The Osirian Chapels at Karnak: An Historical and Art Historical Overview Based on Recent Fieldwork and Studies, co-authored with Laurent Coulon and Frédéric Payraudeau

Frédéric Payraudeau; Laurent Coulon; Aleksandra Hallmann

Abstract

The mission ‘Osirian Sanctuaries at Karnak’ (IFAO, CFEETK, EPHE, HiSoMA, Orient & Mediterranée, INRAP) aims at a systematic recording of epigraphic material from the monuments dedicated to Osiris at Karnak and an in-depth study of the development of his cult in this area. Over the past few years, besides excavations carried out in the northern part of Karnak, an epigraphic survey has been undertaken in seven chapels (Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau, Osiris ‘Neb-neheh’, Osiris Neb-ankh/pa-wesheb-iad, Osiris of Coptos, Osiris Hery-ib-pa-ished, Osiris wep-ished, and Osiris-Ptah Neb-ankh), the first six currently being prepared for publication in a series of monographs. In addition to the recording of scenes in situ, a long process of reconstruction of the decoration is required for each of these monuments, by using archival photographs, drawings, and the collection of data on blocks from these chapels now kept in the storerooms of the site, in museums, or elsewhere. This paper will give an update on the work achieved in the last few years, focusing on several aspects of the study led by our team. The historical study of some of these Osirian chapels has led to a better understanding of their devel-opment during different reigns and highlighted the information they provide concerning the intricate chronology of the Third Intermediate and Late Periods. As for the art historical study, it has focused on a comparative analysis of the decorative programme of the Osirian chapels in Karnak. It studies ideological and propagandistic functions of their decoration, investigates their style being a combination of innovation and archaism, and aims to analyse the artistic techniques.

Among the different kinds of Egyptian garments there is a sash that appeared during the Twenty-sixth Dynasty in Thebes. This sash hangs around the neck, with its ends arranged unevenly, falling freely down the chest. In most depictions it appears as a vestment on some of the high-stewards of the Divine Adoratrices, who are represented in similar scenes, following the God’s Wife of Amun. However, there are examples of other officials wearing the neck-sash and thus the association of this garment with the high-stewards remains problematic.

Thebes in the First Millennium BC: Art and Archaeology of the Kushite Period and Beyond Elena Pischikova, Julia Budka, Kenneth Griffin (editors) GHP Egyptology 27 Published by Golden House Publications London 2018 © all rights reserved All rights reserved; no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988, without prior written permission from Golden House Publications. Cover front Vignette of the Seventh Hour of the Night in the tomb of Karakhamun (TT 223) depicting Khonsu (photo: K. Blakeney) Printed in the United Kingdom ISBN 978-1-906137-59-5 Printed by CPI Group (UK) Ltd. Croydon CR0 4YY Table of Contents Abbreviations vii List of contributors x Introduction 1 Acknowledgements 6 Part A: South Asasif Elena Pischikova Recreating Kushite Tombs: Ten Years of the South Asasif Conservation Project 9 Elena Pischikova Recording the Art of Karakhamun 25 Abdelrazk Mohamed Ali Conservation and Reconstruction of the Second Pillared Hall of the Tomb of Karakhamun (TT 223) 49 Kenneth Griffin A Preliminary Report on the Hours of the Night in the Tomb of Karakhamun (TT 223) 59 Miguel Á. Molinero Polo & Andrea Rodríguez Valls Palaeographical Peculiarities and Scribal Handwriting in the Burial Chamber of Karakhamun (TT 223) 71 Erhart Graefe Preliminary Report on the Usurpation of the Tomb of Karabasken (TT 391) by the High Steward of the 97 God’s Adoratrix, Padibastet John Billman A Brief Note on a Rare Find of Ivory from the Tomb of Karabasken (TT 391) 108 Part B: North Asasif Silvia Einaudi Combination of Tradition and Innovation in the Decorative Programme of the Tomb of Padiamenope (TT 33) 117 Claude Traunecker Abydenian Pilgrimage, Immortal stars and Theban Liturgies in the Tomb of Padiamenope (TT 33) 126 Louise Gestermann & Farouk Gomaà Remarks on the Decoration and Conception of the Theban Tomb of Montuemhat (TT 34) 152 TABLE OF CONTENTS Isabelle Régen The Book of Nut in the Late Period Tombs of the Asasif Necropolis: With a Focus on the Decorative 162 Layout in the Tombs of Padiamenope (TT 33) and Montuemhat (TT 34) Mareike Wagner New Research in the Tomb of Ibi (TT 36) 177 Part C: West Bank Benoît Lurson, with a contribution by Franck Mourot From the Foundations to the Excavation: A Stratigraphy-based History of the Temple of Tuya 193 Marta Kaczanowicz The Third Intermediate Period and Late Period Burials to the West of the South Asasif Necropolis: 214 Polish Excavations in the Tombs MMA 1151 and 1152 Gábor Schreiber The Reuse of New Kingdom Tombs during the Kushite/Saite Period: The Case of Theban Tomb -400- 231 Part D: Luxor and Karnak Mostafa Waziry, Ahmed Araby, Abdelrazk Mohamed Ali Luxor Temple: The Conservation and Restoration of the Standing Colossus of Ramesses II in Front of 247 the First Pylon of Luxor Temple Jérémy Hourdin The Kushite Kiosks of Karnak and Luxor: A Cross-over Study 255 Laurent Coulon, Aleksandra Hallmann, Frédéric Payraudeau The Osirian Chapels at Karnak: An Historical and Art Historical Overview Based on Recent 271 Fieldwork and Studies Essam Nagy The Chapel of Osiris-Ptah Neb-ankh: A Report on the Fourth Season of Work 294 Part E: Art Eltayeb Abbas Iconography and Rituals in the Decorations of Bab el-Gusus Coffins: A Work in Progress 307 Dietrich Wildung Afrikanisches in der ägyptischen Kunst? 323 iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Part F: Ceramics Stéphanie Boulet Ceramic Industry Developments in the Theban Area during the Twenty-fifth Dynasty: Between 335 Traditions and Innovations Julia Budka Kushite Pottery in Egypt: An Update from Thebes and Abydos 357 Part G: Religion and Cults Cynthia May Sheikholeslami Montu Priests in Third Intermediate Period Thebes 375 Angelika Lohwasser, Meike Becker, Anke Ilona Blöbaum Relationship between Religion and Politics in First Millennium BC Thebes: A Case Study on the 394 Original Location of the Triumphal Stela of Piankhy v Abbreviations Abbreviations follow the standard used by the Institut français d’archéologie orientale (IFAO). MATHIEU, B. Abréviations des périodiques et collections en usage à l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 6th ed (Cairo: Divers 4, 2017) Available fromhttp://www.ifao.egnet.net/uploads/publications/enligne/IF1098.pdf ÄA Ägyptologische Abhandlungen AAALiv Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology ÄAT Ägypten und Altes Testament: Studien zu Geschichte, Kultur und Religion Ägyptens und des Alten Testaments AAWB Abhandlungen der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Achet Achet: Schriften zur Ägyptologie ADAIK Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo AegHelv Aegyptiaca Helvetica AegLeod Aegyptiaca leodiensia AegMonast Aegyptiaca monasteriensia ÄF Ägyptologische Forschungen AHAW Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse Ä&L Ägypten und Levante. Zeitschrift für ägyptische Archäologie und deren Nachgebiete ÄMPB Ägyptische und Orientalische Papyri und Handschriften des Ägyptischen Museums und Papyrussammlung Berlin AnOr Analecta orientalia AOB Analecta orientalia belgica ASAE Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte ASEg Archaeological Survey of Egypt AV Archäologische Veröffentlichungen, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, AbteilungKairo BAÄ Beiträge zum Alten Ägypten BABA Beiträge zur ägyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde BACE Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology BAR-IS British Archaeological Reports (International Series) BCE Bulletin de liaison du Groupe international d’étude de la céramique égyptienne BdÉ Bibliothèque d’étude BeitrÄg Beiträge zur Ägyptologie BES Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar BEStud Brown Egyptological Studies BIFAO Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale BiOr Bibliotheca orientalis BMMA Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art BMOP British Museum Occasional Papers BMSAES British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan BollSer Bollingen Series Boreas Boreas. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilizations BSF Beiträge zur Sudanforschung, Beiheft BSFE Bulletin de la Société française d’égyptologie BSGA Blackwell Studies in Global Archaeology CAENL Contributions to the Archaeology of Egypt, Nubia and the Levant CahKarn Cahiers de Karnak CCE Cahiers de la céramique égyptienne CCE (S) Cahiers caribéens d’égyptologie ABBREVIATIONS CCEM Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean CdE Chronique d’Égypte CEA Connaissance de l’Egypte Ancienne CENiM Cahiers de l’Égypte nilotique et méditerranéenne CGC Catalogue général des du Musée du Caire CHANE Culture and History of the Ancient Near East CNIP The Carsten Niebuhr Institute of Ancient Near East Studies, Publications CRIPEL Cahiers de recherches de l’Institut de papyrologie et égyptologie de Lille CSEG Cahiers de la Société d’égyptologie de Genève CT DE BUCK, A., The Egyptian Coffin Texts, 7 vols. (Chicago: OIP 34, 49, 64, 67, 73, 81, 87, 1935– 1961). CTA Les Cahiers techniques de l’art D3T Documents de Théologies Thébaines Tardives DE Discussions in Egyptology Description COMMISSION DES MONUMENTS D’ÉGYPTE, Description de l’Égypte, ou Recueil des observations et des recherches qui ont été faites en Égypte pendant l’expédition de l’Armée française (Antiquités) 9 vols (Paris, 1809–1822). DÖAW Denkschriften der österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften EA Egyptian Archaeology: The Bulletin of the Egyptian Exploration Society EgMem Egyptological Memoirs EgUit Egyptologische Uitgaven EAO Egypte. Afrique et Orient Enchoria Enchoria: Zeitschrift für Demotistik und Koptologie ENiM Égypte Nilotique et Méditerranéenne ERA Egyptian Research Account ERTR Egyptian Religious Texts and Representations EtudEg Études d’égyptologie ÉtudTrav Études et travaux: Travaux du Centre d’archéologie méditerranéene de l’Académie polonaise des sciences EVO Egitto e Vicino Oriente FIFAO Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale Geneva Geneva, nouvelle série GHPE Golden House Publications: Egyptology GM Göttinger Miszellen: Beiträge zur ägyptologischen Diskussion GOF Göttinger Orientforschungen HAT Handschriften des Altägyptischen Totenbuches HbOr Handbuch der Orientalistik HistArch Histoire et archéologie. Les Dossiers IBAES Internet-Beiträge zur Ägyptologie und Sudanarchäologie IcRel Iconography of Religions JACF Journal of the Ancient Chronology Forum JANER Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology JSSEA Journal of the Society of the Studies of Egyptian Antiquities JWIS JANSEN-WINKELN, K., Inschriften der Spätzeit, 4 vols (Wiesbaden: 2007–2014). Kêmi Kêmi: Revue de philologie et d’archéologie égyptiennes et coptes KRI KITCHEN, K.A., Ramesside Inscriptions. Historical and Biographical, 8 vols (Oxford, 1968– 1991). Kyphi Kyphi. Bulletin du Cercle lyonnais d’égyptologie Victor Loret vii ABBREVIATIONS LÄ Lexikon der Ägyptologie LD LEPSIUS, K.R., Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien: nach den Zeichnungen der von Seiner Majestät dem Könige von Preussen Friedrich Wilhelm IV. nach diesen Ländern gesendeten und in den Jahren 1842–1845 ausgeführten wissenschaftlichen Expedition, 6 vols (Berlin, (1849– 1859). LD Text LEPSIUS, K.R., Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien, Text herausgegeben von Eduard Naville, 5 vols (Leipzig, 1897–1913). LGG C. LEITZ, D. BUDDE, P. DILS, L. GOLDBRUNNER, D. MENDEL, F. FÖRSTER, D. VON RECKLINGHAUSEN, B. VENTKER (eds.). (2002–2003). Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen, 8 vols (Leuven: OLA 110–116, 129, 2002–2003). MÄS Münchner Ägyptologische Studien MDAIK Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo MEEF Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund MEES Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Society Memnonia Memnonia: Bulletin édité par l’Association pour la sauvegarde du Ramesseum Memnonia. CS Memnonia. Cahier Supplémentaire MIFAO Mémoires publiés par les membres de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale du Caire MittSAG Der Antike Sudan. Mitteilungen der Sudanarchäologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin MMAES Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Studies MMJ Metropolitan Museum Journal MonAeg Monumenta aegyptiaca MRE Monographies Reine Élisabeth OA Oriens Antiquus OBO Orbis biblicus et orientalis OIC Oriental Institute Communications OIMP Oriental Institute Museum Publications OINE Oriental Institute Nubian Expedition OIP Oriental Institute Publications OLA Orientalia lovaniensia analecta Op. Ath. Opuscula Athenensia ORA Orientalische Religionen in der Antike. Ägypten, Israel, Alter Orient OUEN Oxford University Excavations in Nubia PalHiero Paléographie hiéroglyphique PALMA-Eg PALMA. Papers on Archeology of the Leiden Museum of Antiquities. Egyptology PAM Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean PAM Supplement Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series PdÄ Probleme der Ägyptologie P.L.Bat. Papyrologica Lugduno-Batava PM I/12 PORTER, B., R.L.B. MOSS, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings I: The Theban Necropolis, Part 1: Private Tombs, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1960). PM I/22 PORTER, B., R.L.B. MOSS, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings I: The Theban Necropolis, Part 2: Royal Tombs and Smaller Cemeteries, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1964). PM II² PORTER, B., R.L.B. MOSS, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings II: Theban Temples, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1972). PM III/22 PORTER, B., R.L.B. MOSS, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings III: Memphis, Part 2: Ṣaqqâra to Dahshûr, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1981). PM VII PORTER, B., R.L.B. MOSS, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings VII: Nubia, the Deserts, and Outside Egypt (Oxford, 1951). viii ABBREVIATIONS PMMA Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art PN RANKE, H., Die ägyptischen Personennamen, 3 vols (Glückstadt, 1935–1952). PT SETHE, K.H., Die altägyptischen Pyramidentexte, nach den Papierabdrücken und Photographien des Berliner Museums, 4 vols (Leipzig, 1908–1922). PTA Papyrologische Texte und Abhandlungen RAPH Recherches d’archéologie, d’philologie et d’histoire RdE Revue d’égyptologie RLMF Revue du Louvre et des musées de France SAGA Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens SAK Studien zur altägyptischen Kultur SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilizations SARS Publication Sudan Archaeological Research Society Publication SASAE Suppléments aux Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte SAT Studien zum altägyptischen Totenbuch SDAIK Sonderschrift des Deutschen archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo ShirEgypt Shire Egyptology Sokar Sokar. Die Welt der Pyramiden SRAT Studien zu den Ritualszenen altägyptischer Tempel ŚSA Śląskie Sprawozdania Archeologiczne SSR Studien zur spätägyptischen Religion StudEgypt Studies in Egyptology SudNub Sudan & Nubia TbT Totenbuchtexte TrabEg Trabajos de Egiptología. Papers on Ancient Egypt TTS Theban Tombs Series UEE UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology Urk. IV SETHE, K.H., H.W. HELCK, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie (Leipzig, Berlin: Urkunden des ägyptischen Altertums, 1906–1958). USE Uppsala Studies in Egyptology UZK Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes VicOr Vicino Oriente. Annuario del Dipartimento di scienze storiche archeologiche e antropologiche dell’Antichità WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichung der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes Wb ERMAN, A., H. GRAPOW, Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Sprache, 7 vols (Leipzig, 1926–1963). YES Yale Egyptological Studies ZÄS Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde ZÄS Beiheft Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde – Beiheft ZBA Zaberns Bildbände zur Archäologie ix List of Contributors Eltayeb Abbas: Minya University, Egypt Abdelrazk Mohamed Ali: Ministry of Antiquities, Egypt; South Asasif Conservation Project Ahmed Araby: Ministry of Antiquities, Egypt Meike Becker: Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster, Germany John Billman: Thames Valley Ancient Egypt Society, UK; South Asasif Conservation Project Anke Ilona Blöbaum: Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster, Germany Stéphanie Boulet: Université Paul Valéry Montpellier 3; LabEx Archimède, France Julia Budka: Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, Germany; South Asasif Conservation Project Laurent Coulon: EPHE, PSL Research University, EA 4519, Paris, France Silvia Einaudi: École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris, France Louise Gestermann: Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Germany; Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Germany Farouk Gomaà: Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Germany Kenneth Griffin: Swansea University, UK; South Asasif Conservation Project Erhart Graefe: Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster, Germany; South Asasif Conservation Project Aleksandra Hallmann: Institute of Mediterranean and Oriental Cultures, Polish Academy of Sciences; Oriental Institute, Chicago, USA. Jérémy Hourdin: CNRS, USR 3172; CFEETK; LabEx Archimède, France Marta Kaczanowicz: Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań, Poland Angelika Lohwasser: Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster, Germany Benoît Lurson: Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium; Universität Leipzig, Germany Miguel Á. Molinero Polo: Universidad de La Laguna, Tenerife, Spain; South Asasif Conservation Project Franck Mourot: Archéologue, attaché de conservation du patrimoine. Chef des services culturels de la ville de Bar-le-Duc, France Essam Nagy: The Egypt Exploration Society, Egypt; Ministry of Antiquities, Egypt; Ludwig-Maximilians- Universität München, Germany Frédéric Payraudeau: Université Paris-Sorbonne, UMR 8167, Paris, France Elena Pischikova: South Asasif Conservation Project; American University in Cairo, Egypt Isabelle Régen: Université Paul Valéry, Montpellier, France Andrea Rodríguez Valls: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain; South Asasif Conservation Project Gábor Schreiber: Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, Hungary Cynthia May Sheikholeslami: Independent Scholar, Cairo, Egypt Claude Traunecker: Université de Strasbourg, UMR 7044, France Mareike Wagner: Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen, Germany Mostafa Waziry: Secretary General of the Supreme Council of Antiquities, Egypt Dietrich Wildung: Naga Project, Staatliches Museum Ägyptischer Kunst München, Germany Introduction International Research Focusing on the First Millennium BC This volume, Thebes in the First Millennium BC: Art and Archaeology of the Kushite Period and Beyond, is a collection of articles, most of which are based on the talks given at the conference of the same name organised by the team of the South Asasif Conservation Project (SACP), an Egyptian-American mission working under the auspices of the Ministry of Antiquities (MoA), Egypt in Luxor in 2016. The conference was organised in cooperation with the Ministry of Antiquities and the Egypt Exploration Society (EES) by a committee that included Elena Pischikova (Director of the SACP), Julia Budka (SACP), Kenneth Griffin (SACP), John Billman (SACP), Essam Nagy (EES), Shaaban Abd el-Gawad (MoA), and Mohamed Mokhtar (MoA). It was a follow-up to a very successful event in 2012.1 Since the first conference, fieldwork at Kushite, Saite, and other sites of the First Millennium BC have continued and it seemed worth bringing together speakers who would share the most recent results of their field research in the tombs and temples of the Twenty-fifth–Twenty-sixth dynasties in Thebes and other archaeological sites, as well as addressing a variety of issues relevant to different aspects of Egyptian monuments of this era. The aim of this volume is, therefore, to illustrate recent advances, to give an overview of the most important fieldwork projects dedicated to the period on the West Bank and at Karnak and to pinpoint the rich potential of research on First Millennium BC Egypt when it is conducted by a group of researchers in close exchange to each other and in fruitful cooperation. Papers based on the talks of the participants of the conference form the bulk of this volume. The 2016 conference comprised a total of forty-eight papers of experts in the field and was thus able to give a current state-of-the-art assessment of research focusing on the First Millennium BC in Thebes. However, the conference also brought together scholars working in other areas of Egypt, from the Sinai and the Nile Delta to Saqqara, the Eastern Desert, and Abydos. Thus, this volume covers a wide range of sites, monuments, and issues as well as a broad chronological span. Kushite Chronology Since the first conference on Thebes in the First Millennium BC back in 2012, Kushite chronology and especially the sequence of the kings has been debated in several papers. In 2013, the proposal by Báyani to reverse the sequence of Shabaqo and Shebitqo2 stimulated a vivid discussion and resulted in a workshop in 2014 in Münster.3 The revised version of Báyani’s paper as outcome of this workshop4 convinced some of the leading authorities in the field of Kushite chronology to accept this new sequence, making Shebitqo the first king of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty.5 However, the last word in this matter was obviously not yet spoken and not all experts agreed to this new sequence. Important input came here directly at the Thebes in the First Millennium BC conference in 2016. As one of the most seminal papers at conference, Claus Jurman reviewed the debated sequence once again. His analysis of the Nile Level Records (NLR) at Karnak, especially of NLR nr. 33 of Shebtiqo, year 3 and NLR nr. 30, Shabaqo, year 2 has already been published.6 Jurman could 1 PISCHIKOVA, BUDKA, GRIFFIN (eds.), Thebes in the First Millennium. 2 BÁNYAI, JEH 6:1 (2013), 46‒129. For this reversal, see already BRUNET, JACF 10 (2006), 26‒34. 3 Organised by Angelika Lohwasser, on 16 May 2014, under the title ‘Die Chronologie der 25. Dynastie im alten Ägypten’, see the “Vorbemerkungen” by Lohwasser to BÁNYAI, JEH 6:1 (2013), 46‒129. 4 BÁNYAI, JEH 8:2 (2015), 115‒180. 5 See BROEKMAN, GM 245 (2015), 17‒31; PAYRAUDEAU, Nehet 1 (2014), 115‒127. Cf. HOURDIN, CRIPEL 30 (2013– 15), 191‒200. 