MENSA ROTVNDA EPIGRAPHICA NAPOCENSIS E ditors: Radu Ardevan Eugenia Beu-Dachin “ BA B E Ș - B O LYA I ” U N I V E R S I T Y | C E N T E R F O R R O M A N S T U D I E S MENSA ROTVNDA EPIGRAPHICA NAPO CEN SIS E ditors: Radu Ardevan Eugenia Beu-Dachin Mega Publishing House Cluj‑Napoca 2016 his volume was published with the inancial aid of the Executive Agency for Higher Education, Research, Development and Innovation Funding (UEFISCDI), within the project PN‑II‑ID‑PCE‑2011‑3‑0412, contract nr. 230/5.10.2011, developed under the Babeș‑Bolyai University of Cluj‑Napoca. Papers of the 4th Romanian‑Hungarian epigraphic round table, Mensa rotunda epigraphiae Dacicae Pannonicaeque, held in Cluj‑Napoca, 16–17 October 2015. DTP and cover: Francisc BAJA © Authors, 2016 Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naţionale a României Mensa Rotunda Epigraphica Napocensis / ed.: Radu Ardevan, Eugenia Beu‑Dachin. ‑ Cluj‑Napoca : Mega, 2016 ISBN 978‑606‑543‑747‑0 I. Ardevan, Radu (ed.) II. Beu‑Dachin, Eugenia (ed.) 902 Editura Mega | www.edituramega.ro e‑mail: mega@edituramega.ro  Contents Foreword 7 Lucrețiu Mihailescu-Bîrliba Notes sur deux inscriptions de Dacie romaine 9 Ádám Szabó Barbaricatus. Notes on the inscription of a funerary stela from Intercisa 13 Rada Varga Aurelius Aquila, negotiator ex provincia Dacia. A prosopographic reconstruction 27 Ioan Piso Die rätselhate Cohors I Augusta aus der Dacia Porolissensis 35 Zsolt Mráv Two inscribed bronze tabulae ansatae in the collection of the Hungarian National Museum, Budapest 47 Dan-Augustin Deac Graiti on ceramic medallions depicting Isis and Sarapis from Roman Dacia 59 György Németh Erecura in Pannonia 71 Sorin Nemeti Travel inscriptions from Roman Dacia 81 Csaba Szabó, Imola Boda, Victor Bunoiu, Călin Timoc Notes on a new Mithraic inscription from Dacia 91 Zsolt Visy Die spätesten Inschriten von Intercisa 105 Radu Ardevan Once more on the last inscriptions of Roman Dacia 125 Péter Kovács he literary sources of Constantius II’s war against the Sarmatians 161 Carmen Fenechiu he vocabulary of family in inscriptions from the central part of Dacia Superior 193 Ştefania Lalu Mater and pater collegii in Dacia 205 Eugenia Beu-Dachin About the concept of soldier in the Latin inscriptions from Dacia 211 Eugenia Beu-Dachin he vocabulary of the wax tablets from Alburnus Maior 221 Bence Fehér Conclusions on demography as shown in the epigraphic sources of a provincial community. he case of Aquincum 265 Abbreviations 277  Mensa rotunda epigraphica Napocensis, Cluj-Napoca 2016, p. 91–104 Notes on a new Mithraic inscription from Dacia* Csaba Szabó, Imola Boda, Victor Bunoiu, Călin Timoc Abstract: A new Mithraic inscription was reported in March 2015 to have been seized by the police at Timişoara in Romania. We propose here to describe briely the discovery and the main features of the monument before turning to the text of the dedication and concluding with a brief discussion of its place in the religious life of the province. he inscription is the second known dedication of Dioscorus, recorded already on a remarkable monu‑ ment discovered in the 19th century in Apulum (Alba Iulia) in a mithraeum. he recently found monument will open new horizons in the interpretation of the role of religious individuation in the mysteries of Mithras. Keywords: Mithras, votive column, Apulum, religious individuation. I n March 2015, numerous archaeological and historical artifacts (Medieval swords and musketry, Roman funerary monuments), which had been col‑ lected by a local citizen and amateur collector of antiquities from Timişoara, were seized by the Criminal Investigative Service of the Timiş County Police Inspectorate, with the help of the Department of Heritage, Timiş County1. he authenticity of the monuments was identiied by the authors of these lines, with the help of numerous renowned epigraphists2. * We express our greatest gratitude for Amza Cornel from the Police Department of Timiş County, prof. Richard Gordon of the University of Erfurt, and dr. Ovidiu Ţentea and Toma Claudiu for their useful thoughts and the photographic material. 