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In recent years right-wing populism has risen significantly across the west. In 2017, Marine Le Pen, leader of the National Front, came very close to winning the French presidential election. She eventually lost out to Emanuel Macron, a man dedicated to maintaining the neoliberal consensus but smart enough to voice the usual progressive liberal platitudes during his election campaign. If this was a victory for liberalism over an increasingly virulent and regressive nationalism, it rang rather hallow. The huge strides made by the National Front under Le Pen, quite clearly, do not augur well for the continuation of liberal values in Europe. However, it seems quite important to ask why a representative of the dominant yet ailing politico-economic order was presented to the electorate as the alternative to the ethnocentric nationalism currently pulling France to the right. Is it feasible that Macron's unmitigated neoliberalism can assuage the anger and anxiety that underpin the new French nationalism? Does the invidious choice between Le Pen and Macron not tell us something about the parlous state of liberal democracy and the chains that have been placed upon our collective political imagination? Might the continued dominance of neoliberal capitalism – which has throughout the west concentrated wealth in the hands of an oligarchic elite and permeated economic insecurity throughout the rest of the population – have in some way influenced the development of this new right-wing populism? Could the current crisis in fact be an outcome of neoliberalism's continued political dominance? And perhaps more to the point, shouldn't we be asking searching questions about why the political right has been the principal beneficiary of post-crash economic insecurity, stagnating wages, declining lifestyles, austerity and the gradual breakup of the west's welfare states? Why has there not been a resurgence of interest in traditional left-wing politics rooted in political economy and committed to advancing the interests of the multi-ethnic working class? Why have we not seen a new generation of strident leftist politicians, keen to control the brutal excesses of market society, bursting onto the stage? There is no doubt that the new right has prospered in the vacuum created by the traditional left's decline. Focusing on 'Brexit Britain', the task we have set ourselves here is to identify why the historical relationship between the working class and left-wing politics has become fragile, strained and at risk of coming to an end altogether.
2016 •
This article examines the contradictory relationship between neoliberalism and the politics of the far-right. It seeks to identify and explain the divergence of the 'economic' and the social/ cultural spheres under neoliberalism (notably in articulations of race and class and the 'politics of whiteness') and how such developments play out in the politics of the contemporary far-right. We also seek to examine the degree to which the politics of the far-right pose problems for the consolidation and long-term stabilization of neoliberalism, through acting as a populist source of pressure on the conservative-right and tapping into sources of alienation amongst déclassé social layers. Finally, we locate the politics of the far-right within the broader atrophying of political representation and accountability of the neoliberal era with respect to the institutional and legal organization of neoliberalism at the international level, as most obviously highlighted in the ongoing crisis of the EU and Eurozone.
Canepa, Eric, and Rainer Rilling (Eds) (2008) First North-Atlantic Left Dialogue, Berlin-New York, pp. 97-102
New Left Party Strategies in the Global Crisis: Left-Wing Populism or Left-Wing Politics of Class Formation?2008 •
The current global financial crisis and impending global recession appears to be a “big crisis” of the neoliberally regulated finance driven accumulation regime. The problem that the left faces in the Northern core capitalist countries is an asynchronic development. The hegemonic crisis of neoliberalism is progressing at an enormous speed while the counter-hegemonic forces – where they have advanced – lag behind the current process of the unraveling of neoliberal hegemony, and they have problems keeping pace. While state leaders in the US and in Europe are muddling through the crisis, throwing ideology overboard and professing a trial-and-error policy resembling the trial-and-error processes of state leaders during the terminal crisis of Keynesian Fordism, left forces need to get a foot in the door to impact the sea change in the social structures of accumulation which currently appears to be taking place. Some form of neo-neo- or post-neoliberalism is likely to be the result of the current crisis and the specific nature of this new mode of regulation of high-tech capitalism will have crucial implications for any left strategy.
International Journal of Media and Cultural Politics
Back to the future: On the British liberal left’s return to its origins2020 •
Why has the Labour Party in Britain been unable to take advantage of the historic opportunity presented by the global financial crisis to press its case for radical socio-economic reform? Why, despite more than a decade of Tory austerity and genuine signs of social crisis, does it find itself behind in the polls to a Conservative Party openly committed to shrinking the state and providing further tax cuts to the rich? In this short article, we reflect upon the history of the political left in Britain, and suggest that the liberalization of the left ‐ and the long-running marginalization of the working classes, their concerns and their real-world experiences ‐ reveals an underlying antagonism that is driving many voters supportive of interventionist economic policies but suspicious of the left’s cultural agenda into the hands of the political right.
Relating Judis' analysis of the recent rise of populism in Western Europe and in the U.S. to the crisis of the Left, it is argued that the most pertinent adversary of the progressive movement today is no longer the neo-liberal establishment but the populist politics that it created.
Development and Change
The ‘Populist’ Right Challenge to Neoliberalism: Social Policy between a Rock and a Hard Place2020 •
American Affairs
Left Populism and the Rediscovery of Agonistic Politics2018 •
If politics is ultimately about our deepest fears and desires rather than about, say, tax policy or better health care, then what place is there for a Left whose raison d’être will always be tied to improving the economic fortunes of the least fortunate? One answer is to begin to outline an “economics of meaning,” where economic or class critiques are a means to channel anger, create meaning, and build solidarity rather than to implement better policy outcomes (although, of course, policy changes would be good on their own, for moral rather than necessarily electoral reasons). This requires changing standard conceptions of what elections are for and what it means to win.

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