6 JURMAN, JEH 10:2 (2017) 124‒151. INTRODUCTION put forward strong evidence for the sequence Shebtiqo-Shabaqo and we follow this new sequence of Kushite kings, agreeing that this last argument based on the Nile Level Records is indeed convincing.7 Despite the fact that the sequence of the rulers of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty seems now settled, the discussion of some chronological issues is, of course, still open. Future research will also address questions related to how early the Kushite tombs in the South Asasif really are—with well-established evidence for a dating of Karakhamun (TT 223) to Shebitqo, the dating of Karabasken (TT 391) needs to be discussed within the framework of the new royal sequence.8 Kushite Thebes Thebes can be regarded as the key site for Kushite archaeology in Egypt and this is well traceable both on the West Bank and at the temples of Karnak and Luxor. Several papers by the director and by members of the SACP give an overview of the work in the South Asasif necropolis from 2006 to 2016, focusing on excavation and reconstruction work, on texts and decoration, on finds and pottery, and the general implications of the now accessible Kushite temple-tombs within the context of Twenty-fifth Dynasty Thebes.9 Of particular importance is new data on the re-use of the tomb of Karabasken (TT 391) by a hitherto unattested High Steward of the God’s Wife from the Twenty-sixth Dynasty with the name Padibastet. Thanks to the analysis by Erhart Graefe, Padibastet was identified as grandson of Pabasa A (TT 279) and successor of Padihorresnet (TT 196).10 This new discovery is therefore of historical importance for Saite Thebes. In addition to the South Asasif necropolis, the large temple-tombs in the northern Asasif are discussed by several authors. Louise Gestermann and the late Farouk Gomaà present new remarks on the decoration and conception of the tomb of Montuemhat (TT 34), stressing once again the complexity of the architecture and decoration of this tomb.11 The monumental tomb of Padiamenope (TT 33) is equally intriguing and is discussed in this volume by Claude Traunecker, Silvia Einaudi, and Isabelle Régen. Traunecker’s paper presents new ideas about TT 33, particularly its building plan, with a focus on its functional aspects. Einaudi and Régen focus on specific aspects of the decorative programme and discuss relevant funerary texts. In general, the papers on the elite tombs of the Theban necropolis in both the South Asasif and North Asasif address a variety of aspects of work such as archaeology, conservation, epigraphy, and burial assemblages, as well as such relevant issues as archaism and innovations of the decoration and interconnections between the tombs of different parts of the necropolis. The latter still offers much potential for future research. Kushite architecture and building activity on the East Bank are discussed in the papers by Jérémy Hourdin, Essam Nagy, and Angelika Lohwasser et al. Lohwasser re-addresses the question of the original placement of the Triumphal Stela of Piankhy, found in the Amun temple at Jebel Barkal in Sudan. She argues convincingly that this early Kushite stela was originally composed for erection at Thebes, most likely at Karnak. Hourdin presents new evidence for Kushite kiosks in Karnak and Luxor, which allows comparing the constructions of Shabaqo and Taharqo and is therefore of particular importance for royal building activities in Twenty-fifth Dynasty Thebes. Nagy presents a Kushite chapel of Osiris-Ptah Neb-ankh, situated south-east of the Tenth Pylon, between the precincts of Amun-Re and Mut, built by Taharqo and Tantamani. 7 See also BROEKMAN, GM 251 (2017), 13‒20; JANSEN-WINKELN, JEH 10:1 (2017), 40. 8 Karabasken is generally regarded as the predecessor of Montuemhat, but his precise dating is still debated, cf. BUDKA, KAMMERZELL, MittSAG 18 (2007), 166, note 8. 9 See also PISCHIKOVA (ed.), Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis; PISCHIKOVA (ed.), Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis: New Discoveries. 10 See GRAEFE, in PISCHIKOVA (ed.), Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis: New Discoveries, 241–50 and GRAEFE in this volume. 11 It fills us with great sadness that Farouk Gomaà will not be able to see this volume in its final form. He passed away on 1st December 2017—a big loss for Egyptology and especially the study of the Theban Late Period. 2 INTRODUCTION His work is complemented by the article of Laurent Coulon, Aleksandra Hallmann, and Frédéric Payraudeau who present the results from recent fieldwork at the Osirian Chapels at Karnak. The systematic recording of epigraphic material from the monuments dedicated to Osiris at Karnak and an in-depth study of the development of his cult in this area are already much advanced. Theban Funerary Archaeology General aspects of the Theban necropolis and new attempts to reconstruct a detailed history of use during the First Millennium BC are addressed in the papers by Marta Kaczanowicz, Benoît Lurson, and Gábor Schreiber. Kushite burials from TT -400-, a Ramesside tomb situated in the el-Khokha cemetery, are discussed by Schreiber. The use-life of TT -400- is especially interesting because it not only continued well into the Saite Period, but some finds can be termed Saito-Persian and suggest a re-use during the Twenty- seventh Dynasty, which is still poorly understood in Thebes and throughout Egypt.12 Another new research project has much potential to understand patterns of re-use in monumental tombs: the new project focusing on TT 36, the Saite tomb of Ibi in the Asasif. 13 Mareike Wagner presents promising initial results connected with the sarcophagus chamber of a person with the name of Psamtik in TT 36. Individual object groups within tomb groups of First Millennium BC Thebes are discussed in this volume as well. Eltayeb Abbas focuses on the iconography and rituals in the decorations of Bab el-Gusus coffins dating to the Twenty-first Dynasty, which represent important pre-Kushite funerary evidence and significant sources for rituals. Other Topics Material remains from temple and tomb sites of the First Millennium BC allow addressing questions beyond funerary customs and royal building activities. Of particular interest here are pottery sherds, mainly because pottery from Kushite Egypt has not yet been studied in detail.14 Much progress has been made in the last years and this is illustrated by the relevant contributions. Julia Budka discusses the current understanding of Kushite ceramics and highlights the strong links between Thebes and Abydos during the Twenty-fifth Dynasty. Stéphanie Boulet’s paper on ‘ceramic industry developments in the Theban area during the Twenty-fifth Dynasty’ is of particular importance and a significant addition to the discussion of the pottery production during the Kushite rule in Egypt based on new evidence from Karnak. One of the aspects of Kushite rule in Egypt, which had been addressed quite early by several scholars, is the art of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty.15 Elena Pischikova presents an update of work in the South Asasif necropolis and introduces an experimental methodology for recording Kushite art in the tombs of Karabasken (TT 391) and Karakhamun (TT 223), which examines the interconnections and divergences between iconography and implementation and their disparate routes of transmission. Dietrich Wildung proposes in his paper Afrikanisches in der ägyptischen Kunst? thought-provoking ideas contributing to the discussion concerning the underestimated impact of African traditions in Egyptian art history beyond the small time-frame of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty.16 12 See ASTON, in LEAHY, TAIT (eds.), Studies on Ancient Egypt, 17–22. 13 Cf. the re-use, as attested in TT 414, tomb of Ankhhor: BUDKA, Ä&L 20 (2010), 49‒66; BUDKA, MEKIS, BRUWIER, Ä&L 22–23 (2013), 209–251. 14 See, however, the seminal works by Aston, in particular ASTON 1996. 15 See, for example, BOSSE, Die menschliche Figur; BOTHMER, Egyptian Sculpture of the Late Period, 1–20; RUSSMANN, Eternal Egypt, 223–30; RUSSMANN, The Representation of the King; and more recently DALLIBOR, Taharqo. 16 See O’CONNOR, REID, Ancient Egypt in Africa. 3 INTRODUCTION Outlook Most of the information included into this volume is being published for the first time and represents the outcome of fresh fieldwork. The research collected in this volume brings together a lot of current studies on royal and elite monuments of the period, puts them into a wider context, and fills some gaps in First Millennium BC scholarship, still one of the least researched and published area of study in Egyptology despite the numerous recent developments in field exploration and research. These developments are illustrated in the present volume with fresh approaches to aspects of research such as epigraphy, artistic styles, iconography, palaeography, local workshops, pottery production, and burial assemblages. We hope that this volume will inspire new comparative studies on these topics—thanks to the most recent efforts of all authors and associated researchers, First Millennium BC scholarship has already advanced to a new level, but needs to be further strengthened in the future. Bibliography ASTON, D.A., Egyptian Pottery of the Late New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period (Twelfth–Seventh centuries BC): Tentative Footsteps in a Forbidding Terrain (Heidelberg: SAGA 13, 1996). ———. “Dynasty 26, Dynasty 30, or Dynasty 27? In Search of the Funerary Archaeology of the Persian Period”, in A. LEAHY, J. TAIT (eds.), Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honour of H. S. Smith (London: EES Occasional Publications 13, 1999), 17–22. BÁNYAI, M., “Ein Vorschlag zur Chronologie der 25. Dynastie in Ägypten”, JEH 6:1 (2013), 46‒129. ———. Die Reihenfolge der kuschitischen Könige”, JEH 8:2 (2015), 115‒180. BOSSE, K., Die menschliche Figur in der Rundplastik der ägyptischen Spätzeit von der XXII. bis zur XXX. Dynastie (Glückstadt, Hamburg: ÄF 1, 1936). BOTHMER, B.V., (Hg.), Egyptian Sculpture of the Late Period 700 B.C. to A.D. 100 (Brooklyn, 1960). BROEKMAN, G.P.F., “The Order of Succession between Shabaka and Shabataka. A Different View on the Chronology of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty”, GM 245 (2015), 17‒31. ———. “Genealogical Considerations Regarding the Kings of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty in Egypt”, GM 251 (2017), 13‒20. BRUNET. J.F., The XXIInd and XXVth Dynasties Apis Burial Conundrum”, JACF 10 (2006), 26‒34. BUDKA, J., “Varianz im Regelwerk. Bestattungsabläufe im Monumentalgrab von Anch-Hor, Obersthofmeister der Gottesgemahlin Nitokris (TT 414)”, Ä&L 20 (2010), 49–66. BUDKA, J., T. MEKIS, M.-C. BRUWIER, “Re-use of Saite Temple Tombs in the Asasif during the Early Ptolemaic Time – The Tomb Group of Mw.t-Mnw from TT 414”, Ä&L 22–23 (2013), 209–251. BUDKA, J., F. KAMMERZELL, “Kuschiten in Theben: Eine archäologische Spurensuche”, MittSAG 18 (2007), 163–177. DALLIBOR, K., Taharqo: Pharao aus Kush. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der 25. Dynastie (Berlin: Achet 6, 2005). GRAEFE, E., “A New High Steward of the God’s Wife Nitocris: Padibastet, Grandson of Pabasa and Successor of Padihorresnet”, in E. Pischikova (ed.), Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis: New Discoveries and Research 2012–14 (Cairo, 2017), 241–250. HOURDIN, J., “Chabataka à Edfou”, CRIPEL 30 (2013–15), 191‒200. JANSEN-WINKELN, K., “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Dritten Zwischenzeit”, JEH 10:1 (2017), 23‒42. JURMAN, C., “The Order of the Kushite Kings According to Sources from the Eastern Desert and Thebes. Or: Shabataka was Here First!”, JEH 10:2 (2017), 124‒151. PAYRAUDEAU, F., “Retour sur la Succession Shabaqo-Shabataqo”, Nehet 1 (2014), 115‒127. PISCHIKOVA, E. (ed.), Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis, Thebes. Karakhamun (TT 223) and Karabasken (TT 391) in the Twenty-fifth Dynasty (Cairo, 2014). 