1 Ordinance nr. 268‑P‑2015 from 6.03.2015. Information on the conditions of the discovery with the kind permission of the commissioner of police, Amza Cornel. 2 We are thankful for the detailed analysis of prof. dr. Ioan Piso, prof. dr. Radu Ardevan, dr. Florian Matei Popescu, prof. dr. Gian Luca Gregori, and then all the members and partici‑ pants of the Mensa Rotunda Epigraphiae Dacicae Pannonicaeque held at Cluj‑Napoca between 16–17th October, 2015. he main arguments stated by the above mentioned epigraphists for the authenticity of the monument were: the paleography of the text is clearly antique, the type of the letters used are typical Roman, the quality and deepness of the letters can be easily Roman too. he presence of the nexus and the interpunctio show also a very careful carving 92 C saba S z ab ó, Imol a B oda, Victor Bu noiu, C ăli n Ti mo c he collector confessed that he had bought the monument a few years ago in Cluj‑Napoca from another amateur collector of antiquities3. Without a precise archaeological context and further details, we cannot reconstruct the exact provenience; however, the historic and religious context suggests one of the two main urban centers: the Colonia Aurelia Apulensis or the Colonia Sarmizegetusa – in all likelihood, the irst, for reasons that will become clear. he monument was photographed by Toma Claudiu, who also created a 3D photo model, accessible online for further studies (Pl. I. 1–2)4. he monument is of a coarse‑grained carbonaceous sandstone (biomi‑ crite), that occurs mainly in the eastern part of the Transylvanian basin5. It is completely preserved, though it was repaired in antiquity ater sufering damage6. he upper and lower part of the semi‑column each has a 7 × 4 cm hole for metal installations, possibly for ixing the corona and the pedestal, however it is not sure if it was made in antiquity or later. he current height of the monument is 120 cm; the shat (diam. 38 × 24 cm) has been cut with unusual care and accuracy. and an ancient cratsman. As a note of the authors for the scholarly analysis and approve of the epigraphists, we can add another argument, that of the negative argumentation and logic. If, the monument is a forgery, one must ask the following questions: why they forged exactly this, less known, less important and less expensive inscription for the black market? Who and why invested time, professional skills of a cratsman and academic research for an inscription, whose value is insigniicant on the black market? Why they choose for forgery such a cheap and deteriorated (obviously Roman) stone? Answering these questions regarding the main rules of the contemporary black market for antiquities, we can ind, that the most relevant aspects would be: the rarity, the material and the esthetic features of a monument. None of these conditions are fulilled by our inscription. Similarly, none of the Mithraic monuments found on the Romanian and international black market are inscriptions. Forging Roman inscriptions were practiced till the 18–19th century, few examples are known from the last 150 years: Gregori et alii 2014, 42–65. 3 he identity of this collector is not yet known. Further investigations may help to elucidate the origin of the monument. 4 he photo 3D model of the monument with further high quality photos of Toma Claudiu are published online on the website of the ABRRD: brrd2014.wix.com/brrd#news-and-events/ c1pz. Last accessed: 20.07.2016. 5 Mineralogical and petrographic analysis made by the Department of Geology from the Babeş‑Bolyai University, Cluj‑Napoca, supervisor: dr. Nicolae Har. According to the verbal conirmation of dr. Marius Barbu, specialist in ancient minerology and petrographic analy‑ sis, in Colonia Sarmizegetusa the monuments were made mostly in sandstone, mica‑shist and marble from Bucova. 