’s jour- as the exception among women, who were otherwise ney to Elizabeth’s house, presents another powerful identified with Eve: the homiletic text emphasizes that depiction of femininity open to contradictory inter- the earth still suffers the impurity of idolatry and the pretations (fig. 27).272 The Virgin appears seated in the weight of sinfulness that Christ will obliterate in the midst of a paradisiacal landscape, turning toward the future.275 The naked figure of Earth, with prominent young Jacob, who climbs a tree to procure fruits for uncovered breasts, multiple arm bracelets, and long her meal.273 Behind the Theotokos, in the lower left hair, derives from the iconography of ancient polythe- corner of the miniature, a personification of the earth istic deities, and would have reminded Byzantine view- emerges from the ground, venerating the Virgin with ers of the idolatrous context of that imagery.276 Thus outstretched hands. The same personification emerges from the horizontal bar of the initial letter Γ of the 274 Homily 6.16, PG 127:676C–677D. word Γῆ (earth) that introduces the relevant homin - 275 Iakobos is very precise in his use of the present or future tense letic passage—an elaborate hymn in which Mother as he composes the praises Earth addresses to the Virgin: in “her own Earth praises the mother of God as the instrument words” Earth states that she is purified in the present through con- of the incarnation through which all of creation will tact with the Godbearer (PG 127:677C–D), but will be finally saved and cleansed from all impurities in the future, after the incarnation of God himself is complete (PG 127:676C–677A). For this reason, 271 It is possible that the emphasis on Elizabeth’s piety, faith, and and because of the subtle iconographic elements discussed below, I foresight in Mary’s divine motherhood also relates to the monas- disagree with Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 182, who claims that Earth tic identity of the author of the homilies: as the mother of John the is a personification of the newly redeemed creation. I agree that the Baptist, who was also a prominent model of ascetic life, she joins her whole miniature suggests universal renewal through the incarnation, son in preparing the way for the coming of Christ. and that it makes eschatological allusions to the paradise reopened 272 Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 147r (Stornajolo, Omelie di Giacomo monaco, through Mary’s son (ibid., 179–85). At the same time, I see the per- pl. 64); Paris. gr. 1208, fol. 200r (Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques, sonification of the earth as a visual reference to the ongoing process pl. XXV). Discussed by Hutter, “Die Homilien,” 179–85, Hutter toward that ultimate goal, because the internal time of the narrative and Canart, Das Marienhomiliar, 72–73. unfolds before Christ’s birth and mission on earth, and the exter- 273 The paradisiacal allusions are obvious (compare figs. 7, 8, nal time of the author’s world predates the second coming of Christ. 11, 13, and 27): similar plants and the presence of a river personi- 276 See Maguire, Nectar and Illusion (n. 103 above), 62. Through- fication relate this landscape to the depiction of paradise in the out the book Maguire discusses the ambivalence toward nature in Kokkinobaphos codices. As Hutter has observed (see previous note), Byzantine culture: as God’s creation it was considered positive, and this visual allusion highlights the references to the salvation of the it was sanctified through the incarnation, but as part of the mate- world through the incarnation. rial world it had the potential for transience and corruptibility. The dumbarton oaks papers | 68 316 Maria Evangelatou the interpretation of the personification of earth would problematize the female personification by evoking the not have been unambiguously positive for all viewers. Eve-Mary binary and juxtaposing the all-pure Virgin Especially in a monastic environment, hostile to female with a threatening or at least inferior representation sexuality, this naked female figure with prominent of femininity. In this light, Earth’s gesture toward the sagging breasts could have had a sinister aspect.277 In Theotokos looks less like thankful veneration than an fact, the miniaturist created a stark contrast between anxious plea.278 Both men and women could have read the fully dressed, modest, centrally seated Mary, and the image in this way, yet it is reasonable to assume that the naked, marginalized, half-figure of Earth emerging at least some women might have preferred the more from the ground. In addition, the Virgin turns her back positive interpretation of fertility and motherhood dis- to Mother Earth and looks away, as if to to suggest that cussed above, even if the male producers of the hom- she is aware of her presence, but rejects her immodesty. iliaries would have embraced a reading that promotes These iconographic elements were perhaps intended to an implicitly critical view of women by emphasizing Mary’s exceptional nature and status. My analysis is not intended to suggest that Eirene naked personification of the earth in this Kokkinobaphos miniature was impervious to the negative statements about female may suggest an ambivalent attitude toward nature, even if the