4 INTRODUCTION ———. Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis: New Discoveries and Research 2012–14. (Cairo, 2017). PISCHIKOVA, E., J. BUDKA, K. GRIFFIN (eds.) Thebes in the First Millennium BC (Newcastle upon Tyne, 2014). O’CONNOR, D.B., A. REID, Ancient Egypt in Africa (Walnut Creek, 2016). RUSSMANN, E.R., The Representation of the King in the XXVth Dynasty (Brussels, Brooklyn: MRE 3, 1974). ———. Eternal Egypt: Masterworks of Ancient Art from the British Museum (London, 2001). 5 Acknowledgements We are grateful to the Ministry of Antiquities and Minister of Antiquities H.E. Dr. Khaled El Enany for making this conference possible and participating in the opening events. We received a lot of help and support from the Secretary General of the SCA Dr. Mostafa Waziry, General Director of Antiquities of Upper Egypt Dr. Mohamed Abdel Aziz, General Director for the Antiquities of the West Bank of Luxor Talat Abd El Aziz, Director of the Antiquities of the Middle Area of the West Bank Mr. Ezz El Din Kamal El Noby, and the Director of the Mummification Museum Mr. Mohamed Shahat. Our thanks go to the Egypt Exploration Society for their help in organising and sponsoring the conference. Essam Nagy, the Director of the EES Cairo office was instrumental in coordinating the events of the conference. We are grateful to all the participants of the conference for sharing their research. Special thanks go to Isabelle Régen, Silvia Einaudi, Erhart Graefe, Christophe Thiers, Laurent Coulon, and Miguel Molinero Polo who showed their sites to the participants of the conference during field trips. We are indebted to the friends and sponsors of the Project: the ASA Restoration Project directed by Anthony Browder (Washington, DC), the South Asasif Trust directed by John Billman (London, UK) for their help in sponsoring the conference. Special thanks go to the conservation team and the volunteers of the SACP who helped to coordinate the day-to-day operations of the conference. The Osirian Chapels at Karnak: An Historical and Art Historical Overview Based on Recent Fieldwork and Studies Laurent Coulon, Aleksandra Hallmann, Frédéric Payraudeau Abstract The mission ‘Osirian Sanctuaries at Karnak’ (IFAO, CFEETK, EPHE, HiSoMA, Orient & Mediterranée, INRAP) aims at a systematic recording of epigraphic material from the monuments dedicated to Osiris at Karnak and an in-depth study of the development of his cult in this area. Over the past few years, besides excavations carried out in the northern part of Karnak, an epigraphic survey has been undertaken in seven chapels (Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau, Osiris ‘Neb- neheh’, Osiris Neb-ankh/pa-wesheb-iad, Osiris of Coptos, Osiris Hery-ib-pa-ished, Osiris wep-ished, and Osiris-Ptah Neb-ankh), the first six currently being prepared for publication in a series of monographs. In addition to the recording of scenes in situ, a long process of reconstruction of the decoration is required for each of these monuments, by using archival photographs, drawings, and the collection of data on blocks from these chapels now kept in the storerooms of the site, in museums, or elsewhere. This paper will give an update on the work achieved in the last few years, focusing on several aspects of the study led by our team. The historical study of some of these Osirian chapels has led to a better understanding of their devel- opment during different reigns and highlighted the information they provide concerning the intricate chronology of the Third Intermediate and Late Periods. As for the art historical study, it has focused on a comparative analysis of the decorative programme of the Osirian chapels in Karnak. It studies ideological and propagandistic functions of their decoration, investigates their style being a combination of innovation and archaism, and aims to analyse the artistic techniques. Introduction The aim of the mission ‘Osirian Sanctuaries at Karnak’1 is to understand the growth of the cult of Osiris at Karnak during the First Millennium BC by studying individual monuments—mostly chapels of the god dis- tributed throughout the periphery of Karnak, but also statues of priests and rituals on papyri—and by con- necting these elements to a general interpretation of the Osirian landscape and its evolution. Among the vari- ous aspects of our research programme,2 this paper will mainly focus on the epigraphic evidence in an at- tempt to provide a chronological overview of the evolution of the Osirian chapels from the Libyan to the Saite Period. This specific approach implies a twofold analysis of the data collected. Firstly, it aims at distin- guishing the different historical phases during which the chapels were built and their historical background; the decoration of the chapels is likely to provide historical evidence allowing this contextualisation. Sec- ondly, we have to evaluate how the historical evolution has affected their conception and iconographical programme. One aspect of these transformations is, from an art historical point of view, the modification in the representation of human figures, which will be dealt with in the second part of this contribution. 1 This programme is conducted under the auspices of the Ministry of Antiquity of Egypt, with the support of the IFAO, the Franco-Egyptian Center at Karnak, the research teams EA 4519-EPHE, PSL, Orient et Méditerranée (Paris- Sorbonne) and HiSoMA (Lyon) and the National Institute for Preventive Archaeological Research (INRAP). Archaeological excavations have been carried out in the north-eastern and northern area of Karnak, including a full archaeological survey of the chapel of Osiris of Coptos and the chapel of Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau under the supervision of François Leclère and Cyril Giorgi. Hallmann’s research is partially funded by National Science Centre of Poland in the capacity of Grant Harmonia 8 (016/22/M/HS3/00354). 2 Annual reports are published in the ‘Rapports d’activité’ of the Institut français d’archéologie orientale, http://www.ifao.egnet.net/ifao/recherche/rapports-activites/. See, most recently, COULON, GIORGI, Suppl. BIFAO 116, 95–104; for a recent overview, see COULON, BSFE 195–6 (2016), 16–35. See also the article of BOULET in this volume. LAURENT COULON, ALEKSANDRA HALLMANN, FREDERIC PAYRAUDEAU The Osirian Chapels of Karnak: A Chronological Survey A discussion on the designation ‘Osirian chapel’ would lead us beyond the scope of this article;3 hence, we will adopt a provisional definition of these constructions as ‘small buildings’ dedicated to specific forms of the god—whose name or epiclesis frequently occurs within a cartouche—which were built in the periphery of the temples of Karnak (fig. 1). The following sections are an attempt to provide a general description of the Osirian chapels at Karnak in a chronological frame, limited to the Libyan, Kushite, and Saite periods.4 The Libyan and Kushite Chapels (Frédéric Payraudeau) Aside from the small chapel of the Twenty-first Dynasty whose cultic purpose is not secured,5 three chapels were built for the cult of Osiris during the Twenty-second Dynasty. The first one seems to be the chapel of Osiris wep-ished, which is located in the eastern area of Karnak.6 The names of Osorkon II are engraved on the walls, in addition to the representation of the High Priest of Amun Takelot, son of the High Priest Nimlot and grandson of the king. This prince seems to have been in office during the later years of the long reign of Osorkon II, but not at the extreme end of the reign, as he was replaced as High Priest by Harsiese B.7 In between, Takelot very probably became the pharaoh Takelot II, four years before the end of the reign of Osorkon II.8 The presence of the God’s Wife Karomama G on the façade, as advocated by some scholars, 9 cannot be secured, as the figure displays the traditional sheath dress for goddesses and not the typical long dress worn by the god’s wives during the Libyan Period. It has been shown that the decoration of the chapels enhanced the position of the High Priest as a royal heir by establishing a parallel between the two deities to whom the chapel is dedicated (Osiris and his crowned heir Horus-son-of-Isis) and the two High Priests, the deceased Nimlot and his own heir Takelot (fig. 2).10 It seems very probable that the chapel was built and decorated a few years before the accession of Takelot to kingship, so around 840–835 BC.11 The second chapel, that of Osiris Khenty-Imentet and Osiris Khenem-Maat in North Karnak, seems to be placed a little later, as it displayed representations of both Osorkon II and a queen (?) Karomama (room 1) and Takelot II with the God’s Wife Karomama G (room 2).12 However, this chapel is now completely de- stroyed and the discussion can only be based on Mariette’s report.13 It seems possible that the chapel was built in two different phases; one during the reign of Osorkon II alone, with a representation of the God’s Wife Karomama G, probably his own daughter,14 and a second phase during the reign of Takelot II with the same votaress. Nevertheless, it is also feasible with one phase of construction, during the join reigns of Osorkon II and Takelot II between 835–830 BC. 3 See COULON, BSFE 195–6 (2016), 18–21; JURMAN, in GYÖRY (ed), Aegyptus et Pannonia, 108–13; LECLANT, Recherches, 216–9. 4 Ptolemaic (re)constructions (such as the chapel of Osiris of Coptos) and other kinds of buildings (temple of Opet, Osirian necropolis) will not be taken into account here. Furthermore, only the chapels still in situ and the most significant reused blocks or remains in museums or storerooms will be discussed. 5 See map, fig. 1, nr. 15; PM II2, 203; see JURMAN, in GYÖRY (ed.), Aegyptus et Pannonia, 112, n. 16. 6 See map, fig. 1, nr. 16; PM II2, 203–4; JWIS III, 119–20; PERDU, in COULON (ed.), Le culte d’Osiris, 101–21. 7 PAYRAUDEAU, Administration, 58. 8 PAYRAUDEAU, Administration, 63–6. Others proposed that Takelot II was an Herakleopolitan king, son of King Harsiese, but none of these kings are attested north to Abydos. See ASTON, in BROEKMAN, DEMARÉE, KAPER (eds.), The Libyan Period in Egypt, 17–8. 9 JURMAN, in BECKER, BLÖBAUM, LOHWASSER (eds.), “Prayer and Power”, 80–1. 10 PERDU, in COULON (ed.), Le culte d’Osiris, 101–21. 11 For the chronology, see PAYRAUDEAU, L’Égypte et la vallée du Nil, chapter 4. 12 See map, fig. 1, nr. 9; PM II2, 15 (56); JWIS II, 160 [nr. 2]; JURMAN, in BECKER, BLÖBAUM, LOHWASSER (eds.), “Prayer and Power”, 68–71. 13 MARIETTE, Karnak, 10. 14 See PAYRAUDEAU, L’Égypte et la vallée du Nil, chapter 4, and for a different suggestion (daughter of Takelot II): JURMAN, in BECKER, BLÖBAUM, LOHWASSER (eds.), “Prayer and Power”, 71–8. 