6 he lower part is heavily modiied with a cement layer, the collector using it as a lower stand.  Notes on a new Mithraic inscription from Dacia 93 he inscription he inscription has the following text (Pl. II): Invicto Mythrae Diosco rus ° Marci (s. or f.) v(otum) ° s(olvit) ° l(ibens) ° m(erito) Where as the ordinatio is competent enough, the size of the individual letters varies from 5 cm (the “O” in the irst line) to 10.5 cm (the “M” in the last line). In some cases (e.g. the AE nexus in the second line, the R in the fourth line, and the letters of the last line) it seems obvious that the cutter was not very experienced7. As usual with provincial votive inscriptions, the text is very concise, and presents only the most basic details: the name of the divinity, the name of the worshipper, a further deining name, and the nature of the act. he inscription gives the name of the divinity in an uncommon spelling Mythras8. his form appears however in Dacia on three inscriptions, all of them found in the territory of the Colonia Aurelia Apulensis9. he dedicator, Dioscorus, son (ilius) or (more likely) slave (servus) of a certain Marcus10, does not mention his function or any clue about the nature of their relation‑ ship. he inscription ends with the usual votive formula votum solvit libens merito11. here are no speciic features that can help date the inscription12. However, the text is identical with the inscription of an altar found at Apulum 7 Edmondson 2014, 117–118. 8 Naming the divinity as Invictus Mithras is very common in every province; however, there are numerous cases where the name of the divinity is written wrongly: Mitrhe, Methrae, Mitre, Mitrai, Mitrae, Minitrae, Motre, Metras, Midre, Mithre, Mytrae, Mytrhe, Midre, Meterae, Matira Deo (CIMRM 625, 522, 206, 515, 516, 1776, 1700, 1443, 1315, 1976, 1367, 1303, 1243, 1896, 1419). Mythrae appears also very rare (Deo Invicto Mythrae Soli – CIMRM 941). 9 CIMRM 1939 = IDR III/5, 277 = Sicoe 2014, nr. 23; CIMRM 1943 = IDR III/5, 273 = Sicoe 2014, nr. 21; CIMRM 1945 = IDR III/5, 272 = Sicoe 2014, nr. 26. 10 he name Dioscorus appears quite rarely in the Danubian provinces, most frequently in Dacia, where it is now attested three times: OPEL II 102. he inscription from Galicea Mare (IDR III/2, 158 = AE 1963, 1) is probably not related to the other two dedicated by the same person. 11 Nemeti 2012, 177–197. 12 According to the verbal conirmation of dr. Florian Matei‑Popescu, the paleography of the text suggests a Severan date and not the 2nd century AD. See also: Varga 2014, 147, cat. nr. 148. 94 C saba S z ab ó, Imol a B oda, Victor Bu noiu, C ăli n Ti mo c in 1852 (CIL III 1113 = CIMRM 1943) (Pl. III. 1–2)13. Not only the text, but even the paleographic features (smaller “O” in the irst line, ligature A+E in the second line, incorrect form of the divinity’s name) are identical: Invicto / Mythrae / Diosco/rus Marci (servus) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) he two inscriptions were thus erected by the same person, and their sig‑ niicance in the cult of Mithras in Dacia deserves some discussion14. Typology and analogies of the monument In Dacia, round and cylindrical votive monuments are oten associated with the so‑called “Oriental” divinities, such as Deus Aeternus or Iuppiter Dolichenus15. In some cases, as the well known Jupiter columns, they serve almost exclusively as statue bases, however in the majority of the cases it is impossible to determine if they were free standing votive columns or statue bases16. In Mithraic contexts, they appear mostly in the Western and Danubian provinces17, but there are numerous examples also in Italy or sporadically, in the East18. Few of them were found in situ or at least in an archaeological exca‑ vation, therefore their functionality as statue bases can’t be determined in each case19. his monument type in Mithraic contexts have also been found in Dacia. From Apulum two examples are known20. he irst one (an unin‑ 13 For the complete bibliography, see Sicoe 2014, nr. 21. he inscription was dated to the irst half of the 2nd century AD by I. Piso. Sicoe suggests a wider possibility for this: Sicoe 2014, 148. 