Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries, 2016

Mateusz Bogucki

M. Bogucki 2016. "Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries", in P. Urbańczyk, M. Trzeciecki (eds), "The Past Societies. Polish lands from the first evidence of human presence to the early middle ages", vol. 5: 500 AD – 1000 AD, 223-276. Warsaw, The Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences The chapter discusses the influence the neighbours had on the population of Poland in the period in question, as well as the impact exerted by the said communities. The aim was to demonstrate the diverse cultural models that were reaching Polish lands in the 9th and 10th century. This being said, the article also emphasises the relative homogeneity of the local culture. Phenomena presented in detail include the impact of the culture of the Avar, Great Moravia, Bohemia, Hungary, Germany and Scandinavia. Considerable space is also devoted to the functioning of ethnically foreign enclaves, particularly the small group of Hungarians living in southern Poland and the slightly larger community of Scandinavians settled near the coast of the Baltic Sea. Significant aspects of the present chapter include tracing the more or less consequential influences from abroad, as well as illustrating how strong an effect the inhabitants of Poland had on their neighbours. Such tendencies are particularly apparent in the development of settlements and Slavic influences in Scandinavia and in the impact of Slavs on the politics and culture of Arab states. It has been determined that in the 9th and 10th century Slavs hailing from the river basins of the Vistula and the Oder were more than unresisting slaves whom ‘Vikings’ sold for Arab gold. There is much evidence to suggest that it was the Piasts themselves who sold their closest neighbours into slavery, investing the acquired means into developing the structures of the state. Known data also indicates that Polish warriors sought service at the courts of foreign rulers, e.g. Harald Bluetooth. The cultural interaction of the inhabitants of the Vistula and Oder basin involved communication, commercial exchange, migration and travel. The examples discussed in the present chapter clearly suggest that the inhabitants of early-mediaeval Poland played an active role in the transformations affecting European communities in the second half of the first millennium AD.

THE PAST SOCIETIES P O L I S H L A N D S F R O M T H E F I R S T E V I D E N C E O F H U M A N P R E S E N C E TO T H E E A R LY M I D D L E AG E S Przemysław Urbańczyk, editor 5 500 AD – 1000 AD Maciej Trzeciecki, editor Warszawa 2016 Published by the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences www.iaepan.edu.pl This volume has been edited with respect for Polish-language geographical terms and other no- menclature. Thus, the regions otherwise known as Greater Poland, Lesser Poland, Pomerania, and Silesia are here given as Wielkopolska, Małopolska, Pomorze, and Śląsk. The same goes for rivers (e.g., the Oder is found here as the Odra), personal names (not Boleslaus, but Bolesław), and so on. English translation Julita Mastalerz Language editor Philip Earl Steele Typesetting and layout Bartosz Dobrowolski Cover design and photo Albert Salamon Wawrzyniec Skoczylas Artefacts on the cover photo, thanks to the State Archaeological Museum in Warsaw Printed and bound by Sowa Sp. z o.o. ISBN: 978-83-63760-77-9 Work inanced by the National Program for Development of the Humanities – 2012-2017 © Copyright by the authors and the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences Contents 9 Preface 169 Chapter 4 10 I 169 Baltic communities present in today’s Polish territory 13 II between 700 and 1000 AD 17 III 170 Abstract 19 Bibliography 172 1. Introduction 173 2. The end of the world as they knew it: the post-Olsztyn- 21 Chapter 1 group horizon? 177 3. Early-mediaeval settlements 21 Early-Slavic culture 183 4. Everyday life 22 Abstract 191 5. Traces of cults: burial customs and other rites 23 1. Introduction – the sources and the state of research 212 6. Wars, warlords, warriors 27 2. The context for the emergence of early-Slavic culture 215 7. Conclusion 32 3. The natural environment 217 Bibliography 35 4. The characteristics of early-Slavic culture 58 5. The model of early-Slavic culture 60 6. Conclusion 223 Chapter 5 62 Bibliography 223 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries 75 Chapter 2 224 Abstract 75 Baltic communities present between 500 and 700 AD 225 1. Introduction 238 2. Inlux of oriental silver into the territory of Poland in the in today’s Poland 9th and 10th centuries 76 Abstract 248 3. Exiles, emigrants, or adventurers? Selected examples 77 1. Introduction of foreign enclaves 80 2. Settlements and the economy 265 4. Summary and conclusions 86 3. Burial customs 267 Bibliography 100 4. Male and female attire 106 5. Contacts and connections 116 6. Conclusions 277 Chapter 6 118 Bibliography 277 The emergence of the territorial state 278 Abstract 123 Chapter 3 279 1. Introduction 281 2. The question of origins, or the history of research 123 From a tribe to a state 287 3. Strongholds, or the cultural landscape 124 Abstract 312 4. Christianization, or a modernization project 125 1. Introduction 328 5. Conclusion 130 2. The natural environment 330 Bibliography 132 3. The landscape of settlement 148 4. The economic landscape 153 5. The symbolic landscape 162 6. Conclusion 164 Bibliography Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries 224 Abstract 225 1. Introduction 238 2. Influx of oriental silver into the territory of Poland in the 9th and 10th centuries 248 3. Exiles, emigrants, or adventurers? Selected examples of foreign enc- laves 265 4. Summary and conclusions 267 Bibliography Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Abstract This chapter discusses the inluence that neighbours had on the population of Poland in the period in question, and vice-versa. The aim is to demonstrate the diverse cultural models that were reaching Polish lands in the 9th and 10th cen- turies. This being said, the article also emphasizes the relative homogeneity of the local culture. Phenomena presented in detail include the impact of the culture of the Avars, Great Moravia, Bohemia, Hungary, Germany, and Scandinavia. Con- siderable space is also devoted to the functioning of ethnically foreign enclaves, particularly the small group of Hungarians living in southern Poland and the slightly larger community of Scandinavians settled near the coast of the Baltic Sea. Signiicant aspects of the present chapter include trac- ing the more or less consequential inluences from abroad, as well as illustrating how strong an efect the inhabitants of Poland had on their neighbours. Such tendencies are particu- larly apparent in the development of settlements and Slavic inluences in Scandinavia and in the impact of Slavs on the politics and culture of Arab states. It has been determined that in the 9th and 10th century Slavs hailing from the river basins of Mateusz Bogucki the Vistula and the Odra were more than unresisting slaves whom ‘Vikings’ sold for Arab gold. There is much evidence to suggest that it was the Piasts themselves who sold their closest neighbours into slavery, investing the acquired means into developing the structures of the state. Known data also indicates that Polish warriors sought service at the courts of foreign rulers, e.g. Harald Bluetooth. The cultural interaction of the inhabitants of the Vis- tula and Odra basin involved communication, commercial exchange, migration, and travel. The examples discussed in the present chapter clearly suggest that the inhabitants of early-mediaeval Poland played an active role in the transfor- mations afecting European communities in the second half of the irst millennium AD. 224 1. Introduction The Slavic tribes which settled between the Vistula and the 1.1. Intercultural interactions Odra in the second half of the irst millennium brought com- pletely new cultural patterns to those lands. This refers not Intercultural interactions have been the subject of study for only to material culture, which is the easiest to recognize, but countless anthropologists, ethnologists, sociologists, and also to the more intangible spiritual culture. The few known specialists in other branches of the humanities (for older historical records (Wołoszyn 2014) and the increasing number literature see Duistermaat, Regulski 2011). Such research is of archaeological inds (Godłowski 2000; Parczewski 2004: not only signiicant in theory, but also in practice; the issue 414-417; 2005: 65-78) give some evidence of the inlux of is too complex to be described in the present work. Cultural the new culture. The irst Slavic settlers no doubt must have interactions are best deined as the mutual inluence people encountered certain remnants of the societies inhabiting the from one culture have on people from another culture. In the area before, which can be evidenced by the many non-Slavic early-mediaeval reality, the most common media for such in- toponyms prevailing to the present day (one of the notable teractions included the expansion and/or migration of a given examples being the name Vistula – see: Popowska-Taborska community, trade, raids, diplomatic relations, etc. The density 2014; Kolendo, Płóciennik 2015), as well as by a number of of population in early-mediaeval Europe, low as it may seem archaeological inds. Thus, the irst intercultural experience from the current perspective, was high enough to leave very the Slavs had in Polish lands was that of their encounters with few areas uninhabited. the remnants of the Germanic tribes. What did they leave in For most societies, intercultural interactions are inevi- the early-Slavic culture as we know it? Not much, save the table, although there have been cases of almost completely names denoting the topographic designations of the area, i.e., isolated communities. Such isolation is rarely caused by rea- the non-Slavic proper names alluded to above. Contemporary sons other than geography; isolated peoples usually inhabit science is unable to identify any signiicant remnants of the areas of land delineated by natural boundaries (islands, jungle, Germanic peoples in the early-Slavic culture, which does etc.), where they are provided with everything they need to not mean that there were none. Michał Kara (2009: 63-155) survive, but where there is no abundance of easily available has recently presented an overview of a few of them. In this resources which would be desired by any other community. respect, evidence from written sources is rare, to say the Europe does not contain such areas. Moreover, most of the least, and so are archaeological indings. Over time, the Slavs history of Europe involves the constant migration of people settled in the territory of what is now Poland and acquired the and ever-changing economic and cultural ties. For this reason, characteristics of a local culture that was, on the one hand, the inite and stable image of prehistoric and early-historic quite homogeneous – but quite varied territorially on the other. European cultures, which still prevails in many archaeological Since that moment all inluence from other cultures can be syntheses, must be considered erroneous. This manner of regarded as foreign. Before we move on to discussing the presenting past cultures probably stems from the fact that intercultural relations of the Slavic peoples of the second half archaeology emerged in the 19th century, hand in hand with of the irst millennium, we should consider such questions as: the concept of the national state. It is also connected with What constitutes an intercultural relation, or more properly, the troublesome European history in the 20th century, when an intercultural interaction?; How does coming into contact archaeology was often used as a tool in ascribing the ‘original’ with other groups impact a society?; What beneits and what ownership of a given territory to Slavic, Germanic, or Baltic dangers does it entail? peoples, etc. The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 225 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries As a social and historical science, archaeology is par- an style were seen as passive imports, whereas each and ticularly prone to being inluenced by current beliefs, hence every sword discovered in the last decade or two has been the sometimes repeated opinion that the ‘destabilization’ and considered ‘Viking’, and burial sites yielding anything other ‘dynamization’ of the image of Europe’s prehistory observable than a knife or a temple ring have been considered ‘Viking’ in the last few decades is a result of modern globalization cemeteries. This obvious exaggeration (in both cases) does and the prevalence of multiculturalism and political correct- not take into account the complexity of the reality of the ness. It is obvious that modern scientists interpret the avail- times with all the intensive trade, the ease of movement, able source material from their current perspective, which repurposing of objects, imitation of foreign styles, and other changes with time. Thus, the image presented by a historian circumstances. The proper evaluation requires information on or an archaeologist who lived 100 years ago will difer from many aspects of a given inding, from its closest archaeological that ofered by a scholar today. All attempts at excluding context, the wide cultural context, the details of chronology, the current point of view are usually limited to negating the the territorial range of similar inds, etc. However, even in present framework of interpretation and indicate that “it was such cases scholars can never be certain of the correctness completely diferent than we think”. We must not forget that of the proposed interpretation. modern scholars have very little information at their disposal; In my research of intercultural interactions I follow the image of the period and area of their interest may seem Dieter Quast (2009: 1-26), who has pointed out that inter- black-and-white, composed mainly of ceramic, metal, glass, actions occur in connection with four principle phenomena: and (rarely) organic items. We know very little about artifacts (1) communication involving the exchange of ideas; (2) trade made of organic matter and almost nothing about the colours involving the exchange of goods; (3) migration involving the of clothes, houses, lags and banners, warpaints, tattoos, or settling of a group in a new land; and (4) individual or group other products of culture which have not been preserved in travel involving temporary stays in a foreign land. Natural- the ground. Ethnographic research proves that such mani- ly, these phenomena may occur both independently and festations of culture are more likely to act as indicators of simultaneously, e.g., communication between envoys from ties within communities than the shapes of axes or buckles. two diferent groups could have involved (and often did) not In my opinion, existing limitations can only be overcome only intellectual exchange (truces, alliances, commercial trea- through combining thorough research and the presentation ties), but also material exchange (gifts, tributes, commercial of compelling evidence with a strong emphasis on the fact exchange). Thus, this division cannot always be regarded that the interpretation presented on its basis is no more than as a ixed rule, even though it proves helpful in identifying a personal and subjective image of the world of the past. It questions and interpretations, which I have attempted to is the reader who should decide whether this interpretation achieve in the present work. is likely or not. An important issue reappearing in archaeological re- 1.2. How did western Slavs influence neighbouring search on intercultural relations is the evaluation of reasons tribes? which caused the emergence of a foreign object or of for- eign inluences on local wares. Thus, considerations of the In spite of how the matter used to be presented, we now know same item can be at least threefold: as a ‘passive’ subject of that early-medieval Slavs inhabiting the territory of present-day import, i.e., one that arrived in a given region as a result of Poland were not merely passive receivers of foreign cultural exchange; as proof of the physical presence of a represent- models. They probably impacted neighbouring communities ative of a foreign culture; or, lastly, as evidence of temporary as much as the surrounding tribes inluenced them. Needless expeditions to foreign lands undertaken by representatives to say, the inluence was not evenly distributed over time of the local culture. The correct evaluation of the reasons is and space. The essential problem concerning the study of extremely diicult and, with the exception of special cases, Slavic inluence on their neighbours lies in the relatively virtually impossible in relation to a particular item. scant evidence of their initial material culture, predominantly This is particularly apparent in the history of the percep- limited to artifacts made of clay and organic matter, the latter tion of Scandinavian items found in Polish territory. Between of which have not been preserved. Apart from the artifacts the 1960s and the 1980s almost all artifacts in Scandinavi- themselves, archaeologists have recognized the types of 226 1. Introduction dwellings characteristic for early Slavs (square semi-dugouts 565-576). By the end of the 10th and the beginning of the with an oven in the corner) and settlements (see: chapter 2). 