Ottoman Ghosts | Foreign Affairs
12/13/18, 3:32 PM
Published by the Council on Foreign Relations
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A Turkish army tank in northern Syria, F…
SNAPSHOT
October 6, 2016
Turkey
Syria
Ottoman Ghosts
Imperial Memories in Turkey and Syria
By Ryan Gingeras
Ankara’s late-August military intervention into northern
Syria, o!cially dubbed Operation Euphrates Shield, was a
moment of revelry for many in the Turkish press. A great
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majority of editors, columnists, and television presenters
saw the Turkish army’s advance as a decisive statement of
the nation’s resolve. The invasion and creation of a security
bu#er in Syria ful$lled two objectives vital to the country’s
security. First, they forced the Islamic State (ISIS) to
retreat after years of occupying towns and villages along
Turkey’s southern border. Second, and perhaps most
important, they were an e#ort to contain Syria’s most
powerful Kurdish faction, the Party of Democratic Union
(PYD), to areas east of the Euphrates river. From Ankara’s
perspective, such moves would not only improve Turkish
security, but were a natural extension of Ankara’s ongoing
campaign against the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK), a
separatist organization based in Turkey. Although the PKK
and PYD identify themselves as di#erent organizations,
the Turkish government and most Turkish commentators
consider them a single terrorist group. The establishment
of a Syrian front, in the words of one Turkish analyst, thus
opened a new phase in the country’s war on terrorism, one
that equally condemns the “racist projects” of ISIS, the
PKK, and the PYD to “the trash bin of history.”
Yet despite having the support of the United States and
Russia, Operation Euphrates Shield has been beset by
political and practical doubts. The invasion, some argue,
has directed attention away from the increasingly
authoritarian tendencies of Turkish President Recep
Tayyip Erdogan. The operation came amid Ankara’s
ongoing e#ort to purge the government of backers of
OT TOMAN GHOSTS
Fethullah Gulen,
Pennsylvania-based clericRYAN
whomGINGERAS
Ryanthe
Gingeras
Erdogan blames for an attempted coup in July. These
purges have also called the military’s strength into
question—in in the last two months, as many as half of the
army’s general o!cers have been arrested or relieved of
duty. The mass cleansing of the o!cer corps has led to
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reported shortages of trained pilots, gendarmes, and other
security o!cials throughout the country.
In casting these doubts aside, both government and civilian
proponents of the invasion have repeatedly appealed to
national pride. Among the more potent nationalist tropes
has been that of Turkey’s historic relationship with Syria,
which it ruled as the Ottoman Empire for nearly four
centuries. The Ottoman past has provided a modicum of
justi$cation for Ankara’s current policy in Syria, seen by
many Turks less as an invasion than a benevolent act of
liberation. But the mythology and romanticism of these
historical allusions obscure more than they reveal. Where
Turks see potential support in their former territories and
a revival of the glorious imperial past, Kurds and others in
northern Syria embrace a decidedly negative view of the
Ottoman period. The tendency of Turkish opinion-makers
to underestimate or misconstrue local perceptions of the
invasion may thus have dangerous consequences,
increasing the likelihood of overreach and the perpetuation
of violence and instability for the region as whole.
THE SWORD OF MARJ DABIK
Ankara has not always been inclined to interpret regional
politics through the lens of their country’s imperial past.
For much of the twentieth century, Turkish policymakers
believed that the Ottoman Empire was a corrosive and
regressive force in de$ning Turkey’s relationship with its
neighbors. Ardent proponents of this worldview tended to
interpret the past in terms of their own secular nationalist
ideology, depicting Arabs, Turks, and other peoples in the
empire as fractious and competitive, each desiring their
own nation-state at the expense of the sultan’s government
in Istanbul. Especially during the Cold War, Turkish
foreign policy analysis was grounded in presentist terms.
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The cold logic of collective interests and priorities—
foremost among them trade and security—provided the
basis for Ankara’s engagement with the peoples and lands
of its near abroad.
Since the ascendency of Erdogan’s Justice and
Development Party (AKP) in 2002, however, analysts have
greatly modi$ed their framing of Turkish foreign policy.
The writings of Erdogan’s $rst foreign minister, Ahmet
Davutoglu, have been particularly in'uential in
rehabilitating the Ottoman Empire as a model for Turkey’s
conduct in regional a#airs. The old imperial order,
Davutoglu argued, represented a golden age of cooperation
and interconnectedness in Turkey’s immediate
neighborhood. Moreover, the empire’s tolerant legal
culture and status as the world’s most powerful Muslim
state helped peacefully unify the region’s many cultures
and faiths. Davutoglu’s sentiments have been echoed in the
press, and interest in Ottoman history has surged in the
larger society. New books, $lms, and television series have
led many Turks to see the Ottoman Empire—and by
extension, and the Turkish Republic—as a source of
inspiration and leadership among the peoples of the
Middle East.
Domestic commentators have thus made great use of the
Ottoman past in legitimizing Ankara’s recent intervention.
More than a few observers noted that the day the
operation commenced, August 24, was the 500th
anniversary of the Battle of Marj Dabik, the Ottoman
victory that transformed Syria into an imperial province.