14 Boda, Szabó 2014, 110–115, with a complete bibliography on the cult of Mithras in Dacia. 15 Boda, Szabó 2011, 280. 16 Noelke 1981; Woolf 2001, 117–131. he term “votive column” is frequently used for round, cylindrical votive monuments, when it is not sure, if they served as a statue base or a free stand‑ ing ex‑voto (see the EDH monument types, where it was introduced as a separate monument type). 17 See for example CIMRM II, 138a, 814, 1018. Vermaseren also listed in this category the reliefs where the representation of a column or of an aedicula with pilasters appears. 18 See for example CIMRM I, 17, 32, 34, 54, 55, 56, 929, 985, 1001. 19 he communication and social network of the Mithraic groups and sanctuaries with the outside world and a larger landscape is a new topic, which needs to be analyzed more care‑ fully. he spatial analysis of some recently discovered sanctuaries shows that the preparation for a sacral banquet and the communication of the group with the workshops and other small group associations and buildings were closer and more direct than has oten been thought (e.g. CIMRM 331, 730, 1722): Nielsen 2015, 279–293. 20 Fragments of uninscribed columns were also found during the excavation of the mithraeum from the Municipium Septimium Apulense: Rustoiu, Egri, McCarty, Inel 2014, 17.  Notes on a new Mithraic inscription from Dacia 95 scribed column standing on a base with a relief representation of Mithras riding the bull on the let side of the monument) was probably discovered in the 18th century, together with another famous statue base, on the terri‑ tory of the Colonia Aurelia Apulensis21. Another partially preserved monu‑ ment was found with numerous other Mithraic dedications in 1930 in the garden of Oancea, probably from the territory of the Municipium Septimium Apulense22. Without the exact archaeological context, it is impossible to establish if the monument serves as a free standing column or as a statue base23. From Colonia Sarmizegetusa nine similar monuments were discov‑ ered by Pál Király during the excavation of the mithraeum between 1882 and 188324. hree of them were inscribed25. Since he noted on his plan of the sanctuary the approximate position where these were found26, we know they were concentrated in three areas: at the naos, in the central aisle of the sanctuary and directly in front of the rectangular apse that held the cult‑ relief, i.e. roughly comparable to the situation at Dura Europos. A round altar was also found in the middle of the naos, close to the largest deposit of 21 CIMRM 1985 = Sicoe 2014, nr. 50. See also: Merkelbach 1984, 387; Nemeti 2012, 151–152. he similitude with another famous statue base (CIMRM 2186 = Sicoe 2014, nr. 225) suggests that they were found together. Hammer describes the object in 1833 as he saw it together with other famous Mithraic monuments in the Batthyaneum library: Hammer‑Purgstall 1833, 103, nr. LIV. It means that the monument was transferred in the Brukenthal Collection – together with other famous Mithraic monuments (CIMRM 1948) – only in the second half of the 19th century. It could be plausible that many of the most important Mithraic monuments from the Batthyaneum discovered at the end of the 18th century came from the same spot or, at least, from sanctuaries discovered in the territory of the Colonia Aurelia Apulensis. Concerning the discovery of Franciscus Katal and the descriptions of Antal Bartalis and György Aranka about the famous discoveries in the territory of the Colonia, see: Szabó 2013, 51–54; Szabó 2014a, 57–58. 