11th century the Scandinavian market was illed with many That said, the small number of artifacts does not mean that imitations – namely, ‘Baltic ware’. There still is an ongoing there is no evidence of such inluence. discussion concerning the methods of the dissemination of The easiest way to identify the Slavic impact on other these designs. Some researchers argue that the ‘Baltic ware’, tribes is to study its manifestations in ceramic objects. Mod- so popular in Scandinavia, were imitations manufactured by ern scholars can indicate at least a few such cases, the most local craftsmen; others indicate that those items had been prominent of which come from the northern periphery of the imported from Slavic lands. There are also those who believe Slavic world, where Slavic pottery tradition came into contact that such items were made by Slavic craftsmen relocated to with two foreign styles – irst Baltic and then Scandinavian. southern Scandinavia. Most probably each of these cases The contacts between Slavic peoples and the Balts (Prussians) took place and each could be documented with particular constitute a special case; in the early period, i.e., between inds. However, it would be diicult to ascertain which of the the 6th and the 7th centuries, the evidence for such communi- methods was the prevailing one; inding an answer to this cation is not only ample (in the scale of the period), but also question would require a thorough study, including laboratory signiicant. Many sites yielding Slavic and Baltic artifacts in research, of examples of such vessels found throughout Scan- a common context have been discovered on a wide strip of dinavia. In any case, there can be no doubt that the inluence land stretching from Haćki in Podlachia to the west (Szymański of western-Slavic style on early-medieval pottery in northern 1983: 89-104; Kobyliński 1990: 165-173; Kobyliński, Szymański Europe was indeed very strong. 2005: 43-74), along the lands which were later to become The above examples do not exhaust the list of known the border between Mazovia and Prussia. It was in this terri- types of inluence that the inhabitants of the Odra and Vis- tory that Slavs came into contact with representatives of the tula basins exerted on other peoples. They are, however, Sudovian and Olsztyn groups. Efects of this communication meaningful enough to indicate their diversity: from the export are apparent not only in typically Slavic inds (Okulicz 1988: of objects, through the export of technology and style, to 103-131), but also in a plain inluence over local ceramics (Wró- strong inluences triggering the change of the (almost) entire blewski, Nowakiewicz 2003: 165-181, see: chapter 3). What material culture. is more, some scholars surmise that it was the Slavs arriving from the south who contributed to the important changes 1.3. How did the neighbouring tribes influence the that occurred in the culture of western Balts (Nowakowski inhabitants of Polish territory? 2004: 407-417; 2007: 93-127). The arrival of Slavic peoples coincides with a change in Prussian burial customs to rites Since the material culture of early-medieval Slavs was sub- that did not leave any discernible archaeological traces. Thus, jectively modest (see: chapter 4), and the neighbouring tribes rather than being limited to an exchange of goods, these more often used objects made of inorganic materials, foreign contacts entailed a strong inluence of the arriving tribes on inluence on the material culture of the inhabitants of the the resident culture. From the archaeological point of view, lands that later became Poland is relatively easy to identify this inluence may seem destructive (the disappearance of in archaeological material. Naturally, this inluence varied burial sites, the discontinuation of far-reaching contacts), yet in intensity and character. Older inluences (from the 7th to its factual character is not entirely clear. What we know is that the 9th centuries) from the south and the west are mainly the Balts survived and continued to occupy the same area in manifested in minor archaeological inds: single objects of later periods; only a small (or great) thing had changed – their Avar, Carolingian, or Byzantine origin (mainly bronze coins culture (see: chapter 5). of diferent value – Fig. 1), usually discovered as single inds. The impact of Slavic material culture on the neigh- Yet the 10th and the 11th centuries brought stronger inluence bouring tribes becomes more apparent in a slightly later with a wider cultural signiicance (the foremost example being period, i.e., between the 9th and the 11th centuries, when Slavic the introduction of a new religion). Surprisingly, that period ceramic vessels gained popularity in southern Scandinavia did not bring any signiicant increase in the number of small (Andersen 1984: 145-161; Callmer 1988: 654-674; Roslund items (except for coins and ornaments deposited in hoards) 1992: 159–175; 2001; Stanisławski 2000b: 107-123; 2006b: from the south (Fig. 2) and the west. The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 227 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 1-1. Besko. A bronze follis of Justinian I, 543-547 AD Fig. 1-2. Rabka. A silver siliqua of Justinian I, 527-534 AD Source: FMP IV.A.1:1 Source: FMP IV.A.84:1 The situation regarding interactions with the north was be traced back to a common root, and therefore diferences in slightly diferent; chronological diferences in the quantity archaeological material are not easily discernible. Their mutual and territorial range of minor indings are also apparent, yet inluence is more diicult to ascertain, especially given the (incidental dynastic connections with Sweden and Denmark fact that it is often impossible to decide which features were aside) the inluence is easily traced with archaeological meth- common and which constituted a later inluence. ods, as it is limited to an inlux of goods or the migration of Inluence from other directions are much more ap- insigniicant numbers of people. The inluence from the east is parent. The oldest distinct evidence is connected with the the least clear, which is no doubt connected with the eastern relations which the inhabitants of the territory of Poland es- origin of the communities that settled in the Vistula and Odra tablished with the Avar Khaganate, though very few objects basin. The material culture of eastern and western Slavs can manufactured by the Avars have been found. With the excep- tion of a single horse harness itting, indings are limited to strap ends of diferent kinds (Fig. 3). About 30 pieces have been discovered so far, only two of which date back to the late-Avar period. The vast majority of these objects is dated to the 8th century, mainly to the lat- ter half. If the pieces of uncertain cultural provenance (three-lobed arrowheads, stirrup, buttons, some forms of spindle whorls) were to be added to this number, the total of Fig. 2. Przemyśl. A Byzantine gem from ca. 10th-11th century Source: Sosnowska 2010 228 1. Introduction Fig. 3. Chorula. An Avar bronze itting from the 8th century Source: Jaworski 2014 Avar ‘imports’ would barely exceed 40 items (Szymański 1962: 283-314; 1995: 125-148; Poleski 2003: 215-222; 2009: 97-136; 2014: 160-164; Rudnicki 2009: 235-249; Kłosińska 2009: 177-180; Auch, Bogucki, Trzeciecki 2012: 118-119). Moreover, in respect to a few items (e.g., the strap ends excavated in Dobrzeń Mały– Fig. 4, and Gilów) it can be justiiably sus- pected that they are later, Great-Moravian imitations of the Fig. 4. Dobrzeń Mały. A Great-Moravian bronze imitation of an 9th century. It is also suggested that some Avar items were Avar itting from the 9th century deposited later, e.g., the itting from Syrynia, dated to the 8th Source: Jaworski 2014 century, was discovered in a 9th-century context (Jaworski 2005: 82; 2013: 170-173, 180). Apart from the itting discovered in the Krakus Mound in Kraków, which presumably comes bracelets and other silver and bronze ornamentals, a itting from a cremation burial (Buko 2005: 143-146; Poleski 2009: form Bruszczewo (Poleski 2003: 217) or the strap end from 124), all other Avar objects have been found separately in the emporium in Janów Pomorski (Auch, Bogucki, Trzeciecki fortiied or open settlements. Apart from the above itting, 2012: 118-119). We cannot exclude the possibility that small characteristic volute-handle knives, traditionally associated groups of Avars might have penetrated into Polish lands, with Avar circles, even though their chronology is much wider but the character and relatively small number of those items (from the 7th/8th until the 10th century) and it would be diicult combined with the fact that almost all of the items mentioned to decide when they were brought to southern Poland (Wa- were found separately suggest that they were brought there chowski 1997: 35-36). by the Slavs who inhabited the territory of the Khaganate in Since these objects have been found predominantly the 8th century, rather than directly by the Avars. in Upper Śląsk and in the vicinity of Kraków, it may be de- After the fall of the Avar Khaganate in the early 9th duced that they were brought to Polish lands mainly through century, the state of Great Moravia (as it is currently called) the Moravian Gate. In the case of some of the indings from was established in the territory of what is now Moravia and the areas around Przemyśl and Lublin, it can be supposed Slovakia. Apart from the ephemeral 7th-century entity referred that they were brought through the Przemyśl Gate. Further to as Samo’s State (Labuda 2009), the Great Moravian Em- north, indings of Avar-style objects are extremely rare – such pire was the irst state established by Slavs. It soon created exceptions include e.g., the hoard from Lubniewice near Kro- a unique material culture, largely inspired by Avar, Byzantine, sno Odrzańskie (Szymański 1962: 289), consisting of silver and Carolingian products. Some scholars believe that the The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 229 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Great Moravian state of the second half of the 9th century was include lasks, fragments of which have been discovered in the also in control of Małopolska and Śląsk. This idea is based fortiied settlements in Gilów, Bazaltowa Góra near Strzegom, on a passage from the life of Saint Methodius, according to and possibly in Dobromierz (Rzeźnik 1997: 127-134; Jaworski which Moravians forcibly baptized a “pagan prince seated on 2005: 278-280; 2013: 170-183). There are also the exceptional the Vistula” (Tyszkiewicz 2000: 73-88). It must be emphasized, inds from the site in Niemcza, where a collection of Danubian however, that baptizing a ruler is not tantamount to taking over type vessels was discovered in the alleged burial ground his domain. Even if the alleged incorporation of Małopolska referred to as Niemcza I (Jaworski 2005: 226-228). Vessels and Śląsk did take place, it did not result in any signiicant displaying features of southern style of the 9th and 10th centu- changes in the local models of material culture – archaeolog- ries have also been found in Wielkopolska: in the strongholds ical inds which can be associated with the Great Moravian in Spławie and Dakowy Mokre. One should also mention the circle, though numerous and varied, were still nothing but relatively numerous indings of graphite ceramics that were a tinge to local manufacture. manufactured in Moravia in the 9th century and in Bohemia in What distinguishes the archaeological traces of the the 10th (Lodowski 1966: 110-132. For diferent interpretation Great Moravian culture in Poland from the inds of Avar artifacts see Pankiewicz 2012). Vessels with this characteristic temper is mainly their diversity. While Avar items are limited almost have been excavated from a number of sites in Upper Śląsk exclusively to strap ends, the Great Moravian inluence is no- and Małopolska, although they are also known from other ticeable in the architecture of fortiied settlements, ceramics, regions (they have been found i.e., on Ostrów Tumski in militaria and ornaments. Researchers were most interested Poznań (Rumieniecka, Sikorski, Wenzel 2004: 265-281), in in the stone facing of the ramparts of the fortiied settlements Kruszwica (Dzieduszycki 1978: 63-97), and on the island of in Śląsk, atypical for Polish standards. Signiicantly, the al- Wolin (Stanisławski 2011: 203-221). southern provenance may most perfectly vertical ramparts were lined with intentionally also be ascribed to stone spindle whorls, which are relatively shaped stone instead of unprocessed pebbles, as was the rare in Polish territory; barring the later imports from Volhynia case in other regions of Poland (Jaworski 2005: 194-195). (Jaworski 2005: 280). As the excavation works in Śląsk and neighbouring lands Strong Great-Moravian and Carolingian references are progressed, the interpretations of these structures began to also apparent in another category of indings from southern change. Initially perceived as a local building custom, they Poland dated to the 9th and the early 10th centuries – namely, were subsequently deemed a direct inluence of Carolingian militaria. A number of spearheads, arrowheads, hammer axes, tradition. Recent indings from Gilów and other fortiied set- and other elements of horse tack which can be attributed to tlements have convinced the majority of researchers that this these cultural circles have been excavated predominantly kind of additional rampart reinforcement should be associated in Śląsk, but also in Małopolska (e.g. Trzcinica and Trep- with Great Moravia and Bohemia. Important arguments to cza – Gancarski 2003: 263-276). Spurs constitute the most support such a cultural attribution include the fact that most common inding, but archaeologists researching the site in of these fortiied settlements ceased to function when the Karpnik have also discovered 11 ‘western-European’ spear- Great Moravian Empire fell at the beginning of the 10th cen- heads dating from the 7th and 8th centuries and deposited in tury (Wachowski 2001: 167-177; Jaworski 2005: 195-196, 269). the irst half of the 9th century (Jaworski 2005: 55-56, 268). Other indicators of the relations between the inhab- Apart from militaria, the inds from the territory of Poland itants of present-day Poland and their southern neighbours also include many tools from the area of Great Moravia; e.g., include indings of clay vessels of Great-Moravian and Bohemi- the saw from the stronghold in Lubomia or the razor with an an provenance. Signiicantly, similarities are not limited to the openwork facing in Gilów. shape of the vessels or their ornamental patterns (which can The most spectacular inds testifying to contacts with be referred to as the import of style), but also the techniques of Great Moravia and Bohemia, comprise various types of small production: using turning as a method of forming and adding ornaments made of non-ferrous metals dated to the 9th century. graphite particles to the ceramic mass. In this case it may be One notable example from Śląsk is the ‘Blatnica style’ itting assumed that the vessels themselves were imported or that from Bolesławiec, made in the late 8th or early 9th century the craftsmen from the territory of Great Moravia were phys- (Szymański 1962: 300-303; Wachowski 1992: 104-105) and ically present in these lands. The most characteristic shapes predating the context in which it was found by about 100 years 230 1. Introduction Fig. 5. Grębocice. A Great-Moravian belt chape in the Fig. 6. Izbicko. A Great-Moravian gold temple ring from Blatnica style from the late 8th or early 9th century a cremation burial dated to the late 8th or early 9th century Source: Jaworski, Krzyszowski, Miazga, Sikorski 2012 Source: Jaworski 2014 (Jaworski 2005: 266-267). The same style is observed on the 173). Apart from the typical strap ends and horse tack elements, itting found in Grębocice (Fig. 5) near Polkowice (out of its indings of buckles, buttons, bells (gombiks), pendants, and archaeological context; see: Jaworski, Krzyszowski, Miazga, other small items are also known, including the notable cruciix Sikorski 2012: 27-47). As mentioned above, some artifacts of gilt bronze from Wałbrzych-Stary Książ (Jaworski 2005: 64). which had previously been associated with the Avar circle Another separate category of indings associated with are now regarded as later Great-Moravian imitations. This the Great Moravian Empire consists of iron items, the vast ma- particularly refers to the itting found in Dobrzeń Mały (Fig. 4), jority of which lacks functional characteristics and therefore is and possibly to the one found in Gilów (Jaworski 2013: 170- commonly interpreted as commodity money. Most commonly, 173). Among absolutely unique inds is the gold temple ring they took the form of axe-like and arrowhead-like grzywna from the cremation grave in Izbicko (Fig. 6). Its uniqueness ingots, as well as of iron basins, referred to in relevant liter- stems not only from the material of which it was made (gold ature as Silesian bowls. Sometimes those items have been was very rare in this area at the time), but also from the con- found accompanied by various tools, such as chisels, coulters, text in which it was found (it was included in the furnishings broadaxes, sickles, etc. (Sztetyłło 1968: 189-204; Bubenik of a cremation grave inside a barrow no. 15 – Poleski 2009: 1972: 542-567; Zaitz 1981: 91-124; 1991: 142-178; Boroń 1994: 126). This item, traditionally dated to the middle-Avar period 7-22; Adamczyk 2004; Rzeźnik 2006: 175-225; Szmoniewski (Wachowski 1997: 19-20), is now believed to have been made 2010: 289-295). The most impressive hoard was discovered in the late 8th or in the early 9th century. It might have arrived at Kanoniczna street 13 in Kraków, in 1979 (Fig. 7). The total in Polish territory slightly later, which would mean that it could of 4212 axe-like grzywna ingots, which weighed 3.6 tonnes, be associated with Great-Moravian inluences (Jaworski 2013: were hidden in a pit of roughly 1 by 2 metres, reinforced with The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 231 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 7. Kraków, 13 Kanoniczna Street. Iron ‘axe-like’ grzywna Fig. 8. Podebłocie. Clay tablets with 9th-century (?) inscriptions ingots from an 9th-century hoard Source: Buko 2008 The collection of the Archaeological Museum in Kraków, digitization: RPD MIK, project: Wirtualne Muzea Małopolski (muzea.malopolska.pl), CC-BY-SA.3.0 wood. They were deposited in bunches comprising up to letters ICXI (Fig. 8), interpreted as the monogram of Christ twenty ingots. The hoard is believed to have been hidden (Płóciennik 1999: 197-199). Laboratory analyses have shown around the year 880 (Zaitz 1981: 91-124; 1991: 142-178). that one of the slates was made of terra rosa, i.e., a type of Iron grzywna ingots have been discovered mainly in clay found in the Mediterranean (Marczak 1999: 159-160). The Małopolska, while in Śląsk iron bowls constitute the dominant origin of the people who brought these items to Podebłocie type, although they have also been found in Wielkopolska and the time in which they arrived is now diicult to ascertain, (e.g., Ostrów Lednicki, Giecz, Bruszczewo), Mazovia (e.g., but Great Moravia seems to be the most plausible direction. Stara Łomża) and even in Pomorze (Szczecin). While Silesian What is more, the settlement had a consumption model that is bowls are likely to have been a local product, axe-like grzywna unusual for Polish territory: the remains of goat/sheep bones ingots hail from Great Moravia. Scholars sometimes theorize predominate over that of cattle and pigs. Such a model is as to the possibility of their connotations with Scandinavia, characteristic for nomadic communities (Buko 2005: 157-163). mainly Norway, where similar objects have been found (Szmo- The other unique inding is the cemetery dated to the niewski 2010: 289-295). However, in my opinion such items second half of the 10th century, discovered in Poznań-Sołacz. have nothing in common. At the present state of research, The skeletal burial custom and the discovered ornaments it would be diicult to ascertain whether such ingots were indicate that the people buried there had come from the area also produced in Małopolska (this view is expressed e.g., by of Nitra. Zoia Kurnatowska and Michał Kara (2005: 9-26) Emil Zaitz (1981: 91-124; 1991: 142-178), although other scholars believe that the occupants of these graves might have been tend not to agree). Be that as it may, the frequency of such connected with the Poznan clan from Great Moravia, who indings clearly indicates that in the 9th century Małopolska arrived in Wielkopolska at the beginning of the 10th century remained under a strong inluence of Great-Moravian milieux. and took an active part in building a new state. The name of Two exceptional discoveries must be mentioned in the settlement in Ostrów Tumski is believed to have come connection with the relations of the inhabitants of the Vistula from them. and Odra basin with Great Moravia. The irst one was made in After Hungarians destroyed Great Moravia in the year the settlement in Podebłocie, in a well-documented 9th-cen- 906, the relations between Poland and the lands south of tury context. It comprises three clay tablets bearing Greek the Carpathians and Sudetes weakened. It would be hard to 232 1. Introduction identify archaeological material testifying to intensive relations The stronghold in Niemcza was built in seven stages with the Přemyslids, who had gradually been gaining impor- and remained in use between the 9th and the 13th centuries. tance since the end of the 9th century. This does not mean that The construction of large reinforcements, added at the end there were none: the material culture of Great Moravia and of the 10th century (most probably after the Piast dynasty had Bohemia were very similar, which is why the provenance of taken control over Śląsk) was a crucial point in its develop- particular items is diicult to ascertain. This is especially true ment (Jaworski 2005: 84). Unfortunately, the settlement has in the case of military equipment, which – irrespective of the not been fully studied, which hinders attempts as presenting owner’s origins – was always modelled after Carolingian gear. a comprehensive chronology and interpretation, particularly A relatively large number of militaria dating from the with regard to the earlier stages of development. One inding irst half of the 10th century has been found in Śląsk and which merits mention in this context is the spur with a plate- Wielkopolska. Such items include Carolingian and Ottonian and-rivet fastening, most probably dating from the late 9th or spurs with plate-and-rivet fastening, and Great-Moravian and the early 10th century (Jaworski 2005: 85-86). Yet the most Bohemian hammer axes of the Bradatica type (Kara 2009: famous discovery from Niemcza is not the stronghold but the 216). Their presence indicates that relations with the south burial ground located about 250 m away from it, referred to still existed, though it is diicult to evaluate the nature of as Niemcza II. The site contained 88 skeletal graves dating such contacts. Bohemian culture acquired a more deined from between the 10th and the 12th centuries. The 10th-century shape around the middle of the 10th century, i.e., the period graves prove the most interesting from the perspective of to which are dated the indings which may be associated the present study. Two of these burials (no. 91 and 155) can with Czech contacts. Such artifacts were discovered e.g., in be dated precisely to the end of that century, on the basis of Lipki near Opole, Opole itself, and Ostrów Tumski in Wrocław the coins they contained. A denarius of duke Otto I of Swabia (Wachowski 1997: 63-64). The 10th century also witnessed (976-982) was found in grave no. 155, next to the right hand discernible, if rare interactions with the recently settled tribes of the woman who was buried there. Grave 91 yielded a small of the Hungarian federation (see below). hoard composed of two ornaments, 16 coins, and a small disc Although written records indicate that a large part of deposited between the woman’s left hand and her pelvis. historical Poland (i.e., Małopolska and Śląsk) was Bohemian The coins included four Arab dirhams, a half-bracteate from territory in the second half of the 10th century, this theory is Hedeby, a denarius with a cross, ive Swabian and Bavarian questioned by historians, especially with regard to Małopolska denarii, four Bohemian denarii, and one French denarius. On (Tyszkiewicz 1991: 121-152). Archaeological evidence provides the basis of numismatic analysis, Stanisław Suchodolski dated very little assistance in this respect, since it is limited almost this grave to approximately 980-985 (Suchodolski 1984: 92- exclusively to speciic indings from the settlement complex 105; 2011: 215). This discovery led the archaeologists involved in Niemcza, which the Bohemians allegedly lost to Mieszko in the excavations to the conclusion that the population in- I around the year 990 (as stated in the Prague annals and in habiting Niemcza in the 10th century had Bohemian origins Thietmar’s chronicle – Wachowski 1997: 63). (Wachowski 1997: 65; Jaworski 2005: 238). Nevertheless, this Fig. 9. Bohemian denarius of Boleslaus II (972-999) Source: FMP IV.B.35.198 The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 233 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 10. requires a more thorough analysis and new research, since such indings dating from the 10th century are exceptionally rare in Czech territory (Suchodolski 2011: 215). The most numerous, however, group of Czech ”imports” are coins (Fig. 9). They appear, alongside even more frequent Bavarian and Saxon coins, from the 980s (Fig. 10). The territory of present-day Poland was separated from Ottonian Germany by Bohemia and the lands inhabited by Polabian Slavs, which is why interactions with Germans were rather insigniicant until the second half of the 10th century (and more precisely until the process of Christianization began). This is relected in the small amount of historical information Bavarian denarius of Duke Henry III (983-985 AD). and archaeological indings which might be connected with Source: FMP IV.B.35.143 this cultural circle. The few older items, such as the above-men- tioned plate-and-rivet spurs, had made their way to Polish lands mainly through Great Moravia and/or Bohemia. Among the militaria, particular attention should be given to the very characteristic indings of the so-called winged spearheads. Around twenty specimens have so far been discovered in Poland, yet only some of them may be dated to the 10th cen- tury. Most of them have been discovered in central Poland (Nadolski 1954: 55-56), but the large share of such items in Pomeranian indings (6 specimens) may indicate that they were brought to these lands from the north (Świątkiewicz 2002). The most famous example of such a spear is the replica of the Spear of Saint Maurice (Fig. 11), made in Germany or Italy, Saxon denarius with a cross datred to ca. 950 – ca. 985 AD. which was a gift presented to Bolesław I by Otto III during Source: FMP IV.B.35.155 the Congress of Gniezno in 1000 (Rokosz 1989: 17-44). Other militaria, such as swords, are diicult to use as evidence of direct interactions, as they were artifacts of great value and served for longer periods of time, often changing ownership and undergoing repairs or modiications. A unique reliquary cross (staurotheke), found near the palace complex on Os- trów Lednicki, may also have found its way to the court of Bolesław I on the occasion of the Gniezno Congress (Wyrwa 2009; see also: chapter 7). Coins, on the other hand, were largely imported from Germany to the territory of Poland in the second half of the 10th century. Findings of older coins (Carolingian or Scandinavian from the 9th century) are exceptionally rare and incidental Saxon denarius bearing the names of Otto and Adelaide dated to ca. (Bogucki 2006; 2007; 2009), yet the earliest German coins 985 – ca. 995 AD. Source: FMP IV.B.35.99 appeared concurrently in Pomorze and Wielkopolska around 950. In Śląsk they started to be circulated in the late 960s and early 970s, and in Mazovia – in the mid-970s (Suchodolski 1988: 63-72; 2012b: 177-188). The greatest number (about 500), has been discovered in Wielkopolska, but signiicant 234 1. Introduction indings were also noted in Śląsk, Mazovia, and Pomorze: 450, 200 and 50 pieces respectively, each dated to around 990 at the latest. Most of them are Bavarian and Franconian, but Saxon and Lorraine coins have also been found, albeit in smaller numbers. The 990s constituted a turning point; that was the decade when the import of silver from western Eu- rope reached enormous amounts and replaced older dirhams, and the number of denarii discovered in Śląsk, Wielkopolska, Mazovia, and Pomorze grew to thousands of pieces. Except for the German and the already mentioned Bohemian coins, small numbers of Byzantine, English, Scandinavian (Fig. 12), and (sporadically) other coins have also been found (Sucho- dolski 2001: 85-1000; 2012a: 161-176; 2012b: 177-188). It’s worth to mention, that the oldest Polish coins, struck from ca. 995 AD (Fig. 13), were inluenced by German and Scandinavian coinage (Suchodolski 1967). The last category of archaeological discoveries which testify to Polish interactions with western Europe are objects of religious cult. The most noticeable examples (both now and then) are stone sacral buildings and artifacts connected with the new liturgy (see: chapter 7). A gilt silver cup, one of the prime examples of pre-Romanesque art in Poland, was found near Włocławek (Fig. 14). It was made in the 10th century, probably in Swabia or Lower Lorraine, although it also has Fig. 11. The copy of the Spear of Saint Maurice presented to Fig. 12. Kotowice. A hoard of coins and silver ornaments, ca. 1010 AD Bolesław I by Emperor Otto III in the year 1000. The John Paul II Source: FMP IV.B.31 Wawel Cathedral Museum Source: http://www.diecezja.rzeszow.pl/2015/04/swieta-wlocznia/ (access: 2016.04.01) The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 235 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 13. Denarius of Bolesław I the Brave, ca. 995 AD. Source: Suchodolski Denarius of Bolesław I the Brave with the legend GNEZDVN CIVITAS, 2012 ca.1000 AD. Photographed by Mateusz Bogucki some features of oriental art, most probably Armenian. It is were imports, evidence of a temporary foreign presence, or decorated with images inspired by the story of Gideon. Re- proof of foreign journeys undertaken by inhabitants of the searchers suspect that it might have been used as a liturgical Polish territory. The inlux of these objects,on a scale that still chalice and arrived in Poland during the reign of Bolesław I, remains unknown, might have inluenced the development of probably with the irst Benedictine monks (Skubiszewski 1965; local crafts. This is best exempliied by combs, whose forms 1999: 70). It might also have been brought to Poland slightly were largely variations on western and northern European later, in 1013, together with Richeza of Lorraine, the wife of models (Fig. 15). On the other hand, there is evidence of strong Mieszko II. When and how did it end up in the ground? We civilizational impact, predominantly from the south and the