The Bogdanovite Turn: Rethinking Modern Marxian Critique of Global Political Economy from an Organizational Point of View
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Abstract
Western Marxism in general, and in theory and practice had gained virtually nothing from Bogdanov and his magnum opus Tektology since the Russian Revolution. The project highlights that filling such a gap is an urgent, historical and strategical necessity and task in the current conjuncture. The paper also discusses how and which elements of Tektology would be utilized when critically rethinking of the existing analyses of the imperialist capitalist political economy as a world system.
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doctrines. The third volume of Empiriomonism contains Bogdanov's response to Aksel'rod's article. It takes the form of a long footnote with advice on how to conduct a polemic: before discussing philosophy one should find out something about the discipline; before criticising a given work, it is good practice to read it; it is inadvisable to distort the words and ideas of an opponent, even if it makes the business of refutation easier, because the opponent might find time to expose the subterfuge (p. 299). In later years, in light of all the abuse that had been heaped on him, Bogdanov could speak of Aksel'rod as the most principled of his critics. David Rowley is to be congratulated for translating a challenging text into clear idiomatic English that makes it possible to follow Bogdanov's train of thought. Instead of an editor's introduction he has included a brief autobiography of Bogdanov and a survey of Bogdanov's intellectual legacy, written shortly after his death in 1928, by the economist and philosopher V. A. Bazarov, one of Bogdanov's closest friends. Bazarov's article provides an admirable introduction not only to Empiriomonism, but also to the works which preceded it, mentioned above, and to Tektology, the universal science of organisation, which followed it. As Bazarov mentions, one of the concepts with a great variety of applications in Tektology is the 'law of the leasts', the fact that people and things take the path of least resistance. This has certainly applied to the way Bogdanov's ideas have been treated over the years. Instead of investigating what Bogdanov actually wrote, verdicts stemming from Lenin and Plekhanov have been repeated uncritically. This was understandable so long as Bogdanov's works remained inaccessible. With this translation of Empiriomonism, this need no longer be the case.
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Rethinking Marxism, 2015
This response essay begins by outlining Geopolitical Economy’s historical interpretation of Marxism. It then engages with Rick Wolf's suggestions for further discussion of relations between capitalist and noncapitalist parts of the world, addresses the definitions of key terms, and responds to his alternative thesis about the fate of Western working classes. It then argues that Kristjanson-Gural's concern about the book's critique of Marxist economics assumes that the critique is considerably milder than it is. It finds that McIntyre's arguments about U.S. capitalist success do not translate into arguments for U.S hegemony and that his arguments about U.S. capitalism's “Schumpeterian” victories are ill evidenced. Finally, this response provides more support for Kellogg's arguments about the limitations of the latest attempt to demonstrate U.S. hegemony while taking up the issue of the origin of uneven and combined development (UCD) and also that of the “imperial” nature of the USSR, both questions of considerable import for any left politics.
Weekly Worker, 2004
An argument for the continuing relevance of Lenin's 1916 pamphlet, 'Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism'.
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This chapter examines the contribution of Marxism to the study of international relations. It first considers whether globalization is a new phenomenon or a long-standing feature of capitalist development, and whether 'crisis' is an inevitable feature of capitalism, and if so, whether capitalism contains the seeds of its own destruction. The chapter proceeds by discussing a number of core features common to Marxist approaches as well as the internationalization of Karl Marx's ideas by Vladimir Lenin and subsequently by writers in the world-system framework. It also explains how Frankfurt School critical theory, and Antonio Gramsci and his various followers, introduced an analysis of culture into Marxist analysis as well as the more recent 'return to Marx'. Two case studies are presented, one relating to the Naxalite movement in India and the other focusing on the recent experience of Greece. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether the global economy is the prime determinant of the character of world politics.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . Blackwell Publishing and The Editors and Board of Trustees of the Russian Review are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Russian Review. The theory that in certain circumstances state socialism could degenerate into a system in which power was exercised by a bureaucratic elite or by a new class has its origins in Mikhail Bakunin's famous critique of Marx written during the years 1870-1873. In 1905 the theory acquired a new lease of life in the writings of Jan Waclaw Makhaisky. In Western historiography the application of such theories to the development of socialism in the Soviet Union has usually been associated with the "Left Oppositions" of 1923 and, above all, with Leon Trotsky's celebrated denunciation of Stalinism, The Revolution Betrayed (1937).2 As Ivan Szeleny and Bill Martin have written in their recent survey of "new class" theories, "most of the (Marxist) bureaucratic class theories could be traced back to the work of Leon Trotsky . . .": for while "Trotsky himself was of course not a New Class theorist ... the first comprehensive theories that described the Soviet Union as a society dominated by a bureaucratic class were developed by former Trotskyists."3 In the Soviet Union during the 1920s Marxist theories of bureaucratic degeneration were by no means associated exclusively with the political thought of Trotsky. In October 1926 the leading theoretician of the Communist Party, Nikolai Bukharin, in an article devoted to the ques-1See M. Bakounine. L'Empire Knouto-Germanique et la Revolution Sociale (1870-1871) (Leiden, 1981) and Gosudarstvennost' i Anarkhiia [1873] (Leiden, 1967); and A. Vol'ski (Makhaisky), Umstvennyi Rabochii (Geneva, 1905) and Bankrotstvo sotsializma XIX veka (Geneve, 1905). 2See L. Trotsky, The Revolution Betrayed (New York, 1970). The most complete surveys of "new class" theory are: Marian Sawer, "Theories of the New Class from Bakunin to Kuron and Modzelewski: The Morphology of Permanent Protest," in Marian Sawer (ed.), Socialism and the New Class: Towards the Analysis of Structural Inequality within Socialist Societies. Monograph no. 19 of Australasian Political Studies Association (Sidney, 1978); and Ivan Szelenyi and Bill Martin, "The Three Waves of New Class Theories," Theory and Society, vol. 17 (1988), pp. 645-67. Neither work deals with Bogdanov. 3 See Szeleny and Martin, pp. 652-53. For an example of Trotskyist theory, see Christian Rakovsky's letter of 6 August 1928 to Valentinov, published under the title "Power and the Russian Worker," The New International, November 1934, pp. 105-109. For Rakovsky the principal cause of degeneration was functional and social differentiation within the working class. However, he admitted that "The bureaucracy of the Soviets and the party is a fact of a new order. It is not a question here of isolated cases but rather of a new social category to which a whole treatise ought to be devoted." The Russian Review tion of the feasibility of constructing socialism in one country, and in the context of polemics against the "United" Trotskyist and Zinovievite Oppositions, singled out Alexander Bogdanov and Vladimir Bazarov for their alleged contention that a precondition of the construction of socialism was the cultural maturation of the proletariat under capitalism.4
2010
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