22 CIMRM 1965 = AE 1960, 243 = IDR III/5, 279 = Sicoe 2014, nr. 38. See also: Szabó 2014a, 64–65. he monument was deined by the irst publisher as „Bruchstück von einem Kapitell”: Daicoviciu 1941, 309. Similarly, Vermaseren remained very cautious with the identiication of the monument („fragment of a capital”). Later it was deined by Ioan Piso as „base d’un monument votif ”, although there are no traces of metal installments or any other proves for the existence of the statue. Recently was introduced in the EDH as „votive column”: HD 018991. 23 here are no traces of metal installations on the corona of the column. 24 he irst Hungarian publication of the sanctuary: Király 1886. See also Boda 2014, 320–326. Concerning the small inds of the sanctuary, see Szabó 2014b, 135–136. 25 CIMRM 2030 = Sicoe 2014, nr. 175; CIMRM 2031 = Sicoe 2014, nr. 176; CIMRM 2145 = IDR III/2, 298. See also: Király 1886, 24, nr. 63–71. 26 He marked the columns and their fragments with nr. 25–38 on the plan of the sanctuary. See also: Sicoe 2014, 284. Some of the monuments had a speciic corona, decorated with zoo‑ morphic symbols, such as the taurus or a bird (possibly a raven). See Király 1886, Figs. 6 and 7. 96 C saba S z ab ó, Imol a B oda, Victor Bu noiu, C ăli n Ti mo c reliefs27. he corona of the altar is decorated with a taurus, similarly to the monuments found by Király28. Contextualizing the monument From the above mentioned arguments rely, that Dioscorus (slave of) Marcus from our monument is identical with the person who appears on CIMRM 1943, one of the few Mithraists who are known from more than one monument in Dacia29. CIMRM 1943 was found in the garden of Károly Pap in 1852, together with the monument of Chrestion (CIMRM 1945), on the territory of the Colonia Aurelia Apulensis30. It is quite possible that this was actually the site of a mithraeum. he two monuments show numerous speciic features: both of them were dedicated by persons probably originating from an Eastern province, and both of the monuments are dedicated to Mithras Invictus, whose name appears incorrectly in both cases31. he size of the monuments (68 and 63 cm height), the paleography and the speciic icono‑ graphic motifs suggest the same workshop32. he monument of Chrestion is decorated with a very high quality representation of Sol crowned by a radius crown with twelve beams. As we have shown in another study, this motif came directly from Italian workshops33. he altar of Dioscorus from Apulum is also decorated in the lateral sides with the same iconography: a dolphin wrapped around a trident34. he presence of a pair of dolphins and a trident is attested 27 CIMRM 2029 = Sicoe 2014, nr. 172. On the deposit see Szabó 2014b, 136. 28 he design of the coronae of the columns and the specialized motifs on the altars from the Colonia Aurelia Apulensis (CIMRM 1943, 1945) suggest that they were made to commission. Concerning the idea of the workshop in Sarmizegetusa, see Sicoe 2014, 49–59. 29 Titus Aurelius Fabia tribu Marcus (CIMRM 1959, 1960), Aurelius Maximus, Marcus Aurelius Timotheus and Euthyces libertus (CIMRM 1935, 1937), Hermadio (CIMRM 2146, AE 1977, 695). Others, such as Marcus Valerius Maximianus, could be considered also as key‑ igures in the rich network of Mithraists and in the spread of the cult in the province (cf. Szabó 2015). 30 Károly Torma, who published the monuments, mentions that beside the two altars, numer‑ ous fragments of pottery and building materials were found, together with a relief that is now missing. About the discovery, see Szabó 2014a, 60. 31 IDR III/5, 216–217. 