272 THE OSIRIAN CHAPELS AT KARNAK Fig. 1: General map of Karnak and North Karnak with indication of the chapels of Osiris (Mission Osirian sanctuaries at Karnak) 273 LAURENT COULON, ALEKSANDRA HALLMANN, FREDERIC PAYRAUDEAU Fig. 2: Chapel of Osiris Wep-ished, left doorjamb of the western door. The High Priest Takelot son of the High Priest Nimlot purifying offerings (drawing: A. Guillou, H. Zacharias, F. Payraudeau) 274 THE OSIRIAN CHAPELS AT KARNAK The third chapel of the Libyan Period still in situ is the temple of Osiris Heqa-djet in East Karnak.15 The two inner rooms can be dated to the coregency of Osorkon III and his son Takelot III, which also displays representations of the God’s Wife Shepenwepet I, their daughter and sister.16 Here there are no doubts about the coregency, as both kings are shown sitting together on symmetrical heb-sed thrones and receiving their names on the ished-tree from Amun and Atum. This coregency is well dated by a nilometric inscription at Karnak (nr. 13) that reads: ‘Flood of year 28 of King Usermaatra-setepenamun, son of Re Osorkon (III), son of Isis, be- loved of Amun, divine ruler of Thebes, which is year 5 of his son King [Usermaatra- setepenamun], son of Re Takelot (III), son of Isis, beloved of Amun, divine ruler of Thebes’.17 Hence, the chapel of Osiris Heqa-djet can be firmly dated to around 768–764 BC, the years of the coregency of Osorkon III and Takelot III. Some painted cartouches of Rudamun, the successor of Takelot III, had been added during his short reign c. 755 BC.18 The chronology of the chapels of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty is a complicated question. The presence of the Divine Votaress of Amun is of course a strong help, but not always, because in each case one has to check if the votaress was alive or dead at the time of the decoration of the monument. The current chronological order seems to be the most workable for the moment. The first chapel of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty is most probably that of Osiris Heqa-djet in East Karnak.19 As stated above, the two inner rooms date from the coregency of Osorkon III and Takelot III, during the office of Shepenwepet I. It represents the last monument from the Libyan Period in Thebes. The enlargement of the chapel by the addition of a new room is firmly dated in the reign of Shebitqo, whose reign has been recently placed at the beginning of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty.20 The somewhat rounded epigraphy is more reminiscent of the Libyan Period but the style of reliefs and royal iconography clearly display the Kushite style. One can note the presence of the God’s Wife Shepenwepet I, daughter of Osorkon III and last Libyan votaress in the Kushite rooms. This led to an unsolved question: was she alive or dead? As she is shown acting in rituals, it seems improbable that she was dead at this moment. As the only two scenes with her figure are on the upper register of the eastern wall, it seems possible that she died during the decoration of the Kushite room and that Amenirdis, already adopted as heiress under Kashta, immediately succeeded her in the office. Most of the representations relate to Amenirdis I. The adoption of Amenirdis, being the main step of the Kushite arrival in Thebes, probably occurred around 750 BC.21 Nevertheless, the representation of Shebitqo in the Kushite room of the chapel shows that the passing of office between Shepenwepet I and Amenirdis I occurred under this king, c. 712–705 BC, which is also the date for this part of the Osiris Heqa- djet chapel. Two chapels were built and decorated under the patronage of the God’s Wife Amenirdis I during the reign of Shabaqo. The North Karnak chapel dedicated to Osiris Neb-ankh22 only has the name of this votar- ess and the broken cartouches of a king that seems to be Shabaqo as opposed to Shebitqo, who is now con- sidered as his predecessor.23 The chapel should thus date from this reign, 705–690 BC. The first phase, now 15 See map, fig. 1, nr. 17; PM II2, 204–6; JWIS II, 313–9. 16 REDFORD, JEA 59 (1973), 16–30. 17 PAYRAUDEAU, Administration, 83–4, 308–9. 18 JWIS II, 330 [nr. 3]; JURMAN, GM 210 (2006), 74–8. 19 See map, fig. 1, nr. 17; PM II2, 204–6; LECLANT, Recherches, 47–54, JWIS III, 40–6. 20 On the Shebitqo-Shabaqo succession, see BÁNYAI, JEH 6 (2013), 46–129; JEH 8 (2015) 115–80; BROEKMAN, GM 245 (2015), 17–32; PAYRAUDEAU, Nehet 1 (2014), 115–27. See now JURMAN, JEH 10: 2 (2017), 124–51. 21 PAYRAUDEAU, CRAIBL 158 (2014), 1597–630. 22 See map, fig. 1, nr. 6; PM II2, 14–5; JWIS III, 10–2 [nr. 24]. 23 PAYRAUDEAU, Nehet 1 (2014), 117–8. 275 LAURENT COULON, ALEKSANDRA HALLMANN, FREDERIC PAYRAUDEAU dismantled, of the chapel of Osiris of Coptos (fig. 3) in the eastern area of Karnak seems to be dated around the same period, as indicated by at least one fragment.24 Fig. 3: Reused block inscribed with the name of Amenirdis from the chapel of Osiris of Coptos (KOC 169.134.2-1: Mission Osirian sanctuaries at Karnak/CFEETK). The following chapels date from the time of the God’s Wife Shepenwepet II, during the reign of her brother Taharqo. The reliefs coming from the chapel of Osiris Neb-djet/Padedankh in North Karnak show Shepenwepet II and Taharqo alive, whereas on the lintel, Amenirdis I, standing behind the gods, is clearly labelled as deceased.25 The same features are present in the chapel of Osiris Neb-ankh/pa-wesheb-iad, lo- cated along the alley of Ptah.26 Here, besides her presence as deceased on the front lintel, Amenirdis is also shown performing rituals in the underworld on the walls of the second room. Thus, she was clearly deceased when the chapel was decorated. The reign of Taharqo covers the years 690–664 BC, but we do not know the exact date of the death of Amenirdis and the beginning of the ‘reign’ of Shepenwepet II. Amenirdis is never shown alive in a chapel with King Taharqo, although this is not a conclusive fact since this can be a result of the poor preservation of a chapel built during the beginning of Taharqo’s reign. Recently, it has been sug- gested that two inscriptions in the Wadi Gasus could be understood as ‘year 12 (of Taharqo), God’s Wife Amenirdis (I)’ and ‘year 19 (of Taharqo), God’s Votaress Shepenwepet II’.27 The inscriptions were engraved some years apart, and Shabaqo is also possible for the year 12 text, although one could suppose that in view of their parallelism, the name of the king would have been written in detail if it had not been the same sover- eign in both inscriptions. Hence, it is probable that Amenirdis I survived at least up to year 12 of Taharqo (679 BC), dying soon after.28 The chapels of Osiris Neb-djet and Osiris Neb-ankh/pa-wesheb-iad could thus both date from the period 678–670 BC, after the death of Amenirdis I. Several other chapels were built in Karnak during Taharqo’s reign, but they are very poorly documented. The name of the king has been seen on the remnants of the eastern chapel along the row of North Karnak Osirian structures.29 Taharqo’s royal protocol is also to be found on some blocks, traces of dismantled monu- ments from the Karnak area. One is a lintel of an Osiris-wa (‘Osiris the Unique One’) with King Taharqo being introduced to the god by Thoth and Montu, which is probably from Karnak.30 A foundation stela for a chapel of Osiris Pa-shed-hemef-en-Duat (‘Osiris who saves his servant in the Underworld’) dates to year 21 24 See map, fig. 1, nr. 19; PM II2, 207; JWIS III, 260–2, 569; PAYRAUDEAU, Nehet 1 (2014), 118. 25 See map, fig. 1, nr. 11; PM II2, 17–9; JWIS III, 77–80, with new fragments by PAYRAUDEAU, CahKarn 15 (2015), 215–35. 26 See map, fig. 1, nr. 4; PM II2, 194–5; JWIS III, 87–92; COULON, EAO 67 (2012), 49–58; LECLANT, Recherches, 23– 36. 27 KOCH, Die den Amun mit ihrer Stimme zufriedenstellen, 42–3, correcting JURMAN, GM 210 (2006), 89. 28 She could, in theory, have survived up to year 19 (671 BC), just before the second graffito in Wadi Gasus was engraved, but this would leave a very short time after this date for all the chapels of Taharqo with Shepenwepet II to be built (Taharqo dying in 664 BC) and a strange gap between 690 and 671 BC in the development of Osiris Chapels in Karnak. 29 PM II2, 15 (chapel f). 30 Lintel Michael C. Carlos Museum, Emory University of Atlanta, see COULON, BSFE 195–6 (2016), 20–1. 276 THE OSIRIAN CHAPELS AT KARNAK of Taharqo’s reign, hence this chapel was built in Karnak in 670/669 BC.31 The God’s Wife Shepenwepet II, who was probably a co-builder of the monument, is shown facing Osiris in the upper part of the stela in symmetry with Taharqo. The date of 670–669 BC is significant because it falls between two Assyrians inva- sions of Egypt and shows that the building activities of the Osiris cults was not stopped, underlining its im- portance of the local and royal authorities. The next sequence of chapels displays figures of Shepenwepet II without any king. The chapel of Osiris Hery-ib-pa-ished in the north-eastern area of the Amun complex has representation or names of Shepen- wepet II alive, Amenirdis I deceased, but no king’s name. 32 The same pattern is found in the jubilar chapel of Osiris Padedankh in North Karnak.33 It has recently been shown that Amenirdis II, the daughter of Taharqo who was adopted by Shepenwepet, never became the God’s Wife with full regalia and, therefore, is certainly not the Amenirdis shown on the wall of this chapel as previously assumed.34 The date of the building was often placed at the end of the Kushite Period for this reason. The decoration more likely represents the de- ceased Amenirdis I, as in the chapel of Osiris Hery-ib-pa-ished. Yet another feature seems to indicate a late date for these two chapels: the absence of the king, shown in all other chapels, may point to a period when the Kushite royal power was weakened, during the Assyrian invasions between 670–660 BC. It is also possi- ble that the God’s Wife Shepenwepet was reluctant to be shown alongside King Tantamani, who was not one of her closest relatives (only a cousin). This may be linked with another feature of both chapels: they are the first where other persons than the king or the God’s Wife appeared. These are the Chief Steward Akhamenru in the Osiris Padedankh chapel and a Singer of the Interior of Amun, Diesehebsed, the sister of the Governor Montuemhat, in the chapel of Osiris Hery-ib-pa-ished.35 It is possible that Diesehebsed replaced Akhamenru, thus dating the chapel of Osiris Hery-ib-pa-ished slightly later than the Osiris Padedankh chapel. Another example, dating precisely to this much-troubled period, is to be found on a lintel, the only remnants of a chapel perhaps dedicated to Osiris (of) Hat-Bit, which shows the same God’s Wife Shepenwepet II followed by a Singer of the Interior of Amun, Meresamun, the daughter of the Saite King Necho I.36 The parallel link between the Chief Steward accompanying the votaress and the royal-ka following the king has been shown long ago, especially for the Saite Period.37 However, it seems possible that this pattern has its origins in the retreat of the Kushite kings to Sudan during the Assyrian invasions and the necessity for the votaress to be accompanied by someone on these monuments. This leads to the question of the date of the chapel of Osiris-Ptah Neb-ankh, perhaps the last Kushite chapel built in Karnak.38 Contrary to the other buildings, the God’s Wife is not present here. This may be related to the position of the chapel, far south of the God’s Wife domain in North Karnak, or due to political reasons. Indeed, the king who decorated the chapel is Tantamani, who is absent from the North Karnak area.39 Luckily, the date of the chapel can be precisely assigned to some months. Two kings are shown on the walls: Taharqo and Tantamani. The old idea that it shows a coregency must be rejected since other historical 31 GRAEFE, WASSEF, MDAIK 35 (1979), 103–18. 32 See map, fig. 1, nr. 14; PM II2, 202–3; JWIS III, 309–13; Leclant, Recherches, 41–7. 33 PM II2, 5–7; JWIS III, 305–9; LECLANT, Recherches, 91–3. Not to be confused with the chapel of Osiris Neb- djet/Padedankh, see PAYRAUDEAU, CahKarn 15 (2015), 231–3. 