will probably never know. west, which brought signiicant changes to the lifestyle and This short review of material evidence of interactions culture of the inhabitants of the Odra and Vistula basin. The between the inhabitants of Polish territory and their southern irst and foremost example is the introduction of Christianity as and western neighbours reveals two main trends in these a new religion oicially encompassing the entire country. With relations. On the one hand, artifacts of foreign origin are the new religion came new models of executing power and rare. In most cases it is diicult to establish whether they administering the state. Those inluences were of the utmost Fig. 14. Włocławek. A cup of gilt silver dated to the late 10th century From the collection of the National Museum in Kraków, digitization: RPD MIK, project: Wirtualne Muzea Małopolski (muzea.malopolska.pl), CC-BY-SA.3.0 236 1. Introduction Fig. 15. Early-mediaeval horn combs Source: Kolenda, Zamelska-Monczak 2011 importance and determined the later course of Polish history. introduction of Christianity. There should be no doubt that Determining the reasons for establishing foreign rela- the majority of society at the beginning of the second half of tions and the methods in which they were maintained is both the 10th century did not support the idea of abandoning the simple and complex. The simpliied answer to ‘why?’ should faith of their fathers; as demonstrated by the outbreak of the be: in order to improve the living conditions at all levels, pagan rebellion in the following century. from the most basic (more functional and technologically Thus, the simple interpretation of the imports as evi- superior goods), to the most complex (the functioning of the dence of intercultural interactions, which were only supposed state). The question of ‘how?’ may be answered thus: in all to be beneicial, might be erroneous. The following section manners that were possible and ensured the most beneits. provides a closer look at the inlux of silver Arab coins into That would mean trivializing a very complex issue, though. Polish territory. I will try to prove that only a small number One must take into account that not all external inluence of the inhabitants of the Vistula and Odra basin beneitted was desired, regardless of how beneicial we may consider from this exchange. The vast majority of people sufered as it from our current perspective. The most vivid example is the a result of it. The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 237 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries 2. Inlux of oriental silver into the territory of Poland in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 16. Arab dirham coins Abbasid, Harun ar-Rashid, 803/4 AD. Source: FMP III.52.11, 143 Samanid, Isma’il ibn Ahmad, 894/5 AD. Source: FMP III.52.11, 143 From the 9th century, large amounts of silver Arab dirham coins silver have been proposed. Some researchers believe that (Fig. 16) began to be deposited in the territory of eastern, cen- they were mainly deposits, aimed at securing the money for tral and northern Europe, including Poland (Fig. 17). While the later use; others claim that symbolic and cult needs prevailed: history of burying valuable objects (hoards) can be traced at oferings for gods, manifestations of wealth, etc. There is least to the Bronze Age, in Europe the phenomenon reached a wide array of literature (for general discussion see Bogucki an unprecedented scale in the early-Middle Ages. Almost 2005: 1151-1157) on this dispute and there is no need to con- 10,000 early-medieval hoards containing about 1,000,000 sider this problem again here. Suice it to say that the coins, coins have been discovered throughout Europe to date. If the indings, their chronology, and territorial distribution are ornaments and other non-monetary silver items (hacksilver, a very rewarding material for detailed investigation of trade ingots, etc.) were to be added to that igure, it would turn out relations, and therefore also of interactions between diferent that at least a few tonnes of silver were buried in the ground groups of people. within approximately 300 years. However, this amount con- Before taking a closer look at the inds of Arabic coins stitutes only about 10 percent of the total volume of silver in in Polish lands, let us see how the Slavic contribution to circulation on the markets of the day (for general view see: trade was recorded in the sources from the period. Written Graham-Campbell, Williams 2007; Graham-Campbell, Sindbæk, accounts, scarce as they are, leave no doubt that Slavs were Williams 2011; Bogucki, Rębkowski 2013; Adamczyk 2014). active participants in the long-distance trade in central and There are many diferent interpretations of this phe- northern Europe. This aspect of their activity is usually men- nomenon. While the import of Arab dirhams was undoubtedly tioned in connection with descriptions of the trading posts of connected with intensive long-distance trade between the the time: early towns located at the intersections of European Baltic zone and the Caliphate, difering motives for hiding trade routes. At the end of the 11th century Adam of Bremen 238 2. Influx of oriental silver into the territory of Poland in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 17. Finds of 9th-11th-century Arab dirhams in Europe Source: Kilger 2008, digital processing by M. Chwiej wrote that Danes, Norwegians, Slavs, Sambians, and “other est in the indings of oriental coins resulted in the creation Scythian tribes” landed their ships in Birka (Tschan 2002: of a relatively comprehensive catalogue of such inds from 51-52). According to the chronicler, Wolin was inhabited by across Europe, which makes a good comparative background “Slavs, barbarians, Greeks, and many other peoples”. The for an analysis of discoveries made in Poland. In spite of the right to settle in the town was entitled even to the Saxons, long-standing interest in the import of dirhams to Europe, provided, however, that they would not proclaim Christianity many fundamental questions have remained unresolved: the (Tschan 2002: 66-68). Apart from numerous Arab documents exact chronology of their inlux, their period of circulation, where Slavs are mentioned predominantly as a commodity, the reasons why they appeared in a given territory, as well we should mention the piece of information recorded in as their function. Although we are mainly interested in the 11th-century Jewish sources from France. They were aware phenomena occurring in what is now Poland, let us irst look of the existence of a state called B’jwwnj’h (Polonija) and of at the issue from a slightly broader perspective. The import of silver and salt mines near the town of Ha-‘Elqoši (Olkusz), dirham coins was a pan-European phenomenon and a narrow probably having learnt this from Radhanite merchants (Pytel scope would prevent us from noticing the main mechanisms. 1970: 171-177; Rozmus 2002: 106-110). Found in many areas in Europe, including Poland, Arab Arab coins have been the subject of scientiic interest dirham coins are usually dated to the 9th and the 10th centuries. since the 18th century, and therefore have been described in Specimens from the beginning of the 11th century are exception- many publications. Owing to the rapid development of the ally rare. Relevant publications perpetuate two main opinions studies of early-Arabic numismatics and the fact that dirhams regarding the arrival of oriental silver. Some scholars, including bear the year of their minting, oriental coins are now dated Ulla Linder Welin (1974: 22–29) claim that Arab dirhams were with a great deal of precision. The signiicant scholarly inter- irst brought to northern countries as early as at the beginning The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 239 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 18. The distribution of hoards from the irst wave of inlux of Oriental silver (780-830 AD) By M. Bogucki, digital processing by M. Chwiej of the 8th century. Individual indings of Umayyad coins were hoards containing ca. 200 dirham coins dating from before regarded as corroboration for this hypothesis. However, the the year 800 (Łosiński 1988: 93-150). With such a number of majority of researchers (Noonan 1981: 47-117; 1982: 220-244; precisely dated hoards it is possible to state that the import 1984: 153-165; 1986: 321-348; 1988: 411-447; 1990: 251-257; of oriental silver to the Baltic area started in the 780s. A sig- 1992: 395-414; 2000: 285-301; Łosiński 1988: 93-181; 1996: niicant increase in the inlux of dirhams was observable in 163-180; Brather 1996: 73-153; 1999: 179-197; Adamczyk 2014; the irst decades of the 9th century and the trend continued Bogucki 2007: 79-106; 2010: 351-361) believes that dirham until around 830–835 (Łosiński 1988: 93-150). Over 40 hoards coins only started appearing the Baltic area at the end of the containing approximately 6,700 coins were hidden in the Baltic 8th and the beginning of the 9th centuries. The most important region during this period (Fig. 18). If we take into account the evidence to support this claim comes from collective inds, over 1,000 pieces of dirham coins, the single indings from i.e., that of deposits and not individual coins, which might the emporium in Truso (Fig. 19) and the several dozen other have remained in circulation for a long time and for which casual discoveries, the total number of coins will reach almost the moment of depositing is diicult to ascertain. 8,000 items. This constitutes a substantial leap in quantity in Finds of unclear chronology aside, the oldest pre- comparison to the previous stage. cisely dated dirham hoard in the Baltic area consists of nine Between 835 and 855 the number of imported dirhams coins discovered in grave IX in Tuna, Uppland – for which drops dramatically but still continues. A slight increase in the the terminus post quem (hereinafter t.p.q.) is 784/5 (Wiséhn number of hidden hoards can be observed in the 840s, but 1989: 43, no. 54A). The deposit of 31 dirhams discovered in more signiicant amounts of oriental silver did not start to low Staraya Ladoga (t.p.q. 786/7) has a similar chronology (Noonan into the Baltic region until the 860s (Fig. 20). Enormous hoards 1981: 82, no. 2). The entire Baltic area yielded a total of eight were hidden at that time, some consisting of over 10,000 dir- 240 2. Influx of oriental silver into the territory of Poland in the 9th and 10th centuries hams (Noonan 1990: 251-257). One example is the Spillings Hoard, discovered in Gotland in Sweden, which weighed approximately 100 kilograms and contained over 17,000 coins (Östergren 2008: 11-40). A more thorough analysis reveals, however, that the diferences between the described stages of dirham inlux are not so obvious as publications indicate. The inlux of dirhams may be viewed as a continuous process of increasing the number of coins imported to the region of the Baltic Sea – with some minor periodic luctuations (Bo- gucki 2010: 351-361). It has been widely agreed that in the 9th century dirhams travelled north along the “Northern Arc” (Fig. 21), a trade route running from the Caliphates, through the Khazar Khaganate, Rus’, to the Gulf of Finland (with Staraya Ladoga as the main trading post), from which the coins spread to Scandinavia and along the eastern and southern coast of the Baltic Sea (Jakimowicz 1933: 103-136; Kiersnowski 1960: 106-122; Łosiński 1988: 93-181), including the territory of Poland. In recent years more and more records have started to suggest that Arab coins made their way to the Baltic area from a number of difer- ent directions. Obviously, the Northern Arc played a dominant role, but was not the only possible route. It seems increasingly Fig. 19. Janów Pomorski – Truso. A selection of coins from the likely that coins could have also been arriving from the East. settlement, 9th century The beginnings of the ‘eastern route’ of the inlow of Source: Bogucki 2007 dirham coins have thus far been delineated by two hoards Fig. 20. The distribution of hoards from the second wave of inlux of Fig. 21. The ‘Northern Arc’ – the direction of distribution of dirhams Oriental silver (850-900 AD) throughout northern and central Europe By M. Bogucki, digital processing by M. Chwiej Source: Suchodolski 2012, digital processing by M. Chwiej The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 241 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 22. Lublin-Czechów. A hoard of dirham coins and silver ornaments from the late 9th century From the collection of the Lublin Museum. photographed by P. Maciuk hidden in the late 9th century: one from Drohiczyn and one in the Ukrainian village of Yosypivka on the upper Bug. Un- from Lublin-Czechów (Fig. 22 – Czapkiewicz et al. 1957; Czapk- fortunately, the hoard has been scattered and only a small iewicz, Kmietowicz 1960). However, new discoveries seem to part of it is known. We currently know of 182 coins, only 72 of indicate the earlier use of this route. At present, the oldest which have been documented. These include 9 coins from the inding conirming its use is the hoard from Horodyszcze times of the Umayyad dynasty, including two specimens from on the Pina (present-day Belarus), hidden after 810/811 and Spanish mints. Abbasid coins are the most numerous group discovered in 1824/1825. Thanks to the archive records pre- (62 items). All successive caliphs, from al-Mansūr to al-Ma’mun served in Vilnius University, it was possible to reconstruct were represented as the issuers of the coins. The dirham of 22 dirhams. These were one Umayyad al-Walid coin and 21 the latter, minted in Madīnat Arran, marks the terminus post Abbasid coins from the times of as-Safāh, al-Mansūr, al-Mahdī, quem of hiding the hoard (Peleszczyszyn, Gudyma 1992: 50- Harunar-Rashid, and al-Ma’mun. The terminus post quem of 51; Malarczyk 2005: 21; Gudima 2005: 22-31; Suchodolski, hiding this hoard was determined by a dirham dating from Malarczyk 2007: 94-97). the times of the last of the listed rulers, minted in Madīnat In spite of the reservations resulting from both hoards Buhārā in 810/811 (Grimalauskaite, Sinčuk 2005: 173-180; being scattered and from the absence of documentation for Suchodolski, Malarczyk 2007: 97-98). The other interesting even a half of the recorded coins, it must be accepted that their hoard comprises approximately 5,000 dirham coins, hidden location and early chronology clearly show that the hypothesis in the early 9th century (t.p.q. 813/814) and discovered in 1986 of the eastern route as the way of inlux of silver to northern 242 2. Influx of oriental silver into the territory of Poland in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 23. The vicinity of Liw. Ornaments from a hoard, ca. 900 AD Source: FMP III.66 and central Europe started much earlier than previously es- made their way to Europe along an indirect route through the timated (Suchodolski2008: 679-680; Suchodolski, Malarczyk eastern Caliphate (Kiersnowski 1960: 117-122; Kilger 2008: 2007: 97-98). The structure of both deposits is similar to that 215-218), and not straight through Carolingian lands. of other hoards from the irst wave of inlux of oriental silver The latest archaeological discoveries provide some (Łosiński 1988: 93-181; Brather 1996: 96-97; Bogucki 2007: indirect evidence that the eastern route was used for trans- 94-97). Arab coins from the late 8th and early 9th centuries porting oriental silver to Polish lands. A large collection of clay found in Europe were deposited, with a few exceptions, in pots has recently been found in Truso, a settlement well-stud- relatively small quantities. This general image of the inds ied by researchers specializing in dirhams. The vessels might seems to indicate that, at the early stage, merchants engaged have originated from the region between the middle Dnieper in long-distance business were merely looking for the most and the upper Bug (Auch, Bogucki, Trzeciecki 2012: 81-91). convenient trade routes. Undoubtedly, the northern route Similarities in the technology and style of those pots are was already the most popular (Bogucki 2010: 351-361), but the so clear that it may be surmised that there was some direct exceptionally large hoard of Yosypivka indicates that as early interaction, or perhaps even a small group of eastern