com- position presents a paradisiacal landscape with allusions to salvation. nature that seem to have been directed at her by the Maguire (ibid., 62) considers this image “the most direct illustration producers of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries. I simply of the sanctification of nature in Byzantine art,” yet he seems to rec- suggest that she might have processed them in a more ognize a possible negative implication when he describes Earth as fluid way, one that perhaps allowed her to find some “penitent.” positive meaning in them. For example, the assertion 277 No other female figure in the Kokkinobaphos homilies appears with such breasts: Eve or the female figures of the damned in that women are immature and vulnerable to tempta- Hades are rendered with minimal pectoral definition (figs. 7, 8, 10, tion (a potential reading of the age difference between 11). Earth’s prominent sagging breasts might be a reference to fertil- Adam and Eve introduced after the eating of the fruit) ity, but in a Byzantine religious context, hostile to idolatry, female undeniably aims to justify female subordination to male nudity, and the polytheistic visual traditions associated with them, authority and castigate female nature. But a woman like it is more likely that such anatomical specificity was intended nega- tively. Useful comparative material survives in the visual production Eirene could have decided to embrace the idea that com- of Western Europe. For example, sagging breasts bitten by snakes plying with the cultural requirement to submit to the are common in the representation of the personification of luxu- authority and protection of a male was a privilege and ria (lust), also known as the femme aux serpents in scholarly litera- afforded an opportunity to gain respect and prestige ture. This iconography developed out of ancient representations of by being an exemplary and honored wife and mother. terra (earth) nursing her children, but in the medieval context of the moral condemnation of lust, the breasts of the female figure are Likewise, Mary is often depicted in the Kokkinobaphos not firm and nurturing, but sagging (as if void of life in physical and miniatures as the only exalted woman in a world of pow- spiritual terms). For an overview of the iconography of Luxuria, see erful men. This is the case, for example, in the frontis- A. Luyster, “The Femme aux Serpents at Moissac: Luxuria, Lust or piece to the first homily, where she is the only female at a Bad Mother?” in Between Magic and Religion: Interdisciplinary Christ’s ascension (fig. 2);279 or in the miniature where Studies in Ancient Mediterranean Religion and Society, ed. S. Asirvatham, C. O. Pache, and J. Watrous (Oxford, 2001), 165–92, prophets and angels venerate the enthroned Virgin in esp. 174–75. Another interesting use of sagging breasts as a sign of paradise (fig. 13). Similarly, in the miniature of the con- moral decadence seems to be present in the depiction of Eve in the gregation of saints gathered to honor the feast of Mary’s thirteenth-century mosaics of the Creation cupola in San Marco, conception, most of the holy participants are male, Venice: while Eve’s breasts appear firm, small, and tightly held and only one of the five categories of saints depicted together when she is first created by God, they progressively sag and become farther apart as Eve is tempted by the serpent, eats the fruit, in groups is female (fig. 3, lower right). Yet in all these covers her nudity, and responds to God’s reproach. Compare pls. 7 and 11 and figs. 20, 21, and 24 in Howell Jolly, Made in God’s Image? (n. 166 above). Although Jolly doesn’t make this observation about 278 In the words of Henry Maguire (Nectar and Illusion, 62): Eve’s breasts, her insightful iconographic analysis offers many exam- “Earth appears almost as a penitent.” ples of the very subtle employment of visual details in these mosaics 279 This is also the first miniature of the Vatican codex, which to condemn Eve as the female responsible for the fall (esp. 28–58). was probably produced for Eirene. In the Paris codex, probably pro- In this context, the slight variations in the depiction of Eve’s breasts duced for Iakobos, the Ascension is preceded by the miniature of the were probably intentional and highly significant. author with his patristic models. See 291 above. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 317 images Mary is in a central position among powerful among the saved.281 At the same time, the scene also men. In the Ascension miniature she is directly below underlines Eve’s culpability and the inferiority of Christ, exalted as his mother and humanity’s most pow- women by presenting the foremother as the only female erful intercessor. And in the other two miniatures she is among the saved. She either stands behind Adam, or the only enthroned figure among standing attendants, on Christ’s left, while Adam occupies the more honor- the woman venerated by all. In other words, she is a able right.282 In addition, in many anastasis images, female that through the traditional role of motherhood gained status superior to all other humans and is hon- 281 Again it is possible to suggest an alternative interpretation ored even by the most powerful of men.280 that does not focus on the class statement we perceive as