34 See KOCH, Die den Amun mit ihrer Stimme zufriedenstellen, 46–9 for the date of the chapel. For the status of Amenirdis ‘II’: COULON in COULON (ed.), La Cachette de Karnak, 526–7. 35 CORSI in BOMBARDIERI, D’AGOSTINO, GUARDUCCI (eds.), SOMA 2012, 537–43; KOCH, Die den Amun mit ihrer Stimme zufriedenstellen, 39. 36 COULON, PAYRAUDEAU, RdE 66 (2015), 21–32. 37 BARGUET, BSFE 20 (1956), 7–9. 38 See map, fig. 1, nr. 20; PM II2, 278; JWIS III, 229–34; BREYER, Tantamani, 373–404; LECLANT, Recherches, 110–3. 39 A stela with his name has been found reused in the pavement of Opet’s sanctuary in the southwestern corner of the Amun enclosure: LAROZE, in COULON (ed.), Le culte d’Osiris, 224, 232, fig. 3. 277 LAURENT COULON, ALEKSANDRA HALLMANN, FREDERIC PAYRAUDEAU data shows that Tantamani only became king after the death of Taharqo.40 We can also dismiss the idea that the decoration was undertaken during the reign of Taharqo and finished after the accession of Tantamani, especially since the scenes with the kings often entangled in a manner that indicates that the wall-reliefs and paintings were produced by a single hand, during the reign of Tantamani. As shown by the schematic layout of the decoration, Tantamani is depicted in the prominent position in front of both Amun and Osiris, the main gods of the chapels. It seems certain that Tantamani ordered the decoration, while Taharqo may have been the founder of the chapel just before his return to the far south around 667 BC. Tantamani himself was recognised in Thebes during two short periods.41 Firstly, between the summer of 664 BC and the spring of 663 BC (i.e. between his coronation and the new Assyrian invasion of 663 BC). Secondly, after the Assyrian retreat from the south and before Psamtik I take over of Thebes, Tantamani was recognised anew around 661–656 BC. There is no compelling reason for which Tantamani would have needed to enhance a link with Taharqo in the second period. Instead, the recent succession—by a collateral line and in a very troubled time—could have led the royal power to insist on continuity in the royal office between Taharqo and his cousin and nephew Tantamani at the beginning of the latter’s reign around the summer of 664 BC. Hence, the building and decoration of the chapel of Osiris-Ptah can be dated between the summer of 664 BC and the spring of 663 BC. The Saite Chapels (Laurent Coulon) After the emergence of the Saite power and the installation of Nitocris as God’s Wife in Thebes, there seems to be no real discontinuity in the development of the Osirian chapels at Karnak. This is probably as a result of the smooth political transition enabled through the adoption of Nitocris as the heiress of Shepenwepet II. As previously mentioned, the association between the Kushite and Saite princesses in the cult of Osiris is exemplified by a fragment of lintel showing Shepenwepet II followed by the Singer of the Interior of Amun, Meresamun, daughter of the Saite King Necho I in front of a Saite form of Osiris, Osiris (of) Hat-bit.42 The Saite god’s wives perceive themselves as belonging to the same dynasty as their Libyan and Kushite prede- cessors in the office, whose representations and cartouches are found on the reliefs of Nitocris and Ankhnesneferibre.43 In a similar way that the Medinet Habu funerary chapels of the god’s wives were built in a row, the Saite Osirian chapels became part of the religious landscape of Karnak by being added to existing ‘streets’ of chapels, which is particularly visible at North Karnak and along the alley to the temple of Ptah; in the sector of the north-eastern Osirian cemetery and in Naga Malgata, only some reused blocks were found, but monuments such as Ibi’s stelophorous statue provide textual evidence for Osiris constructions built under Nitocris in these areas.44 Additional blocks inscribed with the name of Nitocris were found in the Temple of Mut,45 but the connection of the building to which they originally belong has not been determined. Nitocris and Ankhnesneferibre, the only two god’s wives of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty, both had a very long period of activity. To list in chronological order their constructions, one has to not only use the royal cartouches of the kings, who had a shorter reign, but also the identity of the successive chief stewards (imy-r pr wr) who would now almost always be depicted following the God’s Wife in the reliefs. This office was 40 BREYER, Tanutamani, 12–3; see also MURNANE, Ancient Egyptian Coregencies, 193–6. 41 On the historical context, see BREYER, Tanutamani, 305–16, 327–33; PAYRAUDEAU, L’Égypte et la vallée du Nil, chapter 5. 42 See above n. 36. 43 See COULON, in PISCHIKOVA, BUDKA, GRIFFIN (eds.), Thebes in the First Millennium, 582. 44 COULON, LAISNEY, CahKarn 15 (2015), 162–3; a lintel that could be ascribed stylistically to the beginning of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty was discovered by Chevrier near the tomb of Osiris and photographed by Varille. Its current location is unknown. See COULON, BSFE 195–6 (2016), 20–1, fig. 3. 45 FAZZINI, in DE MEULENAERE, LIMME (eds.), Artibus Aegypti, 51–62 (= JWIS IV, 613–4); SAUNERON, La porte ptolémaïque, pl. 5, B; for a possible location of the chapel(s), see FAZZINI, ASAE 79 (2005), 86–7. 278 THE OSIRIAN CHAPELS AT KARNAK left unoccupied between the date of the death of Akhamenru, during the reign of Tantamani, and year 26 of the reign of Psamtik I (639 BC), when Ibi was appointed as Chief Steward.46 This date roughly coincided with the date of Nesptah, son of Montuemhat, who inherited most of his offices,47 and the loss of influence of the ‘clan’ of the Fourth Prophet of Amun. From this time until the end of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty, the Chief Steward of the Divine Adoratrice appears to be the most powerful person at Thebes, after the God’s Wife herself. Using the chronological inventory of the owners of this office,48 it is possible to be more pre- cise on the date of construction of the chapels where one of them is depicted, namely Ibi, Pabasa, Padihorres- net, Sheshonq A, or Sheshonq B. For the chief stewards, these chapels were the counterpart of their tombs in the Asasif and, as in the Asasif, there should have been a kind of emulation, each Chief Steward trying to magnify his image inside ‘his’ Osirian chapel. Moreover, their personal involvement in the cult of Osiris is well attested. In the case of Ibi for instance, it is exemplified by the dedication of a statue of the god at Kar- nak49 and by the choice of the name of one of his children, Padipanefereniretef, referring to a specific aspect of Osiris ‘whose eye is benevolent’.50 This Ibi, the first Chief Steward of Nitocris (639–625 BC?) and owner of TT 36, has left many monu- ments and statues at Karnak.51 According to the inscriptions of his statue Cairo JE 36158,52 he was instrumental in building Nitocris’ residential building in the quarter of Naga Malgata to the north of Karnak, but also a chapel of Osiris Wennefer located to the south of it: ‘I built a temple beside it (i.e. the house of the God’s Wife) for her lord Osiris Wennefer in excellent construction, with her lord in it [...] like Re in his mountain’.53 However, nothing is known of this chapel. Blocks from a chapel built by Ibi are also visible as part of a wall built in the Bubastite Portal, in the first court of Karnak.54 During the period Pabasa was Chief Steward of Nitocris (between 625–610 BC?), a chapel dedicated to Osiris Neb-ankh di-heb-sed was built at the south-western corner of the precinct wall of the Amun-Re-Montu precinct in North Karnak.55 The reliefs on the outer surface of the stone wall of the chapel show representa- tions of Psamtik I, Nitocris and Pabasa;56 however, the fragmentary state of the decoration does not allow for its content to be clearly identified.57 Pabasa was also the donor of a naos containing a statue of Taweret as a month-goddess and bearing the cartouche of Osiris Padedankh, which was found by the sebbakhin at North Karnak.58 This has led to establish a connection between this naos and the chapel of Osiris Neb- djet/Padedankh, which was built during the Twenty-fifth Dynasty and then possibly enlarged under Nitocris.59 As an hypothesis, it may be assumed that Pabasa was responsible for this enlargement. 46 DE MEULENAERE, in VAN DIJK (ed.), Essays on Ancient Egypt, 243–4; GRAEFE, Gottesgemalhin II, 31–2, n. 70. 47 See DE MEULENAERE, CdE 83 (2008), 107. 48 BROEKMAN, SAK 41 (2012), 113–35; GRAEFE, Gottesgemalhin II, 82–7; CdE 87 (2012), 24–39; CdE 88 (2013), 35– 7; see also KOCH, Die den Amun mit ihrer Stimme zufriedenstellen, 12–5. Recent discoveries in the South Asasif Necropolis led to the addition to the list of a Padibastet, grand-son of Pabasa and successor to Padihorresnet. See GRAEFE, in PISCHIKOVA (ed.), Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis, 241–9. 49 This fragmentary statuette of Osiris inscribed with the name of Ibi was discovered at North Karnak (inv. T15; cf. JWIS IV, 597). 50 COULON, in ZIVIE-COCHE, GOURDON (eds.), L’individu, 48–9. 51 See JWIS IV, 631–4; GRAEFE, CdE 87 (2012), 29–30; Gottesgemahlin, 21–5. 52 GRAEFE, MDAIK 50 (1994), 85–99, pls. 10–4; for additional bibliography, see COULON, LAISNEY, CahKarn 15 (2015), 161, n. 198. 53 COULON, LAISNEY, CahKarn 15 (2015), 162–3; for an approximate location, see map, fig. 1, nr. 17. 54 PM II2, 36; CHRISTOPHE, Karnak-Nord III, 117–8 (22), 133. 55 See map, fig. 1, nr. 5; PM II2, 13–4. 56 In 2015, our mission cleaned the area and restored some parts of the building in order to be able to complete a photographic survey of the chapel, as the publication of Christophe contains no drawings or photographs of the scenes. 57 JWIS IV, 606–9; CHRISTOPHE, Karnak-Nord III, 97–112, pl. 45. 58 Cairo CG 70027 (naos) + CG 39145; JWIS IV, 658–9. 59 See PAYRAUDEAU, CahKarn 15 (2015), 227, 230, fig. 14, 232–3. 279 LAURENT COULON, ALEKSANDRA HALLMANN, FREDERIC PAYRAUDEAU As for the Chief Steward Padihorresnet (around 610–595 BC?), who was active during the reign of Necho II and perhaps slightly earlier, he is depicted on two lintels (Cairo T.R. 28.5.25.460 and Cairo JE 29251bis61), which undoubtedly came from Osirian chapels, but without clear provenance.62 He possibly played a role in the building of a chapel inscribed with the name of Necho II, some blocks of which were found in the area of the Kushite and Saite chapels located along the alley of Ptah.63 On one of these blocks, a fragmentary lintel found reused in the Kushite chapel of Osiris pa-wesheb-iad (during a later restoration), Necho is labelled as ‘[beloved] of Osiris, master of life’ (fig. 4). A doorjamb found reused in the pavement in front of the chapel of Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau (see below) shows the king as ‘beloved of Osiris Wennefer who unites with Montu, master of Thebes’.64 This chapel likely originally stood somewhere in the neighbourhood of the temple of Montu at North Karnak.65 During the same reign, the tomb of Osiris was enlarged,66 but no addi- tion is visible in any of the neighbouring chapels. The preserved remains may not reflect the intensity of the architectural activity at Thebes under of Necho II, as the inscription of the stelophorous statue of Bentehhor (Louvre A83) mentions the decision of the king to ‘beautify Thebes’ by building it anew.67 However, the name of the god Osiris is not mentioned in the preserved part of the text. Fig. 4: Fragmentary lintel with the name of Necho ‘[beloved] of Osiris master of life’, found reused in the chapel of Osiris master of life/who rescues the unfortunate (photo: Mission Osirian sanctuaries at Karnak/CFEETK) 60 PM VIII, 804-070-080; JWIS IV, 610–1; its attribution to an Osiris chapel is discussed by JURMAN, in GYÖRY (ed.), Aegyptus et Pannonia, 112. 