32 Another altar dedicated by a Greek‑speaking worshipper, and with the same grammar mis‑ take in the Latin (CIMRM 1939), was found in 1867 when the territory of the Colonia Aurelia Apulensis was practically cut in two by the irst railway of Alba Iulia (Szabó 2014a, 60–61). It is quite possible that it was found in the same area or sanctuary as the other two. 33 On Sol with radiate crown in Dacia, see Szabó, Bounegru, Sava 2014, 152–153. 34 here is only one similar lateral representation on altars and statue bases from Dacia (IDR III/5, 175), which might suggest that it was a personal choice of the worshipper or taken from  Notes on a new Mithraic inscription from Dacia 97 on an altar found in Apulum (IDR III/5, 175) which could suggest also the provenience of the monuments from the conurbation. he symbolism of this altar was discussed numerous times35, mostly based on the argument of R. Merkelbach, who airmed that the dolphin, as a symbol of Venus36, is associated with a Mithraic grade of initiation37. he few examples where the dolphin and the trident appear in a Mithraic con‑ text38 are related to more complex reliefs with the representation of Neptunus or Oceanus, or personalized, individualized monuments, such as the famous relief from Salona (CIMRM 1861) which surely had a speciic signiicance and expresses an individualized choice of the worshipper or the whole group39. Similar individualized monuments have also been found in Dacia40. he like‑ liest hypothesis in our case is that the dolphin is a symbol used especially by shippers and others with professional links to the river – a very possible sce‑ nario in Apulum, where a portus and a statio of the Publicum Portorium Illyrici were attested, and numerous monuments depicting aquatic divinities have been found41. he topography of the site, where the so called “mithraeum of Károly Pap” stood, could be in the south part of the Colonia Aurelia Apulensis, close to the medieval and modern port42. his could explain also the pos‑ sibility of his great inancial investment, dedicating two monuments, prob‑ ably in the same time. he other known cases, with double dedications by a worshipper, show, that they dedicate usually two diferent types of monu‑ foreign workshop models: Mustaţă 2015, 317–336. Similar analogies, see at Lupa 11460, 14396, 16807, 10702, 6569, 6899, 5411, 4779. 35 Merkelbach 1984, 384; Nemeti, Nemeti 2007, 107–124; Nemeti 2012, 151. 36 he dolphin, as ruler of the seas, symbol of cities, protector of sailors and switest of all liv‑ ing beings, appears numerous times with other divinities, such as Poseidon (Pseudo‑Hyginus, Astronomica 2,17; Oppian, Halieutica 1.383 sqq.), Apollo, Amphitrite, Demeter, Athena, Eros, Dionysus, Palaemon or the Nereids (cf. Ridgway 1970, 86–95). 37 Gordon 1980, 48–49; Merkelbach 1984, 88–93 and 116 about the Perses grade (cf. László, Nagy, Szabó 2005, 26–28; Chalupa 2008, 184). 38 CIMRM 123–124, 460 in the herme di Caracalla (uncertain Mithraic context), CIMRM 720, 773, 778, 784 (uncertain Mithraic), 966 (not sure if it’s a dolphin), 1861. 39 Concerning the Salona relief and its iconographic program, see Silnović 2015. 40 Szabó 2012, 135–145; Nemeti 2012, 151. 41 Prof. Richard Gordon’s suggestion. See also Szabó 2014c, 536, n. 24, with all the bibliogra‑ phy on the portus of Apulum. Recent studies proved the importance of the ports and economic routes in the spread of the so called “small group religions”, among them the Roman cult of Mithras too. 42 Károly Pap, the discoverer himself, was a shipmaster (hajósmester), which could indicate that his house was close to the Portus. Similarly, Károly Torma, the publisher of the altar, gives Maros‑Portus as the inding place, which in the mid‑19th century was a separate administrative unit, close to the river Marisia. 