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This short essay, by Dr. Christian Lindtner, about the genetic relation between the Christian myth of Jesus’ ‘Transfiguration’ and the Buddhist myth about the Buddha and the Serpent King (Nāga-Rāja) is included in my book, ‘The Unknown Buddha of Christianity’ – ML. ¶ Lindtner states that the “purpose of this essay is to point out that this famous Christian myth is based on the ancient Buddhist myth. One myth based on another mythic tale.”
(Abstract) This paper asks why the predominant Buddhist icon of ancient Angkor was a Buddha seated on the coils of a giant multi-headed serpent with raised cobra hood. The Khmer Buddha has yet to be named or explained despite being the principal image in the central sanctuary of the Bayon, Angkor's first Buddhist state temple. The icon is very widely taken to represent the Naga Mucalinda sheltering the Buddha from a storm six weeks after his enlightenment. Several scholars have expressed puzzlement at why this minor episode in the Sakyamuni biography should have found such favour with the Mahayanist ancient but few have dismissed it as a wrong interpretation. I will endorse rejection and suggest that the Khmer naga and Mucalinda are doppelgänger with quite different meanings-a conclusion reached after examining the Buddhist contexts of the Khmer icon's naga-enthroned (preferable to 'protected') predecessors in Amaravati, Sri Lanka, Malay Peninsula and northeast Thailand. The Angkorian Buddha, I will claim, should be seen as the Khmer Vairocana or 'Sarvavid' ('Omniscient', named in one key inscription) of the tantric Vajrayana and unrelated to the minor Mucalinda biographical episode which later occasionally appears in the southern Buddhism of modern Thailand, Burma and Cambodia. The latter we have allowed to interpose itself and distort our understanding of the centrally important earlier icon. The most venerated Ancient Cambodia's most venerated Buddhist icon is a Buddha seated in meditation on the throne-like coils of a huge cobra, whose multiple heads and hood rise up behind him. The Khmer temple inscriptions do not directly name the Buddha or explain why he sits on a giant nāga, yet this icon occupies the place of supreme honour in the central sanctuary of the massive first state Buddhist temple built at the apogee of the ancient Khmer Empire by its greatest king Jayavarman VII. With only laconic texts inscribed on stone surviving the tropical environment, interpretation of the icon relies on iconographic or contextual evidence. Art historians have generally assumed that the naga symbolises a fusion of Cambodia's imported and adapted Indic religion with a local, primordial worship of the naga spirits of the earth and the waters of its irrigation. Apart from Hiram Woodward and Wibke Lobo, most historians and writers 1 I have read see the Khmer Buddha enthroned on a huge naga as originating in and perpetuating the rather minor narrative in the Buddha biographies about a naga called Mucalinda, who left his lake or river to enwrap the meditating Sakyamuni seven times in his coils and cover him completely with his cobra-like hood against an unseasonal storm in the 5 th or 6 th week of his enlightenment. I too would like to dissociate the Khmer icon from the Mucalinda myth and for this purpose I propose describing the icon as a naga-enthroned Buddha rather than as a 'naga-protected' Buddha. 2
Puṣpikā Proceedings of the 12th International Indology Graduate Research Symposium (Vienna, 2021), 2023
At early Buddhist sites on the Indian subcontinent, nagas as cobra beings are depicted with a remarkable conception of bodily fluidity between human and cobra forms. Analysis of Buddhist visual narratives and textual accounts in Pali and Sanskrit reveals their ability to take on the guise of a human, a defining feature that has been overlooked in previous scholarship which considers sculptures from the period before the Common Era. Examining their identities from the perspective of a Buddhist worshipper, I consider nagas in visual representations with a status between animals, human, and divine beings, exploring how nagas can inhabit heavenly places, yet remain confined to their unfortunate birth status as animals.
Connecting Empires and States: Selected Papers from the 13th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists, Volume 2 (2013:16-24) eds Bonatz, Domink; Reinecke, Andreas; Tjoa-Bonatz, Mai Lin, 2013
This paper asks why the predominant Buddhist icon of ancient Angkor was a Buddha seated on the coils of a giant multi-headed serpent with raised cobra hood. The Khmer Buddha has yet to be named or explained despite being the principal image in the central sanctuary of the Bayon, Angkor’s first Buddhist state temple. The icon is very widely taken to represent the Naga Mucalinda sheltering the Buddha from a storm six weeks after his enlightenment. Several scholars have expressed puzzlement at why this minor episode in the Sakyamuni biography should have found such favour with the Mahayanist ancient but few have dismissed it as a wrong interpretation. I will endorse rejection and suggest that the Khmer naga and Mucalinda are doppelgänger with quite different meanings -- a conclusion reached after examining the Buddhist contexts of the Khmer icon’s naga-enthroned (preferable to ‘protected’) predecessors in Amaravati, Sri Lanka, Malay Peninsula and northeast Thailand. The Angkorian Buddha, I will claim, should be seen as the Khmer Vairocana or ‘Sarvavid’ (‘Omniscient’, named in one key inscription) of the tantric Vajrayana and unrelated to the minor Mucalinda biographical episode which later occasionally appears in the southern Buddhism of modern Thailand, Burma and Cambodia. The latter we have allowed to interpose itself and distort our understanding of the centrally important earlier icon.