61 JWIS IV, 604–605. 62 On the provenance of lintel JE 29251bis, see recently PAYRAUDEAU, CahKarn 15 (2015), 226–7. 63 COULON, BIFAO 107 (2007), 294–5. These blocks are now kept in the Evergete storeroom at Karnak. 64 JWIS IV, 279; COULON, BIFAO 107 (2007), 294, fig. 23; BiOr 73 (2016), 679. 65 A sandstone block showing Necho in front of Montu was found near the gate of Ptah during Robichon’s excavations. See CHRISTOPHE, Karnak-Nord III, 63. 66 See LECLÈRE, in COULON, Le culte d’Osiris, 240, 251–2, 257–8, figs. 4–6, 265–7, figs. 22–6. 67 See JWIS IV, 291–2; PERDU, BSFE 105 (1986), 24–6, fig. 1. We are indebted to O. Perdu for providing us with the manuscript of his forthcoming publication of the statue. 280 THE OSIRIAN CHAPELS AT KARNAK There is no Osirian chapel that can be ascribed either to the short period when Padibastet B and Ankhhor were successively Chief Steward of Nitocris (595–586 BC?),68 or to the reign of Psamtik II, who nevertheless had his cartouche carved on some Kushite Osirian monuments, or to the reign of Apries, during which Nitocris is succeeded by Ankhnesneferibre. The next datable monument is the chapel of Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau, located along the alley to the temple of Ptah.69 On its reliefs, three historical figures are depicted: the King Amasis, the God’s Wife Ankhnesneferibre, and the Chief Steward Sheshonq A, the latter being the son of Harsiese and the owner of TT 27. Sheshonq is first attested on the installation stela of Ankhnesnefer- ibre in year 4 of King Apries (586 BC). Following this, his activity is well attested under the reign of Amasis (570–527 BC), especially through the decoration of the aforementioned chapel. The date by which Padineith A succeeded him as Chief Steward is not known,70 but we may reasonably assume that Sheshonq held this office for at least twenty and thirty years, perhaps more. Therefore, one may suggest that the chapel of Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau was built between 570 and 550 BC, without excluding a slightly later date. The role of the Chief Steward in the construction and decoration of the chapel cannot be underrated. His self-presenta- tion is similar to that of Senenmut in Hatshepsut’s buildings:71 Sheshonq is depicted or mentioned every- where in the chapel, especially in the doorways and on the secondary gates. He also left his mark on the chapel by conceiving a very elaborate decoration for this ‘reposoir’ of the Osiris ‘fetish’, which reflects his erudition and his deep acquaintance with Osirian rituals from Abydos. 72 It is most probable that another chapel, dedicated to Osiris Khenty-Imentet, has been erected at the same time with a very similar decoration, somewhere at another point of the processional way of the ‘fetish’. Its (very partial) reconstruction was made possible through the discovery of several blocks reused in the temple of Medamud by Bisson de la Roque and the parallel of the Karnak chapel.73 Immediately to the south of the chapel of Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau, a second chapel was built along the alley of Ptah (fig. 5), the so-called ‘chapel of Osiris Neb-neheh’.74 This chapel was inscribed with the names of Amasis, Ankhnesneferibre, Sheshonq B, who was the son of Padineith, and, on the first gate, Psamtik III. This building is obviously of later date than the previous one, and the end of the construction can be dated very precisely as the reign of Psamtik III was very short (527–526 BC).75 The name ‘chapel of Osiris Neb-neheh’, which was given to this building by Traunecker in his publication of the inscriptions of this chapel in 2010 is doubtful.76 The epithet ‘Neb-neheh’ occurs in the hymn to Osiris that is inscribed on the façade of the naos. However, this hymn to Osiris is not specific to this chapel and has many parallels on several monuments in Egypt and Sudan.77 Secondly, in the purification scene of the second gate, the dis- course of Thoth is addressed to ‘Osiris Wennefer’, whereas the parallel scenes in the neighbouring chapel 68 See GRAEFE, in PISCHIKOVA (ed.), Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis, 242–4. 69 See map, fig. 1, nr. 3; PM II2, 193–4. 70 This Padineith, owner of TT 197, held the office of Chief Steward of Ankhnesneferibre between the two Sheshonqs (550–540 BC?), but his name has not been found so far on an Osirian monument at Karnak. The dates proposed by BROEKMAN, SAK 41 (2012), 122, 132, for the period of activity of Sheshonq A and Padineith are to be revised on account of the evidence provided by the chapel of Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau. 71 BEAUX et al., La chapelle d’Hathor I, 187–93; HAYES, MDAIK 15 (1957), 80–4. 72 COULON, in DEVAUCHELLE (ed.), La XXVIe dynastie, 85–108, part 105–6. 73 COULON, in FAVRY et al. (eds.), Du Sinaï au Soudan, 63–73. 74 See map, fig. 1, nr. 2; PM II2, 192–3. The decoration of this chapel has been recorded by our team during the previous seasons. We have also cleaned the central part of the building to remove some badly weathered blocks. However, most of the work. as far as archaeology and conservation are concerned, remains to be done. This is planned for our next campaigns after the completion of the work and the publication of the excavations at Neb-djefau. 75 See QUACK, JEH 4 (2011), 228–46. 76 TRAUNECKER, in COULON (ed.), Le culte d’Osiris, 155–94. For a more cautious position, see JURMAN, in Aegyptus et Pannonia, 109, n. 7, who uses this name as a ‘purely provisional designation’. 77 JWIS IV, 722–3; TRAUNECKER, in COULON (ed.), Le culte d’Osiris, 164–72; see also PRIESE, JSSEA 32 (2005), 139– 52. 281 LAURENT COULON, ALEKSANDRA HALLMANN, FREDERIC PAYRAUDEAU mention ‘Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau’, which is the name of the form of Osiris specific to the building. Thirdly, the name of the specific form of Osiris in a chapel is usually to be found inserted in a cartouche in the central part of the lintels of the monument. The current state of our chapel prevents us from finding this information. The lintel of the second gate Cairo JE 26887 is unfortunately broken at the place of the car- touche. As for the lintel of the naos, the cartouche is also broken and a hitherto unpublished drawing by Prisse d’Avennes (around 1840) does not provide the solution.78 Fig. 5: General view of the chapels of Osiris Wennefer master of provisions (on the right) and the chapel of Osiris Wennefer (so-called ‘chapel of Osiris master of eternity-neheh’) (photo: Mission Osirian sanctuaries at Karnak/L. Coulon) Finally, a gate belonging to a chapel of Osiris Pameres and Osiris Wennefer and showing Psamtik III, Ankhnesneferibre, and Sheshonq B was discovered during illegal excavations at the beginning of the twenti- eth century, probably in the area of Naga Malgata.79 According to the dimensions of the gate, this building was much smaller than the two Saite chapels inside the temenos of Amun-Re. The inner passage of the gate is inscribed with invocations for two members of the administration of the God’s Wife, Duat-netjer-em-awy- Khonsu and his son Djedhor.80 78 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, NAF 20396, FO 87R. Cf. COULON, BiOr 73 (2016), 680. 79 See map, fig. 1, nr. 13 (hypothetic location); COULON, LAISNEY, CahKarn 15 (2015), 131–2; MOSS, ZÄS 99 (1973), 128–9, pl. 7. 80 GRAEFE, Gottesgemahlin I, 221–2; II, pl. 9*, 18. 282 THE OSIRIAN CHAPELS AT KARNAK Fig. 6: Chronological table of the main Osiris chapels from the Twenty-second Dynasty until the end of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty (table: F. Payraudeau/L. Coulon) Some Remarks Concerning the Stylistic and Iconographic Development of the Costume of the God’s Wives and High Stewards in the Osirian Chapels at Karnak (Aleksandra Hallmann) The systematic work on epigraphy and reconstruction of the decoration of the chapels allows for undertaking art historical studies in various Osirian chapels. The cluster of chapels in Karnak provides a unique oppor- tunity to analyse their style and iconographic programme in a close context, to inquire whether the same location had an impact on their decoration, and to what extent the older chapels were a source of inspiration for themselves. On the other hand, the well-preserved chapels in Medinet Habu offer a unique comparanda for god’s wives portrayals from Karnak. Finally, especially regarding the portrayals of chief stewards, their surviving tombs on the West Bank are important sources for comparative study of their representations in the 283 LAURENT COULON, ALEKSANDRA HALLMANN, FREDERIC PAYRAUDEAU Osirian chapels in Karnak. Despite the different purpose of the monuments on the East and West banks, the surviving decoration allows us to inquire about the similarities and differences in style between portrayals of the same people depicted in one region but on two sides of the Nile. The stylistic and iconographic changes are, for example, well represented through an analysis of costume worn by various god’s wives and chief stewards, as well as the crowns of the god’s wives. Stylistic and Iconographic Development of the God’s Wives’ Costume The god’s wives represented in various Osirian chapels wear two kinds of costume: either a traditional wrap- around dress (fig. 7a, c) or a tunic (fig. 7b).81 A tunic can be loosely worn or be tied by a long sash (with two double or two single ends). It can be also supplemented by a shawl that either has rounded or pointed edges. These various outfits seem to be favoured by different god’s wives, pinpointing some stylistic feature char- acteristic for each woman’s reign or a particular part of it. It is especially well seen when juxtaposing por- trayals of Amenirdis that are depicted in the chapel erected by herself versus those from the chapel built by her successor Shepenwepet II. In the Kushite part of the chapel of Osiris Heqa-djet, Amenirdis sometimes wears the traditional wrap- around dress, although most frequently she wears a tunic that is tied by a sash.82 The outfit of Amenirdis is similar in style to the one in which Shepenwepet I is represented in the Libyan part of the same chapel. 83 However, when Amenirdis is depicted on any building built by Shepenwepet II, including her own mortuary chapel in Medinet Habu, she wears a wraparound dress.84 It is well illustrated by depictions of both women in the chapel of Osiris Hery-ib-pa-ished built by Shepenwepet II, where they are both clad in the wraparound dress (fig. 8). This is precisely the same dress that Shepenwepet II wears on each of her representations in various places in Karnak85 and Medinet Habu.86 The preliminary research reveals that Shepenwepet II fa- voured one particular outfit; she was consistently depicted in a wraparound dress and wearing a particular kind of crown, namely, the two feathers crown without a disc (a šwty-crown) (fig. 9a). This seems to be the outfit that reflected her individual identity and was associated with her even after her death, especially since her successor, Nitocris, represented Shepenwepet II in the same costume.87 81 The wraparound dress is characteristic for the portrayals of the god’s wives from the Eighteenth Dynasty, but during the Late Period it should be considered as indicative of contemporary trends in women’s costume. See HALLMANN, in BECKER, BLÖBAUM, LOHWASSER (eds.), “Prayer and Power”, 211. Cf. DAVINO, in LEKOV et al. (eds.), Cult and Belief, 196; ROBINS, JARCE 36 (1999), 68. 