external observers: the two prophets who look like Byzantine emperors are not just representatives of the most powerful persons in Byzantine Gender Construction and the society; they are representatives of the entire empire and its people, reflecting the special status of the Byzantines as the chosen people Promise of Salvation in the Anastasis of God, led by kings who are representatives of Christ on earth and I would like to close this exploration of the dynamic at the same time represent their subjects in front of God’s throne. After all, the imperial attire of David and Solomon is the only cul- contradictions and interpretative potential of gender ture-specific clothing among all the just. I think that both the class- tensions in the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries by discuss- related and the culture-related interpretations are valid and certainly ing the miniature that narrates Christ’s descent to the do not preclude one another; they could have operated simultane- underworld to liberate the just (fig. 11). The top register ously or alternatively in the conscious or subconscious mind of the depicts him entering the realm of death and trampling Byzantine viewers, who could favor one, the other, or both, depend- ing on their ideological background, class identity, and individual Hades, while an angel turns away naked sinners. In the interests. For the theological significance of the emphatic depiction middle register Christ guides the just, led by Adam and of David and Solomon in the anastasis iconography as a reference to Eve, out of the underworld and into paradise. Another the royal ancestors of Christ and prophets of the resurrection, see group of the just appears in the bottom register, rais- Kartsonis, Anastasis (n. 35 above), 55–60. The imperial attire cer- ing their arms and eyes toward Christ, while at the left tainly helps to identify the two royal prophets among the other just, but since David and Solomon were also considered models of the Mary is depicted enthroned in paradise, flanked by Byzantine emperors, the image acquires additional political ram- angelic attendants and venerated by the standing Adam ifications of the class- and culture-related nature I have suggested and the prostrate Eve, who recognize that their salva- above. tion was made possible by her role in the incarnation 282 Kartsonis, Anastasis includes several examples of both icono- (an idea expressed clearly in the accompanying homily). graphic types. Eve behind Adam: figs. 24g, 25b, 26b, 37b, 44a, 45, The liberation of the just is based on the typical 50, 51, 53, 58, 61, 62, 63, 64, 67, 68 (the Vatican Kokkinobaphos) 69, 70, 71a, 72b, 80, 81, 83, 85. Adam on Christ’s right, Eve on his left: Byzantine iconography of the anastasis, with the addi- figs. 28, 52, 54, 87. An exception is the ninth-century depiction in tion of the depiction of paradise. It is important to note the Chludov Psalter, fol. 82v, (ibid., fig. 44b), where Eve is on Christ’s that the anastasis, the most emblematic representation right and Adam on his left, but Christ pulls the first man by the hand of human salvation in Byzantine visual culture, has a and only makes a speaking gesture toward the first woman. Although very marked gender and class message: Eve is the only the images in Kartsonis’s monograph are not comprehensive, they suggest that in Byzantine visual culture the preferred iconography woman among the saved; and the messianic ancestors was that of Eve behind Adam and Christ raising the first man by his and prophets David and Solomon are distinguished by hand but not touching Eve. This version of the iconography empha- attire that marks them as Byzantine emperors (all the sizes gender hierarchy more clearly than the one with Christ rais- other males wear generic and antiquated chiton and ing both Adam and Eve, with the man on his right and the woman himation that distance them from the Byzantine view- on his left. It is worth noting that when Eve stands behind Adam, he sometimes kneels while she stands like the rest of the just (both ers). This iconography suggests a privileged moral status Adam and Eve might kneel when they flank Christ). This difference for the Byzantine emperors, who by proxy are included between a kneeling man and an upright woman seems to empha- size Adam’s fall due to his wife, a disgrace that during the anastasis is reversed by the triumph of the new Adam. Indeed, it was Adam’s lack of resistance to Eve’s proposal that sealed the fate of humankind 280 For the exceptional iconographic detail of Mary enthroned on after the consumption of the forbidden fruit. However, this icono- her own (rather than with the Child Christ as in standard Byzantine graphic detail is open to contradictory interpretations, depending on iconography) in the miniatures that present the saints and Adam the perspective of the viewer: Adam’s pose perhaps emphasizes his and Eve honoring her (figs. 3 and 11), see n. 293 below. guilt, but it could also be taken to highlight his salvation: he is being dumbarton oaks papers | 68 318 Maria Evangelatou including some important monumental depictions, David and Solomon wear golden crowns and gold- Eve is the only human to have her hands covered in the embroidered chlamys, but they are not enveloped in the folds of her maphorion as she raises