Slavs as at the beginning of the 9th century merchants also used settling in Truso. In this context, the possible (and probably other, less busy routes. The two Spanish Umayyad dirhams somewhat later) inluence of eastern Slavs on the changes in found in this hoard are particularly noteworthy, as they seem burial customs in Prussia (Czarny Las-type burials; Wróblewski to corroborate the hypothesis that a large part of those coins 2000: 279-280, see also: chapter 5) should be emphasized. The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 243 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 24. The distribution of hoards of dirhams dated to 900-999 AD Hoards dated to 900-950 AD. By M. Bogucki, digital processing by M. Chwiej Hoards dated to 950-970 AD. By M. Bogucki, digital processing by M. Chwiej Hoards dated to 970-999 AD. By M. Bogucki, digital processing by M. Chwiej 244 2. Influx of oriental silver into the territory of Poland in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 25. Piwonice. A hoard of dirhams dated to ca. 935-940 AD From the collection of the Regional Museum of Kalisz Land in Kalisz. Photographed by A. Kędzierski Therefore, the Yosypivka and Horodyszcze hoards are not both routes difered in their scale and chronology. The ques- the only evidence of interactions between the inhabitants of tion of the inlux of oriental silver in Wielkopolska is presented Rus’ and the peoples living around the estuary of the Vistula. in a similar manner. Traditionally it has been assumed that The increased inlux of dirhams to northern Europe in in the 10th century silver was brought to Wielkopolska pre- the 860s and 870s is commonly associated with the intensiica- dominantly from Pomorze. Łosiński (2002: 185) claims that in tion of interactions between Scandinavians and eastern Slavs, the irst half of the 10th century silver was directed from the as well as with the increase in the economic signiicance of eastern route mainly to the area around the mouth of the the trading posts of the Baltic coast. In this light, the scarcity Vistula. Until the middle of the 10th century dirham coins were of indings from Polish territory seems surprising – the only transported to Wielkopolska through Pomorze, and the silver known hoard was discovered in Karnice in Pomorze, hidden from the eastern route began to make its way directly to the after the year 867 (Łosiński 1988: 162, no. 75). It is all the more area around Gniezno only in the 960s and 970s. We must, puzzling given the fact that the second half of the 9th century however, point to a number of facts that provide a somewhat was the time when such emporia as Wolin and Kołobrzeg diferent perspective on the issue. The vast majority of the thrived (see below). W. Łosiński (1990: 287-306) suggests that “eastern” hoards is dated to the very beginning of the 10th local centres of power were being established and consoli- century (Fig. 23), with no more than a few indings which could dated in that period in connection with the numerous military be dated to the 930s, 940s, and 950s. Pomeranian hoards, on conlicts. The economic situation in the region stabilized only the other hand, were generally hidden later, with only three in the early 10th century, allowing silver to be imported and having been deposited in the early 10th century. The majority used (mainly Samanid dirhams in this case). This explanation of the indings in that region are dated to the 940s-950s and seems rather unsatisfactory. The situation may have been later. Early oriental silver deposits from Wielkopolska may be a result of a diferent, more general process. divided into two main groups: the western one, usually dated It has been commonly assumed that oriental silver to the 940s, and the eastern one (from the borderlands of made its way to the area between the Odra the Vistula from Mazovia), which predates the irst by around a decade (Fig. 24). two main directions: the East and the North. As noted above, The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 245 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 26. A comparison of the content of hoards from 930-960 AD found in Wielkopolska (1), Pomorze (2) and Mazovia (3). 1 – Sasanid coins, (1), Pomorze (2) and Mazovia (3). 1 – Sasanid coins, 2 – Umayyad coins, 2 – Umayyad coins, 3 – Abbasid coins, 4 – Samanid coins, 3 – Abbasid coins, 4 – Samanid coins, 5 – other, 6 – imitations, 5 – other, 6 – imitations, 7 – European coins. 7 – European coins. By M. Bogucki. By M. Bogucki. Most probably, dirhams were brought to Wielkopolska from two diferent directions from the second quarter of the 10th century. This is indicated by both the chronology of hid- ing the hoards and by their internal structure. A comparative analysis of the contents of the oldest Arab dirham deposits from Wielkopolska, i.e., the hoards from Piwonice (t.p.q. 935 – Fig. 25), Ochla (t.p.q. 936/937), Gościejewice (t.p.q. 942/943), Grzybowo (t.p.q. 953), Gwiazdowo (t.p.q. 948), Łubowo (t.p.q. 952), Lądek (t.p.q. 952/953), Poznań I (t.p.q. 961) and Wielonek (t.p.q. 961) with the Pomeranian and Pobuże hoards (Bogucki, Malarczyk, Marczak 2005: 173-190; Bogucki, Miłek 2010: 49- 59) indicates that they are more similar to the latter indings (Fig. 26). Their common characteristics include the large share (from 75 to 85%) of the ‘youngest’ coins dated from the reign of Nasr II ibn Ahmad. In the Pomeranian hoards, the share of older coins is deinitely larger: in the hoard of Bierkowo near (1), Pomorze (2) and Mazovia (3). 1 – Sasanid coins, 2 – Umayyad Słupsk (t.p.q. 913) and of Bielkowo near Szczecin (t.p.q. 938) coins, 3 – Abbasid coins, 4 – Samanid coins, 5 – other, some Sasanian drachmae have been found among Samanid 6 – imitations, 7 – European coins. By M. Bogucki. coins, while Umayyad and Abbasid dirhams are very common 246 2. Influx of oriental silver into the territory of Poland in the 9th and 10th centuries (Fig. 27). Thus, the hypothesis regarding the inlux of dirhams that it was mainly caused by the precious metal crisis in the in Wielkopolska via the land route from the east as early as Samanid emirate, the political and cultural changes occurring the second quarter of the 10th century seems to have some in central Asia (the rise of the Ghaznavids, who redirected basis. Assuming the chronology of the deposits is solid, it may trade towards India), and inally the discovery of silver ores even be suggested that the inlux of silver to Wielkopolska in the Harz mountains and the resulting substitution of the from the East preceded the Pomeranian route by more than expensive dirham and with cheap, mass-produced Saxon a decade and was initially greater in importance. coins (Kiersnowski 1960: 496; Noonan 1988: 439-444; Łosiński The issue of the commodity exchanged for silver in the 1993: 4-33; Brather 1966: 104-106; Suchodolski 2001: 85–100; early-Piast state is still diicult to ascertain. It is apparent that Leimus 2007: 111-125; Adamczyk 2014: 63-64, 193-230; Moes- the metal was needed to pay for mercenary services and to gaard 2015: 34-42). These undoubtedly important reasons develop a proper network of administration and infrastructure should be supplemented by one more factor, which has not based on strongholds. Archaeological research proves that been taken into account so for. The disappearance of dirham the irst half of the 10th century, when the core of the state in coins from central Europe could have also been related to Wielkopolska was being established, brought destruction to the introduction of Christianity in the states of the so-called a large percentage of tribal stronghold centres (Buko 2005: ‘younger Europe’: i.e., Poland (966), Scandinavia (Denmark in 175-177). Juxtaposing these facts with the chronology of the 965, Sweden in 1008), Hungary (974) and Rus’ (988), which inlux of oriental silver into Wielkopolska (discussed above) generally coincides with the gradual cessation of the inlow and the information found in written Arab sources, we may of Arab silver. One fact that seems relevant in this context is conclude that the economic basis for building the earliest the ban on selling Christians to pagans (i.e., to Arab, Jewish Piast state came from selling slaves – the inhabitants of the and other merchants) mentioned in Thietmar’s account (Thi- destroyed tribal centres of Wielkopolska. By eliminating their etmar VI: 28 – Jedlicki 2002, s. 133, 340), as well as in other hostile neighbours, the Piasts acquired silver, which they could sources. In contrast, there was nothing to prevent the trade use to consolidate their power (Jankowiak 2012). of non-Christian slaves, notably that the Church itself was The reasons for the cessation of the dirham inlux to occasionally involved in such practices (Polanyi 1978: 94–95). Europe, including Poland, remain unknown. It is assumed Fig. 27. The incidence of older coins in 10th- century hoards from Mazovia, Wielkopolska and Pomorze 1 – Sasanid coins, 2 – Umayyad coins, 3 – Abbasid coins. By M. Bogucki. The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 247 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries 3. Exiles, emigrants, or adventurers? Selected examples of foreign enclaves Fig. 28. Przemyśl-Zasanie. Burials at the old-Magyar cemetery Source: Koperski 2010 Having discussed the diferent aspects of trade relations, let359-387). Among sixteen graves excavated at the cemetery us consider the relations between Slavs and other peoples (Fig. 28), researchers have been able to identify the remains in the cases where one group settled in a foreign territory. of 4 men (Fig. 29), 4 women (Fig. 30), and 2 children. The There is a great choice of examples. However, I have selectedethnic identiication and the dating of the cemetery were the ones that stress the diferences between the two groups possible owing to the objects found in the graves, especially and allow us to clearly present the characteristic phenomena equestrian gear, as well as the remains of horses included in and processes. some of the graves. Horse bones have been discovered in graves 1, 6, and 3.1. Hungarians in Przemyśl 1 13. Only fragments of skeletons have been found (which fact is connected to the peculiarities of the burial customs widely The discovery was made accidentally, on the right bank of observed in the Carpathian Basin) on so-called old-Magyar the river San, on the promontory of a hill towering over the cemeteries dating from between the end of the 9th centu- wide river valley (Koperski, Parczewski 1978: 151-199; Kop- ry to the beginning of the 11th century. The graves found in erski 1983: 261-267; 1996: 439-448; 2003: 365-374; 2010: Przemyśl are closest to group 4 grave types (as classiied by 1 In the literature the term Old-Magyars is used, which refers to the pre-state structure of the tribes. It is worth noting that the term actually deines a federation made up of at least eight tribes. However, for the sake of convenience, I shall be using the simpliied name Hungarians. 248 3. Exiles, emigrants, or adventurers? Selected examples of foreign enclaves Fig. 29. Przemyśl-Zasanie. Grave no. 6 Fig. 30. Przemyśl-Zasanie. Grave no. 2 Source: Koperski 2010 Source: Koperski 2010 Csanád Bálint, 1969: 107-114), which are characterized by the The female grave number 2 (Fig. 30) is also interesting be- positioning of the horse skull next to the left thigh bone of the cause it contains various ornaments, such as two silver temple deceased and laying the legs of the horse in pairs behind the ornaments and a silver bracelet (Fig. 34). Among the objects skull of the deceased, parallel to the body’s legs (anatomical discovered in the remaining graves, the following are par- arrangement). Such grave types practically do not occur after ticularly worth mentioning: more silver bracelets, a silver ring, the 10th century, and in the Carpathian Basin they can be found silver temple rings, numerous glass beads, a quartz pendant, mainly in the north-east part, to the east of the Tisza River. a bronze button, an iron hammer axe, shears, ire steels The set of inds is also characteristic for nomadic ne- and lint stones, awls and chisels, hones, a wooden bucket cropolises from the 9th and 10th centuries. Thus, a variety with iron ittings, and clay vessels. A detailed analysis of the of horse-riding accessories were buried in the grave: bits, objects discovered in Przemyśl dated the cemetery to the stirrups, and large buckles for fastening the girth. Grave 6 period between the late-9th century and the early- or mid-10th (Fig. 29) stands out among graves containing horse remains, century (though there are other, less justiiable, proposals of as its occupant was provided not only with the standard set datation – see Florek 2012: 453-492). of items (bits, stirrups, large buckles for fastening the girth – The burial ground in Przemyśl is the only discovery Fig. 31), but also with a bow, arrows, a hammer axe (Fig. 32) of this type made in present-day Poland, and one of three and a richly ornamented belt with a leather pouch (pendent/ similar indings north of the Carpathians. The two remaining sabretache – Fig. 33). The warrior buried in this grave must ones were discovered in Halych-Krylos and Sudova Vyshnia have been the leader of this rather small group of nomads. in Ukraine (Koperski, Parczewski 1978: 190-194). One more The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 249 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 31. Przemyśl-Zasanie. Equestrian equipment from grave no. 6 Source: Koperski 2010 burial ground may have been located in Czechowice, where been peaceful. He believes that Hungarians imposed their a sabre and a battle-axe were found (Jaworski 2013: 168). rule on the Lendians inhabiting the lands on the San river and Several other small objects discovered in Polish territory and most probably exacted tribute from them. a few identiied toponyms may be interpreted as a sign of There is one more question which needs to be clari- Hungarian presence in the Polish lands. ied – namely, that of the identity of the people buried in the Most researchers regard the burial ground in Przemyśl cemetery in Przemyśl. It has been generally accepted that merely as the remains of one of the watchtowers located on these were Old-Magyar (Hungarian) warriors. However, Michał the arc of the Carpathian Mountains, built there to protect Hungarian settlements from the Pechenegs approaching from the east. Such an interpretation seems well-grounded. How- ever, one should consider another aspect of the settlement of a small group of nomads in Przemyśl. Historians claim that at this time the territory was occupied by the Lednians. Elżbieta Dąbrowska (Szymański, Dąbrowska 1979) has suggested that the female grave in Sudova Vyshnia may be a trace of Hungarian-Slavic marriages. A similar hypothesis may be formed with regard to the burial ground in Przemyśl, since two of the women buried there were wearing typically Slavic temple rings. It is highly probable that we have come across evidence of a foreign ethnic group directly interacting with the local population and becoming partially assimilated, as well as transferring their own cultural patterns. According to Michał Parczewski (Koperski, Parczewski 1978: 190-194; Parczewski Fig. 32. Przemyśl-Zasanie. A hammer axe from grave no. 6 1991: 40-42), such coexistence might not necessarily have Source: Koperski 2010 250 3. Exiles, emigrants, or adventurers? Selected examples of foreign enclaves Approximately in 896, when the Hungarian tribes had withdrawn from Atelkuz under pressure from the Pechenegs and travelled towards the Carpathian Basin, some of them crossed the Carpathian Arc from the south, heading for what is now Transylvania and Pannonia, while others, led by prince Árpád and his guards of three Khavar clans, moved north towards Kiev and further west towards Przemyśl. Around the year 905 they crossed the Verecke Pass travelling towards the upper reaches of the Tisza river, ‘stopping by’ in the southern reached of Lendian territory. Traces of their stay may have included the names of the Kabarówka River and the village Kabarowce, the Hungarian term Lengyel denoting Polish and Poles, and, lastly, the burial ground in Przemyśl (Szymański, Dąbrowska 1979; Lewicki 1988: 77-88). There has been yet an- other ind in Przemyśl apart from the burial ground in Zasanie: Čierna pottery (Fig. 35) was found in Pstrowskiego street. This pottery type stems from the Khwarezmian pottery tradition and is commonly used as an indicator of Kabars’ presence (Koperski, Parczewski 1978: 188; Koperski 2003: 371-372). In the irst half of the 10th century, having settled in the Carpathian Basin, the Hungarians started their forays. In that period they invaded Germany, France, and the Pyrenean and the Balkan peninsulas. We know of over 30 such expeditions, which does not mean there could not have been more. It is quite probable that there was one (or more) invasion of southern Poland, which may have left a trace in the form of archaeological indings: a grave in Czechów in Śląsk, the alleged rider’s grave in Wawel, as well as minor Hungarian inds by the Dunajec River, in Chełmiec Polski, Demblin near Dąbrowa Tarnowska, the Okół quarter of Kraków, Igołomia, Fig. 33. Przemyśl-Zasanie. A leather pouch (pendant/sabretache) from Naszacowice, Radymnie, and possibly a piece of Čierna pot- grave no. 6 tery from Kruszwica (Poleski 2003: 215-222; Dzieduszycki Source: Koperski 2010 1978: 63-97). Coming back to the Przemyśl cemetery, it must be emphasized that the graves are located on exposed terrain, Parczewski (Koperski, Parczewski 1978: 190-194; Parczewski important from a strategic point of view, and therefore, they 1991: 40-42) claims that they were not full-blooded Hungarians, are not a sign of defeat. A strict observation of the burial but members of one of the allied tribes. The analysis of a great rite (the preparation of the burial, the killing and feasting on number of sources has led to the conclusion that the people the sacriicial horse) required the presence of a larger com- buried in Przemyśl may have come from a little-known tribe munity. The strategic settlement of Przemyśl was a perfect of Kabars (or Khavars). This is, of course, a mere hypothesis. outpost that enabled them to protect the Carpathian Basin Nevertheless, it is worth explaining and considering for just from Pechenegs, who kept close to Hungarian settlements. one signiicant reason: the Kabars observed Judaism and, The absence of any protection would have been a serious should Parczewski’s hypothesis prove true, they would have mistake, even more so since until the second half of the 10th been the oldest known representatives of this religion on the century Hungarians organized forays, which undoubtedly territory of Poland. engaged many of their warriors. Therefore, the Hungarians The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 251 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 34. Przemyśl-Zasanie. Silver ornaments from grave no. 2 Source: Koperski 2010 had to create an “early warning system” and probably this was the role of both Przemyśl and Halych-Krylos. It should be underlined that the two largest dirham hoards in Subcarpathia have been discovered in Halych-Krylos (1,100 coins) and in Przemyśl (700 coins) (Koperski, Parczewski 1978: 190-194; Parczewski 1991: 40-42). The example of the burial ground in Przemyśl high- lights the interpretation problems resulting from research on intercultural relations and the presence of foreign ethnic groups among native communities. The anonymity of ar- chaeological sources makes it highly diicult to determine the ethnic ainity of the newcomers. We are only certain that they were cultural ‘strangers’. In this and many other similar cases, it turns out that the group of ‘strangers’ built certain relations with the locals, although it is hard to determine whether these relations were peaceful or hostile. There is an insuicient amount of information regarding the status of this group with reference to the local authority. Was this ‘outpost’ set up by force and a contingent simply took control over the local community (Parczewski suggests this interpretation in the case of Przemyśl), or was it put in a particular location as a result of an agreement between the local sovereign and the ruler delegating a contingent for the protection of his own territory (in this case the Carpathian Basin, in order to protect Fig. 35. Przemyśl, Pstrowskiego Street. A Čierna vessel against the approaching Pechenegs)? Source: Koperski 2010 252 3. Exiles, emigrants, or adventurers? Selected examples of foreign enclaves 3.2. The Baltic emporia and Swedes in Świelubie Truso, located in the estuary of the Vistula, was men- tioned for the irst and only time in approximately 880 in the A special place of interactions between cultures were the account of Wulfstan (Bosworth, Hampson 1858: 21-23, 50-56; Baltic craft and trading posts, described in relevant literature Englert, Trakadas 2009). Since the document is one of the as emporia. The question of their foundation, functioning, and most important records aiding the re-creation of the history of the reasons for their relatively quick rise and fall is widely pre- this part of the Baltic coast, attempts to discover the location of sented in literature (Clarke, Simms 1985: 672; Bogucki 2004: Truso were made as early as in the 16th century. It was impossi- 112-114; 2012: 81-109). In northern Europe, including Poland, ble until 1981, when a large settlement of approximately 37-50 emporia irst emerged in the irst millennium AD. Coastal ar- acres was discovered in Janów Pomorski on lake Drużno (Ja- eas and the estuaries of large rivers were soon occupied by godziński 2000a 41-56; 2000b: 170-174; 2009: 182-197; 2010; settlements, in which traditional farming, animal husbandry, 2015; Jagodziński, Kasprzycka 1991: 696-715). The settlement or hunting played a secondary role. The purpose of those had been established directly on the shore of the bay and centres was mainly production, trade, and merchant services. a small stream was lowing across its centre. The arrangement Emporia on the territory of Poland were found mainly of the identiied buildings was very similar to Scandinavian in three regions – in the estuaries of the Vistula, Parsęta, and houses: they were usually divided into three parts, often with Odra rivers, and the two most important and well-known of additional outbuildings, which shaped the layout of the distinct them were established on the Slavic-Prussian borderland in homesteads. The buildings were arranged in accordance Truso and on Wolin, at the mouth of the Odra (Bogucki 2004: with a relatively regular network of streets radiating out of 112-114; 2012: 81-109). Let us shortly characterize the present the port area. Moreover, archaeologists uncovered a system state of knowledge and then take a closer look at one of the of ditches separating individual homesteads. On the basis of places, which is yet to be fully discovered: a place known to the research conducted so far (approximately one-ifth of the researchers as the “Bardy-Świelubie settlement complex”. settlement has been excavated), it is diicult to determine Fig. 36. Janów Pomorski – Truso. Beads of glass and semi-precious stones found in the settlement. Photographed by L. Okoński The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 253 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries whether the port had any special infrastructure, such as re- inforced embankments, piers, or jetties. Aerial photographs suggest that they existed – however, further research would be necessary to prove it. The question of reinforcements also remains unclear: we are able to reconstruct their lines only through the analysis of archival maps. Numerous traces of crafts were discovered in the settlement, and the most important of them was probably black metallurgy: researchers have found bars of raw material, tools, intermediate castings (swords, among others), as well as inished products. Amber processing was equally important, as evidenced by the discovery of over 30 kilograms of raw material (including one hoard weighing 10 kg) and semi-in- ished and inished products (beads, charms, and game pieces for the Scandinavian game of hnefatal). Traces of horn-processing, glass-working (Fig. 36), weaving, ship-building, and jewellery production have also been found. There is evidence to support the existence of the latter craft; researchers have found chasing hammers, iles, chisels, casting moulds (for tortoise brooches and containing pieces of melted dirhams), as well as Scandinavian-style in- ished products (Fig. 37). Trading activity has been conirmed by the discovery of over 1,000 weights (cubo-octahedral, Fig. 37. Janów Pomorski – Truso. A selection of artifacts from the spherical, conical; made of lead and other materials), more settlement, 9th–10th century than 10 scales and approximately 1,050 coins, mainly ear- Photographed by M. Bogucki, L. Okoński ly-Abbasid dirhams, and as few as 13 European coins (Fig. 19). The settlement in Janów Pomorski existed since the Migration Period to the early-11th century. However, it did years. The archaeological material retrieved from various not serve the function of an emporium for the whole period parts of the city usually cannot be adequately evaluated and (Bogucki 2013a: 81-112). The crafts and trade centre was is subject to various interpretations. The historical city centre established at the very end of the 8th century and survived bears traces of habitation dating from the 9th century, inter- until the middle of the 10th century. While the beginning of its preted as a trade and port settlement (Zbierski 1978: 79-81; existence is easily identiiable due to numerous inds dated to Paner 2004: 15-32; Śliwinski 2009); however, at present this the turn of the 8th and 9th century, Truso’s fall is more diicult hypothesis seems highly dubitable. Remains of settlements to determine. Individual artifacts date to the beginning of the from the 10th century have also been identiied in the vicinity 11th century, however, in comparison with earlier periods, their of present-day church of Saint Nicholas and the church of number is insigniicant. At the beginning of the second half of Saint Catherine (more on this issue: Paner 2004; Buko 2008: the 10th century representatives of the then expansive Piast 196-199; Śliwinski 2009). state arrived in the area of present-day mouth of the Vistula The remnants of structures discovered on the sea river. It seems they tried to bring Truso under their rule and, bed near Puck are regarded as traces of another empori- having failed, they destroyed it and established their ‘own’ um. Around 300-500 meters away from present-day shore, centre in Gdańsk (Buko 2008: 198-199; Śliwiński 2009: 31-33, on the bottom of the bay, archaeologists have discovered 242). People still lived in Janów Pomorski in the 11th century, wooden and stone port reinforcements, houses, and sever- the settlement itself, however, had lost its importance. al shipwrecks (Stępień 1984: 311-321; 1998: 36-54; Stępień, The dating of the oldest early-medieval settlement in Litwin 1995: 135-150; Pomian 1997). One of them was ra- the area of Gdańsk has been the subject of research for many dio-carbon-dated to the second half of the 7th century. Two 254 3. Exiles, emigrants, or adventurers? Selected examples of foreign enclaves others date to approximately 950 and 1245, another has been which in large parts is based on the Adam of Bremen Gesta dendrochronologically dated to after the year 1216. Based on Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontiicum (Gesta…: II.19). The the ceramic artefacts and radio-carbon dating, the settlement whole problem of Jumne-Winieta is discussed by R. Kier- is thought to have been established in the 7th century. This snowski (1950). interpretation is supported by the discovery of a small hoard Wolin developed from a small settlement into a large of 5 solidi (t.p.q. 467 AD) which was found near Puck and town, and its development was directly linked with the local another hoards of solidi from Władysławowo-Wielka Wieś, network of settlements. The earliest evidence comes from Połchowo, as well as a couple of stray inds (Ciołek 2003: the Migration Period: the wharf may have already existed 163-180). Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that (apart from back then. Ceramics from the period have also been found, one radio-carbon dating) the remaining attempts at an abso- however, almost all of it in secondary deposits. In the nearby lute dating suggest a slightly later period of the port’s activity. Karsibór a hoard of Byzantine solidi from the 5th/6th century Therefore, the existence of an emporium in Puck remains (t.p.q. 491) was found (Ciołek 2003: 163-180). Those inds uncertain, all the more so because no inds characteristic of conirm the great role of Wolin in the region, however, this such places have been discovered. Puck harbor functioned phase of settlement may not be considered an existing em- mainly in the 12th and 13th centuries (Buko 2008: 197-199). porium (Filipowiak 1999: 61-70; 2000: 152-155; 2004: 47-74; The most important and well-known emporium in the Dulinicz 2006: 325-328). estuary of the Odra was Wolin, which was established on The development of Wolin as a craft and trade centre the crossing of two crucial communication routes: the river took place between the 9th and 11th centuries. A settlement and the sea (Filipowiak 1999: 61-70; 2000: 152-155; 2004: on the left bank of the Dziwna river existed since the early 47-74; Dulinicz 2006: 325-329; Wehner 2007; Stanisławski 8th century until the middle of the 10th century. The identiied 2013; Stanisławski, Filipowiak 2013; 2014). Evidence of the houses were of log-frame construction. Iron slag found at the signiicance of Wolin has been given in various written sourc- site gives evidence of the presence of blacksmiths. In the es. Around 960 the Arab traveller Ibrâhîm ibn Ya`qûb wrote: southern part of the settlement a ditch was discovered, which “They [the people called Wetlaba – Wolinians] have a huge probably constituted a part of the reinforcements. A palisade, town by the Ocean. It has twelve gates. It has a port, built of built in the second half of the 9th century, encircled the whole bisected trunks. They are ighting with Meško, and their striking settlement (along with the port built in the years 880-890) force is strong. They don’t have a king and they don’t let one with a road perpendicular to the embankment leading to it [leader] to provide them. Their rulers are seniors.” (Kowalski and opening out into the jetty. The wharf was repeatedly 1946: 50). In the times of Adam of Bremen Wolin was referred repaired in the years 900-995. to as nobilissima civitas. According to this chronicler, Harald In the light of written sources, there supposedly was Bluetooth, the Danish king, had found refuge in Wolin in 986 a pagan temple in the south-western part of the settlement. (Tschan 2002: 72). Meanwhile, there are many Scandinavian An atypical, two-chamber building dating back to the year 996 legends and references mentioning the brave Jomsvikings was discovered in this part of the settlement (Ważny 2001: who controlled the western and southern part of the Baltic 156). Researchers found a small wooden igure there, which Sea. The Jomsvikingasaga has been under scientiic interest they later called “Svetovid” (Słupecki 1994: 86-89). However, for a long time (Wachowski 1914). The recent studies are dis- there have recently been many doubts as to whether the said cussed by L. P. Słupecki (2000: 49-59), J. Morawiec (2009; building was a place of worship. 