98 C saba S z ab ó, Imol a B oda, Victor Bu noiu, C ăli n Ti mo c ments (a relief and a statue base with statue, or an altar and a statue base etc.). he reason, why they do this exceptional act (a special votum extraordina- rium in a Mithraic context) is not revealed by the inscriptions and the context. Doublets, as a marker of the so called religious market and competition, are more popular in the urban cultural environment and it can appear in discov‑ eries ater de middle of the 2nd century AD43. In several similar cases the same text of the inscriptions have diferent functions because of the form of graved stone monument, even if they were donated in the same time and were part of the same temple or shrine inventory44. As we have said, the new monument may have come from either Apulum or Sarmizegetusa. If it comes from Colonia Sarmizegetusa, that might indi‑ cate the existence of an interprovincial and maybe even interurban social network of the Mithraists that was already emphasized by recent studies45. heir stratiication and strict relationship with the costume system, and the patronus-amicus relationships seem to be the strongest mechanisms of these groups. he identity of Marcus is unknown. M. Clauss suggested that it was Titus Aurelius Marcus of Apulum; however, if that were so, they would surely have been members of diferent groups or sanctuaries within the conurbation of Apulum46. he iconographic features of the two monuments found by Károly Pap in 1852 show some similarity to the coronae of the columns from the mithraeum of Colonia Sarmizegetusa. he specialized Mithraic features could indicate an Italian workshop. Other features, such as Cautes with the bucranium or Sol with the radiate crown in the local Mithraic art, also suggest an Italian root for the irst Mithraic groups established in Sarmizegetusa and later moved to Apulum. he Roma‑Aquileia‑Poetovio‑Sarmizegetusa‑Apulum connection was already suggested by István Tóth and recently proven by other new inds from Dacia47. 43 Rădeanu 2006, 313–314. 44 Rădeanu 2006, 318. 45 he irst civil settlement in Apulum (vicus Apulensis) was formed on the territory of Colonia Sarmizegetusa: Piso 2005, 273–294. On the social network of the Mithraists in Dacia, see Szabó 2015. 46 he monument of T.  Aurelius Marcus was discovered as a part of the so called Oancea mithraeum which was part of the Municipium Septimium Apulense, while the altar of Dioscorus was discovered in the Colonia Aurelia Apulensis. he case of Ostia however shows that there were intensive, intercommunity relations between the professional associations and certain Mithraic groups. 47 Tóth 2003, 81–86; Szabó 2015.  Notes on a new Mithraic inscription from Dacia 99 Conclusions he new Mithraic inscription discovered recently in Timişoara expands our horizon concerning the regional cult of Mithras in Dacia. he second votive inscription of Dioscorus proves to be a very rare attestation of a char‑ ismatic person of the cult, a devoted worshipper, who seems to have been strictly tied to Italian roots and workshops. 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Woolf 2001 G.  Woolf, Representation as cult: the case study of the Jupi- ter columns. In: W.  Spickermann (Hrsg.), Religion in den Römischen Provinzen Roms, Tübingen 2001, 118–131. Csaba Szabó University of Pécs Erfurt Universität szabo.csaba.pte@gmail.com Imola Boda Babeș‑Bolyai University, Cluj‑Napoca boda_imola@yahoo.com Victor Bunoiu Departament for Culture,Timiș county victor.bunoiu@gmail.com Timoc Călin National Museum of Banat, Timişoara calintimoc@gmail.com 102 C saba S z ab ó, Imol a B oda, Victor Bu noiu, C ăli n Ti mo c 1 2 Pl. I. 1–2. Frontal and lateral views of the monument (photo Toma Claudiu).  Notes on a new Mithraic inscription from Dacia 103 Pl. II. he drawing of the monument (Călin Timoc). 104 C saba S z ab ó, Imol a B oda, Victor Bu noiu, C ăli n Ti mo c 1 2 Pl. III. 1. Votive altar of Dioscorus from Apulum, now in the National History Museum of București (photo Ortolf Harl; Lupa 21720). 2. Lateral side of the altar (photo Ovidiu Ţentea, with the kind permission of the Director of the National Museum of History, București).