them in supplica- golden light that shines on Christ’s and Eve’s clothes. tion toward Christ.283 This significant detail suggests Indeed these two figures are linked almost as mother that she is less worthy than the men to approach and and son, in the same way that golden highlights relate address Christ: she must be humbler and more contrite, Mary and Christ in traditional Byzantine depic- because she is ultimately the one responsible for intro- tions of the Theotokos holding her child. Since gold ducing sin and death into the human condition. is a signifier of divinity, illumination, and triumph, its That Eve is the only female depicted in the Byzan- use in the Nea Moni anastasis seems to suggest that tine anastasis seems to present a rather one-dimensional human nature was deified in Christ as a consequence view of femininity. Are all women like Eve, who of Eve’s actions (both her sin and her motherhood). As brought death to humankind through her disobedi- the first woman is engulfed in the light of her divine ence? Is she an adequate representative of the entire descendant, human history comes full circle: the son female sex, which is monolithic and limited to one sin- of Mary exalts motherhood and female nature above gle identity? It is difficult not to consider this a negative all of creation as he saves his foremother from death. assessment of femininity, one that consciously or sub- One might wonder whether the dedication of the mon- consciously would have influenced the self-perception astery to Mary, and the role of empress Zoe, who del- of Byzantine women and men. Could female viewers egated the imperial office to Constantine, contributed still see in this iconography a positive link between to this exceptional depiction of Eve, the first influential Christ and Eve’s sin, which led to the miracle of the woman and mother of all earthly empresses and the incarnation? Although this is possible, I am inclined to queen of heaven.285 believe that in the context of the defeat of death that The iconography of the anastasis miniatures in the anastasis presents, the most prominent message, the Kokkinobaphos codices is more complex than the if not the only one, is Eve’s culpability in introducing standard Byzantine version (fig. 11).286 As usual, Eve is death into humanity’s fate. the only woman among the just and she follows Christ It should be noted, however, that occasionally behind Adam, with her hands covered. At the same iconographic details were included in an anastasis rep- time, the painter has made sure that at least three of the resentation to accommodate the possibility of a more positive assessment of Eve. Here I will mention only 285 See also H. Maguire, “The Mosaics of Nea Moni: An Imperial the example of the famous eleventh-century mosaic Reading,” DOP 46 (1992): 205–14. Maguire suggests that the selec- in Nea Moni, Chios, decorated under the patronage tion, placement, and iconography of four major Christological of Emperor Constantine IX Monomachos (fig. 12). episodes (nativity, baptism, crucifixion, and resurrection) in the Doula Mouriki has observed that in the anastasis katholikon of Nea Moni were meant to cultivate a connection mosaic Solomon resembles Constantine, who received between Christ and emperor Constantine Monomachos, who pro- vided the funds to build and decorate this monastic church and was his title through marriage to the porphyrogenete Zoe.284 the monks’ benefactor. Such imperial references were a form of self- Another striking detail of this composition, not yet aggrandizement for Constantine and a way for the monks to thank given due attention, is the use of prominent golden their patron. As Maguire has shown, the monks “were not provincial highlights only for Christ’s blue mantle and Eve’s ascetics but worldly courtiers, evidently well versed in the sophisti- red maphorion, which creates a striking and unique cated arts of flattery and ingratiation that won them imperial lar- gess” (ibid., 214). If my analysis of the depiction of Eve is correct, it visual connection between them. The royal forefathers might suggest that the monks hoped to flatter not only Constantine but also empress Zoe (even though an allusion to her through Eve raised toward God in a composition that is dominated by men and can be considered to have both postive and negative implications). includes a single culpable woman. After all, they were also in her debt, since she was the one to ful- 283 Kartsonis, Anastasis, figs. 51–54 (miniatures), 58 (Torcello fill their prophecy that Constantine would ascend to the throne and mosaic), 67 (wall painting in St. Barbara, Soğanli, Cappadocia), 68 thus she was ultimately responsible for his ability to thank the monks (the Vatican Kokkinobaphos), 72b, 80 (miniatures), 81 (Nea Moni and fulfill his promise to support them by building the church and mosaic), 83 (Hosios Loukas mosaic), 85 (Daphni mosaic). offering them privileges. (For the prophecy and the imperial gifts 284 D. Mouriki, The Mosaics of Nea Moni on Chios (Athens, 1985), that followed it, see ibid., 207, 213.) 136–39. 