2010) and B. Stanisławski (2013). To the north of the settlement in question, on the south- The history of Wolin became the outline of fantastic ern slope of the Srebrne Wzgórze (‘Silver Hill’), another set- stories about a town called Vineta, which submerged into the tlement and port were established around the middle of the Baltic Sea, like ancient Atlantis, due to the arrogance and de- 9th century. Signiicant evidence of metalworking, jewellery pravity of its citizens. In the 12th century it seemed impossible production, as well as horn and amber processing has been to imagine that Wolin, a dilapidated town by then, had been found. This settlement developed dynamically in the 10th one of the largest settlements in the region just 100 years century. At the beginning of the millennium, the northern earlier. This fantastic story is best represented in Helmoldi part of the settlement was surrounded by a palisade rampart. presbyteri Bozoviensis Cronica Sclavorum (Cronica...: I.II), At the beginning of the 9th century, another settlement was The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 255 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 38. Wolin. A knife handle decorated in the Borre style, 10th century Fig. 39. Wolin. A wooden disk interpreted as a sun-compass Source: Stanisławski, Filipowiak 2014 Source: Stanisławski, Filipowiak 2013 established to the south of the town centre and was later in- sailing skills, while the ind of over 20 hoards from the 9th-11th corporated in the town and surrounded by a rampart (Ważny centuries (Fig. 40) and of a number of single coin inds, amber 2001: 157). The most striking of the indings from Wolin include (Fig. 41) and weights and balances (Fig. 42) suggest intensive silver hoards, of which at least 19 have been discovered, hence trading activity in Wolin. the name of one of the strongholds Silberberg, used since The second important centre in the estuary of the the 14th century (Bogucki 2013b: 352-353). Odra was Szczecin, not mentioned in sources until 1121, al- Distinctive artefacts of the material culture of Wolin though the irst settlement on the western bank of the Odra include a variety of objects ornamented in the peculiar Scan- was established as early as in the late-8th century (Łosiński dinavian Borre-style (Fig. 38), which, according to Władysław 2000b:156-162; Kowalska, Łosiński 2004: 75-88; Dulinicz Duczko (2000: 23-44), along with the motifs typical of the 2006: 322-324; Kowalska, Dworaczyk 2011). Two parts of British Isles, formed the “irst Piast art”. Objects decorated the settlement have been recognized: one on Castle Hill, an in this style have been found not only in Wolin, but also in old fortiied settlement from the Bronze Age; the other in the Piast settlements in the central part of the country. Apart from so-called Vegetable Market located on the riverbank. In the numerous indings typical of emporia, such as coins, weights, older layers of the latter site, researchers found the wreck of scales, bronze, silver, and amber ornaments, combs, etc., many a plank-built boat which was made at the beginning of the 9th wooden objects have been found, including an almost-com- century and renovated in the years 903-907. Castle Hill bears plete sun-compass (Fig. 39), one of the few such specimens numerous traces of homesteads from the 10th century located in the world (Stanisławski 2000a: 157-176). along a regular network of streets. However, no signiicant At least seven shipwrecks have been discovered in traces of crafts or trading activity have been found. In the 10th Wolin. In the light of dendrological analyses, one of those century the settlement was surrounded by a large earth dike. ships was built in the area of Schleswig or Lübeck around Later fortiications also protected other parts of the settlement, 860-870 and was later renovated in Wolin around 950. The including the Vegetable Market. A large number of iron tools life of the ship came to an end in Wolin around the year 966. and weapons have been found only in the layers dating Many wooden parts of shipwrecks were later re-used to build back to the end of the 10th century and the irst half of the 11th houses, ramparts, and port structures (Ważny 2001: 160-161). century, and Szczecin’s most dynamic development could be The discovery of a solar compass evidences the advanced observed in the 12th and the 13th centuries (Leciejewicz 1962: 256 3. Exiles, emigrants, or adventurers? Selected examples of foreign enclaves Fig. 40. Wolin – Srebrne Wzgórze. A hoard from the late 10th century Fig. 41. Wolin. Amber artifacts Source: Bogucki, Malarczyk 2014 Source: Stanisławski, Filipowiak 2013 117-121). In the period discussed Szczecin existed as the centre for the local community, but rather not as an emporium. Its importance grew only after the fall of Wolin in the middle of the 11th century (Bogucki 2013b). The third place in the Odra estuary which was supposed to hold the function of an emporium is Kamień Pomorski. It dates back to the 10th century but, similarly to Szczecin, it did not lourish until the fall of Wolin. Nevertheless, a number of indings, such as a hoard of coins from around the year 995, single coins from the end of the 10th century, a bone with a runic inscription (fuÞ), and inally a piece of a Norwegian soapstone vessel prove that foreigners came to Kamień Po- morski as early as in the 10th century (Filipowiak 1962: 91-104). Unfortunately, the current state of research into the town does not allow us to fully interpret those discoveries and understand Fig. 42. Wolin. Scales and weights their role in the period analyzed. The famous Scandinavian Source: Stanisławski, Filipowiak 2013 reliquary of St. Cordulia (box made of antler and decorated in the Mammen style), dated to around AD 1000 and kept in the cathedral treasury until 1945, probably arrived in Kamień in the 12th century (Muhl 1990: 296-332). 15; Leciejewicz, Rębkowski 2000; Rębkowski 2001). Another A completely diferent situation was observable in site in the vicinity was the barrow burial ground in Świelubie, Middle Pomorze, in the Parsęta basin, which was populated by examined in more detail below (Łosiński 1972; 2003: 133-139). Slavs as early as the end of the 6th century. Between the late 8th One of the cremation graves contained a nodule of and the early 9th centuries, the newly established stronghold a Swedish-Gotland-type bow-shaped box ibula, as well as in Bardy became the central point of this settlement complex silver plaited wires which were the worn with luxurious attire. (Leciejewicz 1962: 140-157; 2000: 167-169; Łosiński 2000: 14- Barrow 10/15 contained a trefoil brooch (Łosiński 2003: 133- The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 257 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 43. Świelubie. A tortoise (oval) brooch from a cremation grave Fig. 44. Kołobrzeg. Items of amber and horn Photographed by A. B. Kowalska Source: Leciejewicz, Rębkowski 2000 139) and a necklace with beads of glass, quartz, and vein from the Świelubie burial ground have not been published in quartz. Barrow 24 contained a pair of oval brooches, barrow full, which signiicantly hinders further research and attempts 1 and 21 – single brooches. Apart from brooches, other ob- at presenting the relations between the foreigners and the jects of Scandinavian origin have been found: a bronze itting local community. While today it is diicult to determine the for a ire steel was recovered from barrow 6 and a bronze reasons for the foreigners’ presence, the choice of place is shield itting has been discovered in barrow 3. Moreover, iron not surprising at all. The region of Parsęta was where the ittings for bowls and game pieces for hnefatal have also centres of western Pomorze functioned at the time. Wolin was been found. All the above-mentioned objects correspond only beginning to develop and gain international importance. to Middle Sweden indings: especially in the emporium in Moreover, Pomeranians from the Parsęta area controlled the Birka or the nearby royal residence on Adelsö (Duczko 2000: distribution of salt, a desired commodity acquired from salt 31). The listed set of objects, especially women’s ornaments springs located near Kołobrzeg (Leciejewicz, Rębkowski 2000). (Fig. 43), leave no doubt as to the fact that a small group of The stronghold in Bardy and the burial ground ceased Scandinavians were buried in Świelubie. They came from to exist most probably in the 870s and 880s. Many small, the region of Mälaren lake and in the 9th century they most highly fortiied settlements appeared in the Parsęta basin. One probably resided in Bardy where numerous dirhams dating remarkable site was the stronghold in Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo, back to the beginning of the 9th century have been found. covering the area of 2 acres. In the 980s the its walls were The Scandinavian graves discovered in Świelubie were rebuilt in the so-called box construction. In 1000 Kołobrzeg undoubtedly elite in character. Nevertheless, nobody thus acquired an episcopal seat. There are many indings from far has been able to give a plausible interpretation of why this period, suggesting highly developed crafts and trade a group of Swedes had arrived in the area of the Parsęta in (Fig. 44). Occupation layers yielded individual coins, and the the 9th century. It would perhaps be advisable to examine nearest vicinity of the stronghold and the settlement held all the graves, not only the ones containing Scandinavian two coin hoards. One of them contained around 700 dirhams objects. The spectacular contents of the few burials in the from the 10th century and the other – over 50 coins from Świelubie cemetery have distracted researchers from the big the beginning of the 11th century. All this would indicate that picture. There can be no doubt that, apart from the graves Kołobrzeg took over the role of emporium at the end the 10th of Scandinavian colonists, members of the local community century, remaining the centre of the Piast state (Leciejewicz were also buried there. Unfortunately, the research results 1962: 150; 2000: 167-169). 258 3. Exiles, emigrants, or adventurers? Selected examples of foreign enclaves Apart from the above-mentioned settlements/emporia, 2012: 157-202). The inal element used when discussing the the region of Pomorze probably hides other centres of trade presence of Slavs in the north is the speciic shape of houses: and craft which have not yet been identiied by archaeologists. square dugouts (Urbańczyk 2011: 611-631). However, in this We may assume the existence of these hypothetical emporia case there are signiicant doubts as to whether they might on the basis of the concentration of settlements and numerous be used as an element of ethnic identiication. interregional inds: weapons, ornamental accessories, hoards, Studies on Slavic ceramics in Scandinavia have a long and individual coins (Bogucki 2012: 106). tradition: D. Selling (1955) knew them, but the general picture was drawn by J. Callmer (1988: 654-674). His studies were 3.3. Slavic settlers in Scandinavia... continued by M. Roslund (1992: 159-175; 2001), who focused on the materials of Swedish origin. J. Callmer (1988: 654-674) While the relatively small colony of settlers from central Swe- proved that the inlux of Slavic ceramics, and most probably den did not have a signiicant inluence on the development Slavs themselves, may be divided into four main stages. The of local communities on Parsęta in the 9th century, clear inter- irst is the Vendel Period and the early Viking Age (since the actions between Slavs and Scandinavians can be observed irst half of the 8th century until the middle of the 9th century) at the end of the 10th and the beginning of the 11th centuries. when Slavic ceramics is found mainly in early emporia, like The Slavic presence in Scandinavia is mainly analyzed by Åhusand Ystad-Tankbåten. After the middle of the 9th century studying ceramics, ornaments (in both hoards and graves), vessels characteristic of Slavic Pomorze and Mecklenburg knife scabbard ittings, and local proper names (Żak 1970: become widespread. In the irst half of the 10th century a de- 25-38; 1972: 123-143; Andersen 1984: 145-161; Callmer 1988: crease in their inlux can be observed there, and after the 654-674; Roslund 1992: 159-175; 2001; Duczko 2000: 38-44; middle of the 10th century vessels deined as ‘classical’ Baltic Stanisławski 2000b: 107-123; 2006b: 565-576; Naum 2007: ware begin to emerge. 17-36; 2008; 2012a: 92-119; 2012b: 56-93; 2013; Czonstke Fig. 45. Slavic silver ornaments from treasure hoards found in Bornholm Source: Czonstke 2012 The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 259 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries According to Callmer (1988: 654-674), most of the that is, without the use of iron rivets typical for Scandinavian discovered vessels were imported or made on the spot by constructions, but with wooden pegs instead. Characteristic Slavic craftsmen. The vast majority of sites containing Slavic ittings for knife scabbards have also been discovered there ceramics is located on the coastline, from the Mälaren lake, (Madsen, Klassen 2010). through Blekinge, Gotland, and, to a smaller extent, Öland, Danish-Slavic relationships were not always anony- densely populated Bornholm, Scania, Danish islands, and the mous. From the inscriptions on the rune stone from Sønder east coast of Jutland. Slavic ceramics has been discovered Vissing, we learn that: “Tuve, daughter of Mściwój, wife of not only in settlements, but also in graves, including in Birka Harald the Good, son of Gorm, erected that stone for her and a number of Bornholm grave ields. mother”. Tuve was the second wife of Harald, her father`s ally Apart from common ceramics, the Slavic presence in against the Holy Empire (Dobat 2015). This was not the only the north is also evidenced in ornamental items (Fig. 45). These Danish-Slavic dynastic marriage. Sven Forkbeard, Harald`s can be divided into two basic groups. The irst includes difer- son, married Świętosława, sister of Polish king Bolesław the ent kinds of temple ring ornaments, beads and so on, which Brave (Jasiński 1992). have been found as parts of hoards, especially in Bornholm Traces of Slavic inluences in Sweden are much less (Czonstke 2012: 157-202). Those ornaments are very similar to visible than they are in Denmark, which may, to some extent, the sets discovered in hoards in Pomorze and Wielkopolska. result from the stage of research. Slavic ceramics appear on In the case of ornaments found in hoards, it remains unclear sites in Uppland at least from the middle of the 9th century, whether they can be treated as an indicator of the physical mostly in central settlements – in Helgö, Birka, and Sigtuna. presence of Slavs in Scandinavia or as a result of metal trade Apart from ceramics, temple rings have been discovered in (although the latter interpretation seems generally more graves in Uppland (Sigtuna), Dalarna (Leksand) and Gotland plausible). However, it is worth mentioning that in Bornholm (Stånga), however, they date back to the second half of the ornaments are mainly found in hoards on the south-east coast. 