82 See for example, PM II2, 205, 5 (I.2), 6 (II). For photos, see AYAD, God’s Wife, figs. 2.5, 2.6. 83 There are subtle differences in the rendering of both women’s costume that are seen in depictions of their waist sash. Shepenwepet I wears a sash with two double ends whereas Amenirdis wears a sash with two single ends. Cf. Shepenwepet on the doorjambs of the façade of the Libyan part of the chapel of Osiris Heqa-djet and Amenirdis represented on the eastern wall of the Kushite part of the chapel. For photos, see AYAD, God’s Wife, figs. 3.4, 3.6, 3.7. 84 See, for example, representations of Shepenwepet II and Amenirdis on the eastern and western doorjambs of the chapel of Osiris Hery-ib-pa-ished. For photos, see LECLANT, Recherches, pl. 18. For photos of Amenirdis in Medinet Habu, see, for example, HÖLSCHER, Medinet Habu V, pl. 17A. 85 She is consistently dressed the same in all her chapels in Karnak, namely, in the chapel of Osiris Neb-djet and the chapel of Osiris Padedankh in North Karnak, in the chapel of Osiris Neb-ankh/pa-wesheb-iad located on the way to temple of Ptah, and in the chapel of Osiris Hery-ib-pa-ished located in the north-eastern area of the Amun’s enclosure. For recent publications concerning the chapels in North Karnak, see HOURDIN, CahKarn 14 (2013), 401–23; PAYRAUDEAU, CahKarn 15 (2015), 215–35. For photos of her representation in other chapels, see, for example, LECLANT, Recherches, pls. 8–11, 17–20. 86 She is depicted in the same manner in the mortuary chapel of Amenirdis I, built by herself, but also in her mortuary chapel, which was built by her successor, Nitocris. For photos, see, for example, HÖLSCHER, Medinet Habu V, pls. 17B, 18A. 87 See previous note. 284 THE OSIRIAN CHAPELS AT KARNAK a b c Fig. 7: (a) Shepenwepet II clad in a wraparound dress. Chapel of Osiris Wennefer hery-ib-pa-ished (drawing: Mission Osirian sanctuaries at Karnak/Anna Guillou); (b) Ankhnesneferibre clad in the tunic. Chapel of Osiris ‘Neb-neheh’ (drawing: Tytus Mikolajczak); (c) Ankhnesneferibre clad in the wraparound dress. Chapel of Osiris ‘Neb-neheh’ (drawing: Tytus Mikolajczak) Saite god’s wives are represented in both wraparound dresses as well as tunics. Nitocris, for example, consistently wears a wraparound dress in her mortuary chapel in Medinet Habu,88 as well as in the chapel of Osiris Neb-ankh di-heb-sed,89 whereas in the tomb of Pabasa, she is represented in a tunic.90 Ankhnesneferibre was also depicted in both kinds of dresses (fig. 7b–c). A detailed study of her depic- tions distributed over her three known chapels from Karnak (chapels of Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau, Osiris ‘Neb-neheh’, and Osiris Pameres), as well as on some blocks that survived from her chapel in Medinet Habu, has helped to trace some patterns in her portrayals that pinpoint some chronological features.91 A tunic is the only costume she wears in the chapel of Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau, whereas the wraparound dress appears only in the chapels of Osiris ‘Neb-neheh’ and Osiris Pameres, both built later in her reign. Ankhnesneferibre consistently wears two types of crowns whose iconographical elements are always the same (fig. 9b–c). Her šwty-crown always has a sun disk and cow horns (fig. 9b), whereas the vulture-crown always consists of a vulture without headgear and two cobras wearing the crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt 88 See HÖLSCHER, Medinet Habu V, pls. 14, 16. 89 For the chapel, see CHRISTOPHE, Karnak-Nord III, 29–48, pls. 37–8. 90 For a photo, see DODSON, JEA 88 (2002), pl. 15.3. 91 The issue was discussed by HALLMANN, in BECKER, BLÖBAUM, LOHWASSER (eds.), “Prayer and Power”, 205–22. 285 LAURENT COULON, ALEKSANDRA HALLMANN, FREDERIC PAYRAUDEAU (fig. 9c).92 Ankhnesneferibre’s vulture-crown is seen only in the chapel of Osiris Neb-djefau and not in two other chapels. Thus, it may be tentatively ascribed to the earlier part of her reign when the chapel was erected. a b Fig. 8: (a) Amenirdis clad in a wraparound dress being embraced by Amun. Chapel of Osiris Wennefer hery-ib-pa-ished (photo: Mission Osirian sanctuaries at Karnak/CFEETK); (b) Shepenwepet II clad in a wraparound dress being embraced by Amun. Chapel of Osiris Wennefer hery-ib-pa-ished (photo: Mission Osirian sanctuaries at Karnak/CFEETK) 92 Cf. the discussion about Ankhnesneferibre’s crowns, including the typology of the vulture crowns by HALLMANN, in PISCHIKOVA, BUDKA, GRIFFIN (eds.), Thebes in the First Millennium, 215–7. 286 THE OSIRIAN CHAPELS AT KARNAK a b c Fig. 9: (a) Shepenwepet II wearing the Swty-crown without sun disc (drawing: Tytus Mikolajczak); (b) Ankhnesneferibre wearing the Swty-crown with sun disc (drawing: Mission Osirian sanctuaries at Karnak/Anna Guillou; (c) Vulture-crown of Ankhnesneferibre (drawing: Mission Osirian sanctuaries at Karnak/Anna Guillou) Stylistic and Iconographic Development of the Chief Stewards’ Costume (Pabasa and Sheshonq A) The costume of the chief stewards, who are uniquely represented on the chapels of their mistresses in Kar- nak, which visualise changes in the decorum of the representations of private individuals in the temple envi- ronment,93 gives some stylistic coherency and helps to pinpoint the specific date of execution of their portrayals. The sash-kilt94 is most definitely the favoured garment worn by Pabasa, the Chief Steward of the Divine Adoratrice Nitocris. He wears it in many scenes in his tomb (TT 279), 95 in all surviving scenes from 93 The decorum of temple decoration was discussed in many places by Baines. See, for example: BAINES, in COBEN, INOMATA (eds.), Theaters of Power, 23. Cf. EATON, Ancient Egyptian Temple Ritual, 5–15. The subject of changes in the decorum of representing private individuals in temples from the Old to New Kingdom was developed by BICKEL, in FROOD, MCDONALD (eds.), Decorum and Experience, 205–13. The way the chief stewards were rendered on the walls of chapels during the Twenty-sixth Dynasty clearly reflects further changes in the temple decoration scheme. For some aspects of the subject, see HALLMANN, in PISCHIKOVA, BUDKA, GRIFFIN (eds.), Thebes in the First Millennium, 357–77; HALLMANN, in BECKER, BLÖBAUM, LOHWASSER (eds.), “Prayer and Power”, 210–1. 94 The sash-kilt was simply a piece of fabric that was wrapped around the rear body. Its two ends were arranged at the front of the waist in a way that at least one end of fabric went over the waistband or a belt, and decoratively fell down at the front. For the sash-kilt, see VOGELSANG-EASTWOOD, Pharaonic Egyptian Clothing, 64–8. The Late Period representations of the sash-kilt were studied by HALLMANN, The Representation of Private Costume, 177–82. 95 E.g. PM I/12, 357 (2), 358 (12), 358 (17). For photos, see DODSON, JEA 88 (2002), pl. 15, fig. 3; MYŚLIWIEC, Royal Portraiture, pl. 52a; ZEILEIS, Katalog, 442. 287 LAURENT COULON, ALEKSANDRA HALLMANN, FREDERIC PAYRAUDEAU the chapel of Osiris Neb-ankh di-heb-sed,96 as well as on the naos for Taweret found in North Karnak (e.g. fig. 10).97 It is noteworthy that the same kilt is worn by other major figures in Pabasa’s tomb but it is always worn by an active and never by a passive person.98 Thus, Pabasa, when represented in his veneration scene, is wearing another costume. For example, an elaborate cloak or a traditional short kilt, but never a sash-kilt.99 His choice of a sash-kilt in all of his appearances in the chapel of Osiris Neb-ankh di-heb-sed cannot be acci- dental. It seems that he chose the outfit, fashionable in his days, which was suitable enough to be rendered in the temple as well as in the funerary context. Taking under consideration two and three-dimensional appear- ances of a sash-kilt, it can be concluded that its peak of popularity was in the transition period between the Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Dynasties, including the reign of Psamtik I with stronger inclination to its first half. a b Fig. 10: (a) Pabasa clad in a sash-kilt, a long kilt, and a neck-sash. TT 279 (drawing: Tytus Mikolajczak); (b) Pabasa clad in a sash-kilt, a long kilt, and a neck-sash. Chapel of Osiris Neb-ankh di-heb-sed (drawing: A. Hallmann) 96 E.g. PM II2, 14 (48–9); HALLMANN, in PISCHIKOVA, BUDKA, GRIFFIN (eds.), Thebes in the First Millennium, 359 [nrs. 4–5]. 97 ROEDER, Naos, pl. 37. 98 See, for example, the male participants (mourners, standard bearers) of the funerary procession of Pabasa, PM I/1 2, 357 (4, 6). For a photo, see LANSING, BMMA 15: 12 (1920), 22, fig. 13. 99 See, for example, LANSING, BMMA 15: 12 (1920), 21, fig. 12. 288 THE OSIRIAN CHAPELS AT KARNAK By contrast, the high-waisted kilt100 is characteristic for the portrayal of Sheshonq A in Karnak. He wears it, either with or without a short kilt, with a neck-sash on every one of his representations in the chapel of Osiris Wennefer Neb-djefau (fig. 11a).101 The high-waisted kilt worn by Sheshonq A is an important dating criterion since the Late Period version of the high-waisted kilt started to become popular during the reign of Amasis, especially when represented in three-dimensional form.102 This change in fashion can be seen with the portrayal of Sheshonq on the Adoption Stela of Ankhnesneferibre where he is clad in a long kilt.103 The stela had to be carved much earlier (probably 15 years or so) than the chapel’s decoration, which has been dated to the first half of the reign of Amasis, between 570 and 550 BC or slightly later.104 Sheshonq is also wearing the high-waisted kilt when he is represented in front of his father Harsiese on the relief from his father’s tomb (fig. 11b), as well as on the wall of the entrance passage to his own tomb (TT 27).105 As far as can be determined from what is left of the tomb’s decoration, this is the only place in his funerary monument where he is wearing the high-waisted kilt. His son, however, is wearing a high-waisted kilt in a scene of Sheshonq’s adoration. Similarly, as with Pabasa, when Sheshonq A is represented in a passive role, he is wearing a different kind of costume. a b Fig. 11: (a) Sheshonq A clad in a short kilt, a high-waisted kilt, and a neck-sash. Chapel of Osiris Wennefer Neb- djefau (drawing: Mission Osirian sanctuaries at Karnak/Anna Guillou); (b) Sheshonq A clad in a high-waisted kilt and a neck-sash. Lintel of Harsiese, the father of Sheshonq A (drawing: A. Hallmann) 100 The high-waisted kilt was made of a fabric that was draped around the body, covering it from the breast to the ankles. The Late Period representations of the high-waisted kilt were studied by HALLMANN, The Representation of Private Costume, 144–76. 101 Cf. HALLMANN, in PISCHIKOVA, BUDKA, GRIFFIN (eds.), Thebes in the first Millennium, nrs. 9–12. 102 HALLMANN, The Representation of Private Costume, 144–76. 103 For the publication of the stela, see LEAHY, JEA 82 (1996), 145–65. 104 See the commentary of Coulon above. 105 For photos, see ANONYMOUS, Werke ägyptischer Kunst, 55–7 [nr. 102], pl. 27; SIST, VicOr 9, pl. 6b; Cf. HALLMANN, in PISCHIKOVA, BUDKA, GRIFFIN (eds.), Thebes in the First Millennium, 357–77, esp. 369–72. 289 LAURENT COULON, ALEKSANDRA HALLMANN, FREDERIC PAYRAUDEAU It may be concluded that the high-waisted kilt was the same for Sheshonq as a sash-kilt for Pabasa, both of which were contemporary costumes that were in vogue. In this way, they stress their self-identity as was proper for an active/living person rendered in funerary and also in temple environments. 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The Osirian Chapels at Karnak: An Historical and Art Historical Overview Based on Recent Fieldwork and Studies, co-authored with Laurent Coulon and Frédéric Payraudeau