286 All the following elements appear in both manuscripts. dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 319 naked sinners in the top register are marked as women; Andronikos’s death in 1142, the desire for a reunion the other naked figures have identical musculature and in heaven would be appropriate in an image aiming to unidentified genitalia and seem to be of indeterminate capture the transcendence of time and space in the con- sex.287 The presence of at least three women among the text of religious experience and faith in universal salva- sinners, in combination with their absence among the tion. It is hard to determine if the proximity of specific just, seems intended to emphasize the sinfulness of the figures to the lower red border of other Kokkinobaphos female sex. In addition, a diminutive Eve is depicted miniatures was haphazard or intentional, and whether prostrate before Mary in paradise, while a more sizeable they were meant to be connected to the viewer, but in Adam stands behind her; it is as if Eve alone is hum- some cases such an interpretation seems highly plausi- bly asking forgiveness for her sin from the woman who ble.291 In addition, it is possible that an attentive and contributed to her absolution. At the same time Eve’s insightful reader of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries posture is also that of a ktetor (patron/commissioner) might have read them in this way regardless of the min- depicted in the act of venerating the saint to whom a iaturist’s intention. It is also plausible that when the holy offering is made.288 Vatican Kokkinobaphos was created, Eve’s proximity An interesting detail of this miniature might have to the miniature border, and thus to the viewer’s realm, been intended to support the ktetor reading, which was intended to turn her into a representative of Eirene suggests a connection between Eve and Eirene: the prostrate before Mary’s throne. first mother and her husband are painted touching the The details of this composition could suggest not lower red border of the miniature, invading the golden only that the male producers of the codex were mak- margin that usually appears intact at the bottom of the ing a negative comment about female nature, but that Kokkinobaphos miniatures, close to the red frame of they related the humbled and culpable foremother to the composition. Thus the first parents appear closer to the female commissioner of the codex, suggesting to the viewer, perhaps to indicate that they venerate Mary her that she is undeniably Eve’s daughter rather than on behalf of all humankind.289 Could this also be a ref- Mary’s sister, and that the Virgin’s status is out of reach erence to Eirene being introduced into the miniature for any woman. It is hard to imagine that Eirene could through the figure of Eve?290 And could Eirene’s hus- have ignored such negative statements, but it is also pos- band also be present in Adam, visualizing the wish for sible that, to a certain extent, she could have interpreted the two spouses to enter paradise together? Regardless what she saw more positively. For example, the prostrate of whether the codex was produced before or after Eve appears much closer to Mary’s throne than Adam does, and the color scheme of the two women’s cloth- 287 In the first group of naked sinners (closer to Christ), the last ing, even though it is not identical, underlines their figure has long hair, and a short line drawn on her crotch indicates her female sex. The same detail characterizes the first sinner of the 291 The case of St. James (Iakobos the apostle) accompanying second group as a woman. The figure with arms crossed on the chest Mary as a witness of her purity and as a metonym of the Kokkinoba- (perhaps a gesture intended to hide her breasts) does not seem to phos author has been discussed above. In that instance, James clearly have this line on the crotch, but her long hair may identify her as stands out among the other figures due to his proximity to the lower a woman. red border of the composition. There are a few similar cases. When 288 On the iconography of ktetor (donor/commissioner) por- Mary is dedicated to the temple, the feet of many figures participat- traits, usually shown prostrate before holy figures, see the references ing in the procession actually step on and beyond the lower red bor- in Linardou, “Kokkinobaphos Manuscripts Revisited” (n. 1 above), der, in a sense spilling out of the miniature and invading the viewer’s 388–89, n. 23. space, perhaps to suggest that the contemporary Byzantines join 289 This iconographic detail appears both in the Vatican and the them in celebrating Mary’s extraordinary role in human salvation. Paris copies. The suggested reading (the devotion of all humanity (The miniature appears only in Vat. gr. 1162, fol. 59v [Stornajolo, to Mary, visualized through Adam and Eve) is compatible with the Omelie di Giacomo Monaco (n. 1 above), pl. 24].) In the frontispiece hypothesis that one codex was owned by a woman (Eirene) and the to the second homily in the Vatican Kokkinobaphos, Jacob’s ladder other by a man (Iakobos). The possibility, discussed below, that Eve touches the lower miniature border, perhaps to imply that Mary is makes more specific reference to Eirene is particularly appropriate the bridge that links the world of the viewers with heaven (fig. 5). for the Vatican copy, which was produced first and was in all prob- In the Paris copy the ladder does not intrude into the lower golden ability destined for the sebastokratorissa. margin of the miniature and does not touch the red border (Paris. 