11th century and the 12th century (Duczko 2010: 38-39). What is more, graves that contained Slavic ornaments, mainly Traces of Slavic presence in Scandinavia do not seem silver beads and temple rings, are located similarly (Naum to have been associated with military invasions or forays. It 2007: 17-36; 2008). Such a coincidence allows considering might have mainly involved peaceful settlement of groups of both categories of indings as a trace of the Slavs’ presence. Slavs, who for some reason considered the Scandinavian land Slavic-style silver beads have been found mainly in appealing. Of course, some of those settlers may have been, the burial ground in Ndr. Grødbygård (516 graves in total) in and probably were, brought here as slaves; however, in such 39 graves, mainly female-gendered. The same site yielded case their presence was only temporary before being sent 11 typical Slavic ittings for knife scabbards. The female in to the east. On the other hand, it is not at all probable that one of the graves was buried with a temple ring reshaped slaves would have been left with valuables or buried among into a brooch – the ring may have been a family souvenir. In members of the local communities together with objects order to verify the suspicions regarding the foreign origins indicating their high social status. of some of the bodies in the grave ield in Ndr. Grødbygård, the strontium isotope and oxygen content in the bones have 3.4. ... and mercenaries in Harald Bluetooth’s army? been analyzed. The tests, however, have not conclusively indicated the origins of the deceased. Researchers claim this Settlers or prisoners of war were not the only Slavs who may be due to the speciicity of Bornholm’s geology, which is remained in Scandinavia for a longer period. As mentioned relatively similar to Pomerania’s (Price et al. 2013). earlier, Slavic tradesmen undoubtedly travelled to emporia, Another common inding are ittings for knife scab- even though Adam of Bremen is the only source mentioning bards discovered in Jutland, Zealand, Öland and, of course, the arrival of Slavic ships in Birka. Archaeology is also rather in Bornholm. Eleven typical Slavic knife scabbard ittings powerless in this matter. However, it does supply certain have been recorded in the grave ield in Ndr. Grødbygård. information regarding other groups of Slavs who stayed in An exceptionally interesting ind is a shipyard from the 11th Scandinavia. century discovered in Fribrøde on Falser Island. It was a ship- In the second half of the 10th century, the Danish king yard which renovated ships built in the Slavic technology; Harald Bluetooth conducted a signiicant reconstruction of 260 3. Exiles, emigrants, or adventurers? Selected examples of foreign enclaves Fig. 46. Rosenlund (Denmark). The grave of a Slavic warrior Source: Dobat 2009 the country, starting with the conversion of Denmark to Chris- The grave number 128 from Trelleborg containing the tianity, through economic regulations, to the development remains of a senior warrior of Slavic origins was not unique of infrastructure, particularly the military. In the 980s many in Scandinavia. One of the richest ones is the chamber grave Viking ring fortresses called “Trelleborg-type” were built in from Rosenlund (Fig. 46), where a man was buried together Denmark. During the investigations on the eponymous site, with a sword, a wide-bearded battle-axe (of the same type as researchers found out that a large part of the discovered the one found in Trelleborg), two pairs of stirrups typical for the ceramics was not of local, but of Slavic character. These were south-east coast of the Baltic Sea, a shield, and a number of mainly so-called Menkendorf-type vessels, occurring rather other small items. The contents of this grave are rather atypical commonly in the 9th and 10th centuries in the vast area between for southern Scandinavia, therefore, the grave is considered Wielkopolska and Mecklenburg. Apart from the vessels, the to have belonged to a representative of the Slavic military origins of some horn combs and spindle whorls have also elite (Dobat 2009: 87-89). been considered Slavic (Dobat 2009: 80-87). Further data While the ethnical interpretation of the archaeological come from the burial ground adjacent to the fortress, where material may raise some doubts, the analysis of the strontium 157 people were buried in 133 graves (3 of the graves were isotope contents in the bones of the bodies buried in the grave mass graves). The bodies were mainly those of men (approx. ield in Trelleborg is much more reliable. The remains of 48 75%), aged usually between 20 and 40 (Price et al. 2011: 476- bodies have been analyzed and at least in 32 of them the 489). Most graves contained a few modest goods: a knife, level of isotopes was diferent than the local one. According a hone, and small miscellaneous objects. Only three of the to researchers, four of the individuals were originally from graves contained weaponry: battle-axes, two of which are of further up north, probably from Norway or Sweden, although typically Scandinavian in style, while one was found mainly the British Isles and Ireland cannot be ruled out. They have in west-Slavic lands: in Mecklenburg and Pomorze. The latter also distinguished a group of individuals from the south, who battle-axe has a very wide edge, inlaid with silver and copper. were most probably born in the lands from the Rhineland, This grave also contained a bronze bowl, glass and amber through the Czech lands, to southern Poland. The analysis beads, and a knife. of strontium isotope level in the bones in female-gendered The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 261 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 47. The distribution of Slavic ornaments (1) and Terslev-type ornaments (2). Source: Dobat 2009. graves shows that none of them was of local origin: most that they were brought to the north even as early as the 10th probably they came from the Slavic lands. The authors of the century, in the times of Harald (Fig. 47). It should be noted here research claim that the picture drawn by the analysis of the that the most spectacular artefacts of the Terslev/Hiddensee archaeological inds and the strontium isotope contents from school have been discovered in Hiddensee (Fig. 48) on the the Trelleborg grave ield matches the description of Harald island of Rügen. Much evidence suggests that this luxurious Bluetooth’s army, which, according to Saxo Grammaticus, jewellery set was a gift to one of the Slavic sovereigns or consisted of Danes and Slavs (Dobat 2009: 94-95). a trace of Harald’s (last?) journey to Wolin. It is also no coin- Some researchers suggest that the Trelleborg-type ring cidence that many pieces of such jewellery types have been fortresses were inspired by Slavic fortiied settlements. They found in Pomorze and in Wielkopolska (Fig. 47). also point to the construction details, such as wood and soil There is one more source which may be interpreted ramparts of box construction. What is more, it is believed that as a trace of Slavic mercenaries in Harald Bluetooth’s army. for the construction of at least some of them, Slavic craftsmen The hoards from the end of the 10th and the 11th centuries were brought to Denmark. It is also likely that Slavic carpen- discovered on Polish lands contain Danish coins, so-called ters worked on building a 760-meter-long bridge in Ravning half-bracteates. They are usually connected with the alleged (Dobat 2009: 82-83). mint in Hedeby. They can be divided into two large groups – Similarly to Bornholm, Slavic ornamental accessories older copies of Charlemagne coins from Dorestad, and newer are found in hoards almost all around Denmark (Dobat 2009: ones with the image of the cross (Fig. 49). For some time now 89-91). What is important, they are often undamaged, which there have been opinions that the newer coins may have been indirectly suggests that they were brought to Denmark as me- produced, for instance, in the royal residence in Jelling or in tallic money. Nine out of the 15 deposits with Slavic jewellery one of the Trelleborg-type Viking ring fortresses. While the at- were hidden before 1015 and they are often found alongside tribution of the older Dorestad copies is not completely certain, typical Terslev/Hiddensee-type jewellery, which may suggest basically all cross-type varieties are connected with Harald 262 3. Exiles, emigrants, or adventurers? Selected examples of foreign enclaves Bluetooth’s mint (Malmer 1966; Moeasgard 2015). Of course, those coins dominate in the Scandinavian inds, especially in Denmark, where approximately 1,100 pieces have been found. On the territory of Sweden, including Gotland, and in Germany around 550 have been discovered. In comparison with these inds, the discoveries made on Polish lands have been unexpectedly numerous. We know of 867 Harald coins, 500 of which come from 27 hoards found in Wielkopolska; 180 – from 26 hoards from Pomorze; and 158 – from 10 hoards from Śląsk. The amount of coins found in Mazovia (27) and Małopolska (2) constitutes a striking contrast (Fig. 50). While their small numbers in southern and eastern regions are not surprising, the proportions between Pomorze and Wielkopolska require a more detailed comment. What is most surprising is the smaller amount of coins (in a comparable number of discovered hoards) found in Pomorze, especially if we take into account Harald Bluetooth’s relations with Wolin. Larger amounts of such coins in the hoards from Wielkopolska result from their share in the two large hoards discovered in Fig. 48. Hiddensee (Germany). A hoard of gold ornaments from the the end of the 10th century in Kąpiel and Kalisz-Rajsków, where late 10th century they constituted 5-10% of all the coins. So far such a large Source: Williams, Pentz, Wemhof 2013 share of Harald’s coins in the hoards has been interpreted in Fig. 49. A half-bracteate coin of Harald Bluetooth found in a hoard in Jarocin, the end of the 10th century Photographed by M. Bogucki The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 263 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Fig. 50. The distribution of Harald Bluetooth’s coins in Polish territory By M. Bogucki, digital processing by M. Chwiej accordance with the “Norman” doctrine in Polish archaeol- from their service with Harald. In this context, it is worth to ogy – namely, that it were the “Vikings” who had brought to mention, that one of the oldest Polish coins, struck for Bolesław Poland both coins and the custom of hiding them. However, the Brave ca. 995, imitates Harald`s cross coins (Fig. 13a). At it seems that there may be an alternative theory: the large the current stage of research it is diicult to unequivocally share of Harald’s coins in the inds in Wielkopolska is a trace support any of the presented theories. However, there is no of either international relations (e.g. aforementioned marriage doubt that the phenomenon deserves more research not of Świętosława and Sven Forkbeard in 996) or that the coins only from the perspective of numismatics, but also from the were brought to Wielkopolska by Polish mercenaries returning historical and archaeological point of view. 264 4. Summary and conclusions The aim of this study is to show that early-medieval commu- the introduction of the western governance model) are more nities were neither stable nor isolated groups who rarely con- visible than the export of domestic models, which disappeared tacted neighbouring or more distant communities. Obviously, under the inluence of the new religion. it is not my intention to ‘extend’ the Migration Period to the One of the most arresting phenomena on the Polish end of the millennium, but I would like to draw attention to lands of the 9th and 10th centuries is the inlux of large amounts the approach still present in archaeology which treats every of oriental silver. As I have attempted to show, it was brought foreign object either as an insigniicant ‘import’, brought to to those lands in exchange for the most desirable goods the Polish lands through many intermediaries and rather by of the period: slaves. Most probably, a large number of the chance, and to the opposite tendency of overinterpreting such inhabitants of the area became objects of trade and were indings as traces of highly signiicant relations that change transported as slaves to the East, to Muslim countries. The the history of the origins of Polish statehood. I have been number of people who were transported out of Poland is dif- trying to show that the occupants of the Vistula and Odra icult to determine, but one must think in tens if not hundreds basin maintained extensive relations with their neighbours of thousands of women, men, and children. A detailed analysis on many levels: from everyday exchange, through marriages, of discovered dirhams shows clearly that at the beginning of long-distance trade, coexistence, emigration, to dynastic and the 10th century it was not the foreign ‘Vikings’ who abducted political relations. and sold slaves, but the slaves’ kinsmen and neighbours. Extensive and varied intercultural relations have irmly Evidence suggests that it was the irst Piasts who sold marked their inluence on local culture. This is visible on nearly their closest neighbours, initially from Wielkopolska, then all levels of the culture of the time: from the simplest mate- from other districts (see: chapter 7). Thanks to the acquired rials to spiritual and political culture. Slavic material culture resources they could build and strengthen their authority. This (as we know it from the perspective of scarce archaeological example only proves that in the period of the emergence of evidence) in the beginnings of their migration towards the the state, the inhabitants of the Vistula and Odra basin treated “Ocean of the North” was rather poor. However, within several each other as ‘strangers’. This statement clearly shows that centuries it developed both intrinsically and owing to external the state of the irst Piasts did not appear suddenly, but its inluences, and at the beginning of the second millennium its foundation was built over the course of several generations level was comparable to that of the neighbouring cultures. It beginning in the early 10th century. Therefore, there is no need was characterized by its own features, which diferentiated to search for any external inspirations which would explain the people living in Poland from their neighbours. Naturally, the ‘sudden and unexpected’ rise of Poland. Of course, for- due to scanty sources, we have much less data to research eign inluences existed and were certainly signiicant since the non-material (spiritual) culture, although it must have the Piasts themselves were well-versed in the geopolitics of been more important at the time than the type of the brooch the period and reaped numerous personal beneits from that or battle-axe used. Due to the character of the political and knowledge (which is evidenced by the marriage of Mieszko social changes at the end of the irst millennium, the foreign I with the Bohemian princess Dobrawa). There is also no inluences on the spiritual culture of the inhabitants of the need to search for the protoplasts of the victorious dynasty Polish territory (especially their conversion to Christianity and among Normans, Moravians, Germans, or any other peoples. The Past Societies 5: 500 ad – 1000 ad 265 Chapter 5 Intercultural relations of the inhabitants of Polish territory in the 9th and 10th centuries Strangers were not essential for lighting the torch of civilization weights and other objects, proving that the foreigners were in the form of a state. able to it into the local community, remaining autonomous. Incidentally, selling Slavic slaves to Islamic countries left Mutual relations were not one-time events, but lasted much a mark on that culture as well: Slavic slaves appeared not only longer, with beneit to both the Slavs and Scandinavians. in poems and treatises, but sometimes attained high positions An interesting phenomenon that has not yet been and even became rulers, like Caliph al-Mustain, who was researched in detail is the settlement of Slavs beyond their born of a Slavic mother. Information on the careers of various native lands as well as the inluence Slavic culture had on Saqaliba can be found in almost the entire Islamic world: from other communities. The current state of knowledge regarding Spain, though the Maghreb, Italy, Sicily, to Mesopotamia and this phenomenon is suicient only to claim that Slavs were Transoxania (Lewicki 1952: 473-491; 1961: 6-7; 1964: 217-218; more than just passive recipients of foreign inluences. They 1969). Of course, we do not know who of them came from the themselves settled in foreign territories, where they subse- Vistula and Odra basin, but looking at the force of evidence, quently passed on their cultural patterns. Unfortunately we those mentioned in the 10th century and at the beginning of do not know when exactly, to what extent, where to and who the 11th century should be taken into account. emigrated from Pomorze to southern Scandinavia. We are Apart from long-distance relations, the inhabitants of not aware of the reasons behind this phenomenon. Were the the Polish lands maintained direct relations with their neigh- emigrants exiles or refugees, similarly to Norwegians settling bours. Due to various turns of events and circumstances, on the Atlantic islands? Were they explorers, looking for new some of those neighbours settled here. Some lived in closed settlement possibilities? And inally, were they travelers, per- enclaves, but more often they coexisted with the indigenous haps adventurers desiring fame and wealth? people and eventually assimilated and transferred their expe- The current identiication of the phenomenon indicates riences and cultural patterns. In the case of the small colony that there was more than just one reason, since we are dealing of Hungarians in Przemyśl we can imagine it was a group of with both permanent settlers (probably multigenerational, who warriors relatively alienated from local inhabitants: apart from kept their cultural autonomy in a foreign environment), but marrying local women, there are no clear signs of Hungarian also temporary mercenaries, who returned to their motherland inluences on the local culture. The situation was opposite in after inishing their service, bringing home fortunes and skills. 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