Among those who joined the chorus was popular historian
Ilber Ortayli, who asserted that the original battle of Marj
Dabik had resulted in four hundred years of peace in Syria,
wherein “people speaking every kind of language lived in
harmony.” Erdogan has insisted that the goal of the
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ALKIS KONSTANTINIDIS /
REUTERS
invasion is not to alter the border or to pursue neoOttoman territorial revisions. Nevertheless, in arguing that
Turkish troops would help bring hope and peace to Syria,
Erdogan president could not help but remind one audience
that the modern state of Syria, like many in the region,
had descended from the Ottoman provincial
administration. “Yes,” he boasted, “our state, our
understanding of administration is so old, it is so mighty.”
Tourists visit the Ottoman-era Blue Mosque in Istanbul,
July 2016.
Critics of the invasion have recommended caution in
wielding what one columnist called “the sword of Marj
Dabik.” The self-congratulatory mood of much the Turkish
press has left little room for discussion of the incursion’s
practical risks. Even less attention has been paid to the
opinions of those living in northern Syria, particularly
Kurds. With the government con'ating the activities of
Syrian Kurds and the terrorist PKK, most commentators
are content to dismiss Kurdish opposition to the invasion
as illegitimate. The United States’ open support for the
PYD has even led some in the Turkish press to draw
parallels between Washington’s current policy and the fall
of Ottoman Empire. Ibrahim Karagul, the outspoken
editor of the pro-government newspaper Yeni Safak, has
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repeatedly accused the United States of fomenting the July
coup as a part of a wider plan to bring about Turkey’s
dissolution. He has recently argued that the United States
was utilizing the PYD in order to execute “the largest
invasion plan and partition scenario since the end of the
Ottomans.” Washington’s support for the PYD, in other
words, is simply one step in a much grander campaign to
break up Syria and Turkey.
SKELETONS IN THE CLOSET
What is often lost in contemporary analysis of Ankara’s
Syria policy—especially among its cheerleaders—is an
understanding of the PYD’s own reading of history. As an
organization that grew out the PKK’s cross-border
activities during the 1980s and 1990s, the PYD solemnly
embraces its identity as a radical socialist and nationalist
movement bent upon securing the interests of Kurds living
in the northeastern corner of Syria. A key element of this
self-image is that region’s history of insurrection, and the
role many of its inhabitants have played in developing
modern Kurdish nationalism.
The territory claimed by the PYD as Rojava, or Syrian
Kurdistan, particularly Ras al-Ayn (Kobani), Qamlishli,
and Hasakah, once formed the heartland of a powerful
Kurdish principality that endured for much of the
nineteenth century. After the Ottomans conquered the
territory in the mid-1800s, Rojava’s most prominent ruling
family, the Bedir Khan, went into exile and led multiple
rebellions meant to restore their position within the
region. The lingering threat of the Bedir Khan, as well as
the suspected sedition of the local Armenian population,
convinced the Ottoman state to carry out a terrible
program of vengeance on Rojava during the First World
War. Tens of thousands of Kurds and Armenians from the
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region were killed or internally exiled by government
forces between 1915 and 1918, leaving a lasting legacy of
bitterness that persists to this day.
Nor did the formation of the modern Turkish and Syrian
states extinguish the Rojava Kurds’ aspirations for selfdetermination. Resistance in the northeast to rule from
Damascus, whether Arab or French, reared its head on
multiple occasions in the aftermath of the First World
War. More recently, the outbreak of the Syrian civil war
has ushered in an unprecedented wave of nationalist
memorialization in Rojava. The PYD has avowedly
embraced the legacy of resistance associated with the
Bedirxan family, in spite of the “feudal” nature of their
rule, which runs counter to the PYD’s socialist sensibilities.
Since the Turkish invasion in August, the PYD has drawn
their own parallels between the calamities of the First
World War and Ankara’s current policy. After the Turkish
army seized lands across the Syrian border, one PYD
spokesman accused Ankara of “massacring people,
committing genocide, and forcibly removing people from
their homes.”
Although these speci$c accusations were baseless, they
underlie the gravity of events in northern Syria. For most
Syrian Kurds, Turkey poses a threat equal to or greater
than the one posed by ISIS—an impression reinforced by
Ankara’s intransigence in the face of ISIS’ 2014 assault
against Kobani. Conversely, one cannot underestimate the
emotional and political investment many Turkish
policymakers are willing to make in northern Syria. For
many leading opinion makers in Turkey, besting ISIS and
confronting the PYD are challenges that will decide the
future of the country. But such jaundiced invocations of
the Ottoman past indicate that many in Ankara may be
blind to the degree to which locals in northern Syria may
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be willing to resist Turkey’s occupation of the region. If
one is to believe the PYD’s own reading history, it is clear
that many Kurds equally see the Turkish invasion as matter
of life and death. Currently there is no sign that Ankara
possesses a de$ned exit strategy for its troops now
stationed in Syria. As the Operation Euphrates Shield
continues to creep forward, the potential for direct $ghting
between the PYD and the Turkish military grows. The
outcome of such a struggle will undoubtedly be bloody and
costly for the peoples of northern Syria. Worse still, it is
bound to en'ame Kurdish sentiments with Turkey, leading
to greater instability and violence in the country.
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