290 I thank Ioli Kalavrezou for suggesting this possible interpre- gr. 1208, fol. 29v [Omont, Homélies du moine Jacques (n. 1 above), tation to me. pl. IV]). dumbarton oaks papers | 68 320 Maria Evangelatou relationship.292 After all, Mary herself is Eve’s daugh- identical colors in reverse, to underline the relationship ter, and Eve is Mary’s mother, and through her the between the new and old Adam). Eve comes second, mother of Christ. Eirene might have felt honored by but she is conspicuously larger than Adam and follows seeing herself in Eve’s shoes, venerating the Theotokos Christ in a prominently dynamic pose, not dragged by at a proximity that no other human figure enjoys (with the hand, but raising her covered arms in supplication the exception of Christ). Besides, even the male produc- and veneration, while her red maphorion makes her ers of the manuscript made concessions to the positive stand out against the dark background. What mes- potential of female identity by presenting Mary regally sage was intended by these details? Did emphasizing enthroned in paradise as the Mother of God and the Eve, the first sinner, as the only woman among the just vehicle of the incarnation that made salvation possible.293 underline the culpability of women? Or did it highlight Indeed the figure of Eve in the middle register the role of the first woman as the ultimate ancestor of of this composition appears to be a nodal point in Christ, since the Logos Incarnate had a human mother the complex web of contradictions that character- from Eve’s stock, but no human father? Could Eirene ize human nature and gender relations: Christ takes have preferred to interpret Eve’s sin as the root of the the first man by the hand (and the two are dressed in miracle of the incarnation? The analysis of the anastasis mosaic in Nea Moni, a church dedicated to Mary by the 292 As in all the other miniatures, Mary wears a dark blue mapho- husband of a powerful empress, seems to indicate that rion and dark red tunic, while Eve is dressed in a bright red mapho- such a positive reading was possible, especially in the rion and light blue tunic. The very similar colors are reversed, perhaps context of female patronage. to suggest that the figures are polar opposites. Once again, depend- ing on the viewer, the reading could emphasize how female nature is redeemed and exalted through Mary, or how Mary alone is a positive • example of femininity, the opposite of Eve and her daughters. In the upper register of the same miniature Christ’s and Adam’s clothing colors are exactly the same, but again reversed. Here, too, a reference Conclusions to the salvation of the old Adam by the new, who reverses his fate, might have been intended. 293 It is worth noting that this depiction of Mary enthroned This study is committed to approaching a complex and is very rare in Byzantine imagery (and reappears in the miniature sophisticated creation like the Kokkinobaphos hom- of Mary honored by the saints, fig. 3). According to Maria Parani, iliaries in terms of potential. My intention is not to whom I thank for this valuable oral comment, usually the Virgin define what these manuscripts are, but to illuminate is enthroned only when she holds Christ in her hands, or at the some of the things they could say to and about their moment she learns he is in her womb (the annunciation), because it is through him that she becomes queen of heaven. Indeed, as original makers and users. The codices themselves pro- his mother and servant, she is regularly described as his throne in vide a generic self-definition, introducing the material Byzantine literature, including the Kokkinobaphos homilies (see with the term λόγοι (λόγος appears at the beginning nn. 101 and 102 above). Against this cultural and visual background, of the title of each homily); the homilies are, in other Mary’s enthronement without Christ in these two Kokkinobaphos words, “orations” or “speeches,” a definition that can miniatures becomes a particularly emphatic reference to her extraor- dinary status. Parani has not yet published her observation, but her accommodate a variety of functions and contexts. word carries the authority of somebody who has studied numerous The Byzantines might have described them as βιβλία Byzantine representations of Mary enthroned, many of which appear ψυχοφελή, books beneficial to the soul. After all, they in her Reconstructing the Reality of Images: Byzantine Material Cul- dwell on the mysteries and wonders of divine incarna- ture and Religious Iconography (11th–15th Centuries) (Leiden and tion and human salvation, they provide edifying read- Boston, 2003), 160–67. It is possible that in the two miniatures under discussion Mary’s solo enthronement echoes her appearance ing for pious souls, and they present venerable models in Last Judgment scenes, in which she is enthroned in paradise while of behavior that promote religious, cultural, and social Christ presides as supreme judge in the top register; this also con- values. Depending on context and user, their function veys her extraordinary status as humanity’s most powerful interces- could have shifted from private and semi-private to sor. For an overview of this motif in the Byzantine iconography of more public settings, from individual to group