British Boxing’s Colour Bar, 1911-48

The Historical Journal

With a formal colour bar on British championships operating until 1948, boxing had long been a site of racial discrimination. The abolition of the sport's colour bar was recognition of the wrongness of racial exclusion and it was followed by a celebration of black fighters as local and national heroes. The sport became a rare space where black men could be spoken about, discussed, and celebrated without primary reference to their colour. However, race was never irrelevant, especially as the number of black boxers rose with wider patterns of migration. Race was thus widely discussed in boxing, although there was rarely open discussion of racism. This absence, along with black successes in the ring, masked deep levels of both structural and interpersonal prejudice. Racial differences remained accepted as common sense by white Britons. Indeed, immigration intensified racism in Britain, changing the perceived position of people of colour from exotic novelties to threats to society. ...

Sport, History and Heritage

The development of pugilism and modern boxing in Britain has always been closely associated with London and its people. From Jack Broughton, a former waterman from Wapping who formulated the first written rules in 1743, through to Aldgate's Daniel Mendoza, arguably the first great 'star' of the ring in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, and post-war champions such as Henry Cooper and Frank Bruno, Londoners have played a central role in the history and culture of the sport. So too have famous London venues such as Broughton's boxing academy off Tottenham Court Road, the National Sporting Club in Covent Garden, and, more recently, York Hall in Bethnal Green. Few would doubt Stan Shipley's assessment that London was

Marquette Sports Law Review, 1995

British Journal of Sports Medicine, 2013

Background/aim Several changes have occurred in Olympic boxing (OB) in the last few decades, influencing the results in official competitions. The aim of this study was to assess how the evolution of rules changed the rate of the results that can influence boxers' health. Methods From a web-research, the results of OB tournaments from 1952 to 2011 were reviewed (29 357 bouts). For each event, rate of knockout (KO), refereestop contest (RSC), RSC-Head (RSCH), RSC-Injury (RSCI), RSC-Outclassed (RSCO), abandon, disqualification and points decisions were recorded. In our analysis we investigated the changes that occurred after the introduction of the standing-count rule (1964), mandatory head guard (1984), computerised scoring system (1992), RSCO (2000-2009) and modification of bout formula 3×3 min rounds (3×3, until 1997, 5×2 min rounds (5×2) until 1999, 4×2 min rounds (4×2) until 2008, 3×3 from 2009). Results The most important results were: (1) an RSCI rate increase (0.72-2.42%, p<0.03) after the standingcount rule; (2) a lower RSCI (0.60%, p<0.001) and higher RSCH (1.31-4.92%, p<0.001) and RSC (9.71-13.05%, p<0.03) rate with mandatory head guard; (3) a KO rate reduction (6.44-2.09%, p<0.001) with the computerised scoring system; (4) an RSC (13.15-5.91%, p<0.05) and RSCH (4.23-1.41%, p<0.001) rate reduction comparing 5×2-4×2 bouts. Conclusions In the last six decades, along with rule changes in OB, a clear reduction of health challenging results was observed. In the near future, older rules will be adopted (no head guard and a manual scoring system). Continued medical surveillance is important to ensure that new rule changes do not result in poor medical outcomes for the boxers.

The International Journal of the History of Sport, 2003

According to some commentators, 'When the 1990s began, Mike Tyson was simply the most feared fighter the sport of boxing had known.' 1 However, in a tumultuous career the former world heavyweight champion has attracted considerable media attention as a result of his behaviour both inside and out of the ring. In the USA he has been described at various times as 'the most dangerous man in sport', 'an animal', 'a monster', 'a savage', 'an American pit bull' and 'evil incarnate'. His very physique, revealed at weigh-ins, appeared frightening, with 'muscle piled on muscle', and neck and head like a 'death's head'. 2 His visits to Britain in 2000 were met with widespread condemnation in the media and from women's rights groups because of his record of violence both in the ring and outside, and especially against women. This tide of condemnation rose even higher following his pre-match brawl with Lennox Lewis on 22 January 2002 which, coupled with further possible charges of sexual assault, led the Nevada State Athletic commission to deny him a licence to box. Although recognizing him as 'boxing's most fearsome and dangerous attraction', the press was filled with references to his 'uncontrolled savagery', 'animal behaviour', 'mental instability' and 'depraved outbursts'. 3 One respected British sports commentator, Hugh McIlvanney, looked forward in anticipation to Lewis 'Taming The Beast' in Memphis in June 2002 and removing 'sport's most pervasive and toxic pollutant'. 4 Yet as McIlvanney pointed out, many people felt Tyson was 'more sinned against than sinning', and the boxer continued to be a source of 'fascination'. Indeed Tyson met with as much adulation from young black (and indeed some white) followers when he visited Brixton, Manchester and later Glasgow in 2000, as he did among similar groups in America; throughout his career he has had as many defenders as detractors. These differing responses reflect the fact that, as John M. Sloop has said, Tyson as boxer, African American and male 'is constructed rhetorically', the subject of 'multiple cultural representations'. 5 In this Tyson is little different from many other black boxers before him. However, an examination of the interplay between race and masculinity may offer a wider insight into these readings of the boxer as cultural 'text'. While 203sh06.

Between the late 1890s and early 1950s, British boxing was dominated by Jews of Russian and Eastern European migrant origin. In a wider sense, an analysis of boxing can add to our understanding of broader social changes occurring within British Jewry during this roughly sixty year period. However, involvement in boxing during these years (whether as amateurs or professionals, as boxers, managers, promoters, coaches or spectators) also had a noticeable direct impact on the identity of scores of young Jews. This article will show that social change occurring within British Jewry between 1890 and 1960 did not occur separate from the world of British boxing. Although this sport can act as a lens through which to view transformations in terms of Jewish identity, class, religious outlook and culture, it is also the case that boxing clearly influenced changes in these spheres for a significant section of the community.