2011
The iconography of Buddha images known as the Dvāravatī Nāga-Buddha is analyzed. The origin and evolution of the Nāga-Buddha in India are reviewed. Differences in the iconography of nāga-hooded figures are elucidated and examined. The evolution of the iconography in Sri Lanka, Thailand (Dvāravatī and Angkorian periods) and Cambodia is surveyed. Possible transmission routes between India, Sri Lanka and Dvāravatī are considered. The possibility that the Dvāravatī Nāga-Buddha was the origin of the Angkorian Nāga-Buddha is examined. Clues to the significance of the Bàyon Nāga-Buddha in that context are explored.
There is a proverb in India to the effect that one should not inquire too deeply into the origin of rishis (God-men) or rivers. This book, ‘Buddhism’s Relation to Christianity’, however, seeks to plumb the very depths of the great puzzle of the relation between the Buddha and Jesus. ¶ The First Section features a select, annotated bibliography highlighting almost two hundred years of scholarly work on the remarkable parallelism between the messages and lives of the Buddha and Jesus. ¶ The Second Section deals with Buddhist narrative sculptures, a number of which were created in the centuries BCE. They are paralleled by episodes in the Christian scriptures. ¶ The Third Section considers several rock inscriptions of King Aśoka, who, in the third century BCE, ruled over most of India, and beyond, into what is now Afghanistan. These inscriptions reveal the spreading abroad of the Buddhist doctrine (Dharma), as far as Egypt and other countries around the Mediterranean. There are many parallels between Buddhist doctrine and Christian doctrine. ¶ The Fourth Section examines the strange story of the most widespread legend of Christian sainthood during medieval times. The Buddha was somehow turned into a Christian saint who, by 1583, was actually listed in the Roman Martyriology, which provides an extensive list of saints officially recognized by the Church! ¶ The Fifth Section discusses several instances of parallel parables. It may be of interest to note that only Buddhism and Christianity have made such extensive use of parables. ¶ The Sixth Section lists various parallels in the sayings of the Buddha and Jesus. ¶ The Seventh Section attempts to emphasize certain pioneering developments achieved by Buddhism, as a missionary religion, prior to similar developments in Christianity. ¶ The Eighth Section takes up the contentious debate about the historicity of Jesus. Various arguments for, and a few against, his being historical are considered. ¶ And, finally, the Ninth Section deals with two examples of extreme revisionism. Both of these theories argue that Jesus is not a historical person. And, further, they both hold that the evangelists who wrote the Gospels of the New Testament were actually Buddhists. The pioneer of this extreme revisionism is the Danish Sanskrit scholar, Christian Lindtner. The strong reactions to his radical views have illustrated the basis of the Indian warning not to inquire too deeply into the origin of God-men or rivers.
The teachings of the Buddha and Jesus are explored in this 1997 paper. A comparative analysis is undertaken.
Journal of Archaeological Studies in India Vol. 1, No. 1, 2021, pp. 140-157, 2021
The Indian sub-continent has a vibrant history of human-snake interaction spanning from the prehistoric period up to modern times. Snakes are an integral part of the ecosystem, agriculture cycle, mythology, folklore, art, iconography, etc., and we see them in depiction, worshipped in rituals, and even venerated in live form across religions; this interaction also includes abuse of snakes, destruction of their habitat, etc., but falls beyond the scope of this paper. When we hear the word 'snake' the localised term of 'Naga' comes into our mind; the famous ones being Sheshnaga, Muchalinda Naga, etc. This paper will be focusing on Muchalinda Naga, a snake king that appears in Buddhist texts, whose appearance is dated to the 6 th Cen. B.C. coinciding with the enlightenment of the Buddha. When a researcher is observing the original Pali Sources, it is noted that there is a clear dichotomy in what is spoken in the text regarding the interaction of Muchalinda and the Buddha and what is depicted specifically in the first few centuries onwards. In order to study iconographic evolution, the researchers will be examining the depictions of 'Muchalinda Buddha' from the earliest times and will expatiate on the various developing iconographic features as noted in these depictions over the ages. The paper will try to answer the following questions with an interdisciplinary approach vis-à-vis the type of snake Muchalinda Naga was, the change in his depiction over the centuries, faithfulness of the visual depiction to the textual depiction, the reason behind the evolution of the depiction and lastly Muchalinda's interaction with the Buddha from a herpetological perspective. For the herpetological perspective, the researcher will be using the scholarly works
The Journal of Buddhist Ethics, 2015
From Stone to Flesh: A Short History of the Buddha. By Donald S. Lopez, Jr. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2013, 978-0-226-49320-6 (hardback), $26.00. This rich volume may be seen as a prequel to Lopez's The Scientific Buddha (2012), though it is perhaps more properly a continuation or expansion of his introduction to the recent (2010) republication of Eugene Burnouf's Introduction to the History of Indian Buddhism, translated by Lopez and Katia Buffetrille. And for readers acquainted with Lopez's earlier work, Prisoners of Shangri-La (1998), for example, there is much here that will be stylistically and methodologically familiar. With From Stone to Flesh, Lopez trains his gaze on the figure of the Buddha in the Western imagination. Tracking the development of this Buddha from the earliest European accounts up to Burnouf's presentation in the mid-nineteenth century, Lopez presents the evolving and shifting European perceptions of the Buddha while contextua...
Jurnal Sylva Lestari
Forum Prawnicze 6/80, 2023
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