audi- the Last Judgment, including a reference to the two Kokkinobaphos miniatures, see H. Klein, “The So-Called Byzantine Diptych in the ences, monastic or imperial, male, female, or both. As Winchester Psalter, British Library, MS Cotton Nero C. IV,” Gesta a prominent Byzantine princess with an eventful life, 37, no. 1 (1998): 26–43. possible political aspirations, and a powerful alignment dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 321 with the ideal of motherhood, Eirene could have found should we assume that they are absent in past cultures the Vatican copy useful in a variety of ways: in her and creations produced by individuals at least as com- private and public life, alone or in an exclusive circle plex as ourselves?295 Studied ambivalence or sophis- of court members, in moments of prosperity or crisis, ticated multiplicity of meaning are among the most when seeking strength and guidance in the promise of prominent and powerful features of Byzantine literary human salvation and in the examples of influential and and visual culture. As an elaborate textintervisual cre- dignified mothers.294 As a monk with literary aspira- ation of the highest order, the Kokkinobaphos homil- tions and connections to the imperial court, Iakobos iaries are characterized by dynamic contradictions that could have used the Paris copy in similarly varied ways, would have been appreciated by their original audience for the edification, glorification, or consolation of him- and can still fascinate researchers with intriguing ques- self or his monastic community. tions without necessarily providing definitive answers. This multiplicity of possible uses is a direct result The extent to which female and male viewers of and a testament to the multilayered sophistication might have reacted differently to the Kokkinobaphos of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries, and their excep- imagery is one such intriguing question open to discus- tionally rich textintervisual character. Designed to be sion. Through the energetic interaction of their makers’ multidimensional and polyvalent, the Kokkinobaphos and users’ conceptions and perceptions, the homiliaries codices may never be exhaustively studied, because they were activated as products and producers of a dynamic are meant to possess a depth that shifts in the eyes of process of gender construction that encompassed both the beholder. Here I have chosen to shed light on inter- female empowerment and subordination. After all, related issues of theological symbolism and gender its main role model was Mary, an emblematic figure dynamics because they were central in the conception of contradictions: she was the maternal virgin who and perception of the codices, but in choosing this was exalted for her humility, and was honored above focus I am also guided by my personal interests and all creation for being the obedient servant and human concerns. Other avenues of approach are equally valid mother of God. In her, subordination and empower- in the layered world of the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries. ment were closely interwoven, like warp and weft; they I set out on my exploration of this world with a were as inseparable as the two sides of a coin. Byzantine few cautious thoughts in mind. While investigating the men and women, whose gendered understanding of the ideological construction of gender in past cultures we female sex was influenced by Mary’s cultural promi- need to admit that definitive answers may be beyond nence and identity, held that coin in their hands, and our reach, but posing probing questions is still a mean- even if they looked at only one side, they could still feel ingful endeavor. Exploring the potential of different the other in their palm.296 interpretations, while keeping in mind the hypotheti- Gender, as any type of identity, is a process, an cal nature of our assumptions, is perhaps the most ever-evolving becoming rather than a static being,297 fruitful approach to cultures far removed from ours. in constant flux between the pull of culture and Especially in the case of visual productions, an open- ness to a variety of readings was often part of the origi- nal intended function and communicative power of the 295 I refer the reader once more to the inspiring analysis by images: already from their inception, they were meant Bynum, “Why Paradox?” (n. 164 above). to accommodate multiple meanings that might become 296 A “gendered understanding of the female sex” refers to the basic tenet of feminist critics that sex is biological, while gender is even more multilayered through time, enriched by the socially and culturally constructed. For example, A. Oakley, Sex, input of different users. As to contradictions, most of Gender and Society (London, 1972); E. Fox-Genovese, “Placing us know from personal experience that they are often Women’s History in History,” New Leaf Review 133 (1982): 5–29, a prominent part of our feelings and thoughts, so why esp. 14. Of course, even if the term “sex” is used to describe biologi- cal differences between men and women, sexuality is also socially and culturally constructed. See for example Sexual Meaning: The 294 Some insights into the tribulations of Eirene’s life and the Cultural Construction of Gender and Sexuality, ed. S. Ortner and