Researchers have discussed the significance of education as a soft power tool for decades. These discussions typically focus on higher education and student exchange programs. Middle powers, such as Korea, are constrained from using hard power to achieve their political goals; consequently, middle powers use soft power tools to achieve their political ends. It is important to use soft power strategically and effectively to maximize its benefits. This study explores Korea‘s approach toward Uzbekistan in the context of education and analyzes Korea‘s multi-channel education strategy. More particularly, this research shows the ways in which Korea combines selective yet deeply intensive approaches in its engagement with the Uzbek public. Based on this analysis, five main benefits of Korea‘s approach have been identified: 1) opportunities to establish Korean businesses in Uzbekistan and the rest of Central Asia with qualified staff; 2) the construction of a favorable image of Korea in the eyes of the Uzbek government and public resulting from the provision of jobs and study opportunities; 3) opportunities to promote Korean culture and language and foster cultural exchanges; 4) the embedment into selected Uzbekistan governing bodies the personnel that were trained by Korea and are qualified to work with Korea; 5) the establishment of strong foundations for future projects. This is a chapter in Ayhan, K. (ed.) (2017) KOREA'S SOFT POWER AND PUBLIC DIPLOMACY. Hangang Network. ISBN 979-11-959976-1-9 93340

This is a chapter from the book Korea's Soft Power and Public Diplomacy, edited by Kadir Ayhan. Drawing from Manuel Castells’ definition of public diplomacy, we consider the centrality of non-state actors and their digital activity as fundamental characteristics of the new diplomatic paradigm. In this study, we analyze the means by which the Korean American diaspora creates its own public diplomacy through digital narratives, in which it expresses interests, values, and ideas to represent itself in the American Society.

South Korea’s (hereafter Korea) recent middle power diplomacy has attracted worldwide attention. Korean administrations have attempted to steer the country along a middle power path, where it can play a more active global role that is commensurate with the size of its economy. Most accounts take Korea’s self-declared identity as a middle power for granted; that is, they do not evaluate the non-conforming data. On the other hand, this paper traces the process of why the country projects a middle power identity. This paper first addresses alternative explanations of the positional, behavioral and identity approaches to answer this question. Following the failure of these explanations, this paper proposes that Korea’s more assertive projection of its proclaimed middle power identity was a nation branding project that aimed to tackle the so-called Korea discount and to achieve its aspired place in the global prestige and status hierarchy. In turn, Korea envisioned its improved standing in the world helping it achieve its preferred global outcomes, particularly in shaping a favorable international environment surrounding the country.

Edited book on Korea's public diplomacy.

This study examines the relationship between Kyrgyzstan and South Korea from the perspective of middle power diplomacy. This study has a dual goal: first, to fill in the gap in study of the development of Kyrgyz-Korean relations which are rarely explored, even though South Korea considers Central Asia as a strategically important region in its foreign affairs; secondly, to analyze South Korea’s foreign affairs in terms of following principles of middle power behavior, which is pronounced as one of the major concepts for foreign policies. This study examines the implementa- tion of seven major middle power features by South Korea in relationships with Kyrgyzstan. The author concludes that South Korea gradually developed its middle power approach towards Kyrgyz- stan, and it blossomed during Lee Myun-bak and Park Geun-hye’s terms in office. However, even though middle power is considered as a cornerstone concept of South Korea’s foreign affairs, in its relations with Kyrgyzstan South Korea cannot fully implement it. While South Korea efficiently con- ducts niche diplomacy, contributes to multilateral relations of Kyrgyzstan with other Central Asian republics, South Korea has almost intangible impact on trilateral relations between two great powers (China and Russia) and Kyrgyzstan. Author highlights that Moon’s administration inherited from Park’s administration its approach towards Kyrgyzstan and made some progress in elaboration of its ties with Kyrgyzstan, however, it should not be expected that South Korea will make breakthrough progress to meet missing middle power features in its policies towards Kyrgyzstan.

The role of non-state actors in public diplomacy remains an unsettled question in the literature. However, various transnational activities of non-state actors are often called public diplomacy, without discrimination. The lack of empirical studies on non-state public diplomacy is to blame for this conceptual confusion. Analytical and empirical studies of non-state public diplomacy are needed to consolidate this phenomenon, which is relatively new, while maintaining the conceptual clarity of public diplomacy. This study explores how Voluntary Agency Network of Korea (VANK), a Korean NGO, conducts public diplomacy and nation branding of Korea based on its members’ relationships with foreigners. To gain an in-depth understanding of VANK’s activities from the perspectives of public diplomacy and nation branding, this study follows an exploratory single case study method. The findings of this article suggest how VANK and similar non-state actors offer potential for public diplomacy and nation branding that can be utilized also by state agencies.

Public Diplomacy (PD) is an important tool that Korea uses in reaching its goals in international politics. One of Korea's goals is persuading the global community to favor Korea's position in the territorial dispute with Japan regarding Dokdo islands. In August 2017 government-supported NGOs conducted an event called " Dokdo Global Youth Summit 2017 " (DGYS). As a part of the event more than 100 international students visited Dokdo islands. This study investigates this event, identifying two PD mechanisms that were utilized within this event and demonstrates how they function. Investigation of relevant data reveals that this event, as a part of the PD approach, reached a certain level of success in norm diffusion by increasing legal cases of visiting Dokdo by international students with documents issued by Korean authorities. A further PD mechanism utilized in this event was agenda setting and rhetoric control which was reflected in topics discussed during the event and the program of the summit. DGYS's success in shaping the opinions of selected publics was limited due to some pre-existent opinions about the issue among selected publics and organizational flaws that resulted in misconceptions of the event's original goal by the international students.