H. possible ways the Kokkinobaphos homiliaries could have been rele- Whitehead (Cambridge, 1981). vant to her are included in Evangelatou, “Pursuing Salvation” (n. 129 297 S. Hall, “Cultural Identity and Cinematic Representation,” above). Framework 36 (1989): 70. dumbarton oaks papers | 68 322 Maria Evangelatou personality, society and self.298 No wonder its defini- to biblical and extra-biblical figures of motherhood, tions and operations, especially in the study of past cul- from Eve and Rebecca to Anna, Elizabeth, and mother tures, remain elusive. Perhaps the most solid conclusion Earth. Thus was created one of the most extraordinary I can offer at the end of this study is not about gender Byzantine praises to the Virgin as the spinner and dynamics but about visual symbolism: regardless of weaver of human salvation, as the supreme mother of their gendered self-perception, all Byzantine viewers humanity and divinity, and as the culmination of a long would have been equally aware that the purple thread line of prominent female ancestors. Exactly how these spun by the Virgin is a powerful symbol of the incarna- themes were interpreted by the male producers of the tion. We may assume that as members of a sophisticated homiliaries and their female and male readers remains textintervisual culture in which scriptural exegesis, an open question with many possible answers; but typology, and iconographic symbolism were central, without the combined influence of Eirene’s particular they would have recognized the multifaceted meanings interests in maternity, textiles, and the color purple as of textiles and colors in religious texts and images, as prominent aspects of her life and as prestigious signifi- well as in their social and personal lives. It was in the ers of power, these Marian homiliaries would have been context of religious expression and experience that their very different, if produced at all. interpretative awareness and potential were engaged The Kokkinobaphos codices are brilliant text- and cultivated the most; and the Kokkinobaphos hom- intervisual creations that express ideas deeply woven iliaries are supreme examples of this cultural process, into the intricate fabric of Byzantine culture; but in being themselves sophisticated products and producers addition to the collaboration of a well-versed author of Byzantine culture. and an inventive miniaturist, it took the intervention Even if our gender readings of complex creations of a female aristocratic commissioner to arrive at this like the Kokkinobaphos manuscripts are only hypo- exceptional result: she contributed both the funds thetical, a final comment about the dynamics of gen- and the personal aspirations and concerns that influ- der seems in order at the end of an exploration equally enced, directly or indirectly, the creative process and concerned with theological symbolism and gender con- its outcome. In this respect the Kokkinobaphos hom- struction. I hope that the above evidence has demon- iliaries clearly exemplify the serendipitous interaction strated that gender was the catalyst for the production of between deep cultural foundations and unique histori- these exceptional manuscripts and their thematic foci: cal and personal circumstances that lie at the root of the female identity and particular interests of a commis- any sophisticated cultural creation. sioner like Eirene sebastokratorissa seem to have trig- gered the exceptional textual and visual exaltation of textile production as a supreme symbol of human salva- University of California, tion, and to have inspired a novel presentation of sacred Santa Cruz history in order to give unprecedented prominence Department of History of Art and Visual Culture D-201 Porter College 298 For a reference to the contrasting yet coexisting pull of com- munity and individuality within history and its study, see, for exam- 1156 High Street ple, Bynum, “Why Paradox?” (with references to how she approached Santa Cruz, CA 95064 this issue in her own work). maevang@ucsc.edu • The ideas discussed in this article were version, without the Kokkinobaphos material, in Icon first developed in the original draft for “The Purple and Word: The Power of Images in Byzantium; Studies Thread of the Flesh: The Theological Connotations Presented to Robin Cormack, ed. A. Eastmond and L. of a Narrative Iconographic Element in Byzantine James (Aldershot, 2003), 261–79. As a Post-Doctoral Images of the Annunciation,” published in a shorter Fellow at Dumbarton Oaks (2003–4, 2009–10), the dumbarton oaks papers | 68  Threads of Power 323 Program in Hellenic Studies at Princeton University thank all four institutes for supporting my research. I (2004–5), the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies am also grateful to the Art Research Institute of the in Toronto (2005–6), and the Radcliffe Institute for University of California Santa Cruz for funding the Advanced Study at Harvard University (2006–7), expenses for the illustration of this article. I would like I dedicated part of my time to the study of the two to thank V. Marinis and R. Roussanova for providing Kokkinobaphos homiliaries, and I have now incorpo- me with copies of bibliographic material necessary to rated this material into a much larger project. I warmly complete this research. dumbarton oaks papers | 68