Characteristics of the Christianisation of Space in Late Antique Rome New Considerations a Generation after Charles Pietri’s Roma Christiana Lucrezia Spera In 1976, Charles Pietri’s Roma Christiana outlined side buildings connected with other religions. a complete and almost definitive picture of the general configuration of the Urbs, marked increas- CAeLIAN ingly, before the end of the 5th century, by the emergence of Christianity in spaces both intra and During the 4th century, the Caelian seems to have extra moenia.1 Thirty-six years later, the work of preserved virtually the same appearance as in the the French historian can still be regarded as un- previous two centuries (figs 2-3).6 The pre-existing surpassed or even unsurpassable, and remains a primary and secondary road networks were al- standard reference work for students of the Chris- most completely retained: the Via Tusculana; the tian topography of the city, which should be set Clivus Scauri and its continuation beyond the alongside the other important monograph by R. Servian walls, conventionally known as the Via Krautheimer2 and the valuable recent synthesis Caelemontana; and the Vicus Capitis Africae.7 by V. Fiocchi Nicolai.3 However, several discov- The district is particularly known for its residen- eries from recent archaeological excavations and, tial character,8 with limited public and religious above all, topographical analyses, which do not buildings: the Castra Peregrina;9 the barracks of consider Christian buildings in isolation from the the Fifth Cohors Vigilum;10 the Macellum Mag- urban fabric, but read them in terms of their deeper num;11 the temple of the Divus Claudius;12 and relationship with their particular contexts, stimu- the Basilica Hilariana.13 Some of these buildings late new reflections on the Christianisation of ur- survived beyond the reign of Constantine, as lit- ban space in Rome during Late Antiquity. erary sources or archaeological evidence confirm: It is now possible to broaden the area of research Ammianus Marcellinus recalls how in 357 the in order to define the complex phenomena of trans- king of the Alamanni, Chnodomarius, was impris- formation, not of individual buildings, but of the oned in the castra peregrinorum,14 and the mithrae- entire urban landscape within the Aurelianic Walls um can reasonably be considered to have been (fig. 1).4 This paper proposes some preliminary still active around the same time.15 The same goes suggestions towards that aim on the basis of for the Basilica Hilariana, seat of the school for analysing specific districts of the city, in particular the college of tree-bearers (dendrophori) of the two predominantly residential areas, the Caelian Magna Mater,16 which was situated in the area of and Aventine hills, which belonged to the first the Military Hospital. This certainly indicates a and second ecclesiastical regions respectively, and continued concentration in this zone up to the one area of more public and monumental charac- beginning of the 5th century,17 which was also ter, the Campus Martius, which corresponded to likely to have been favoured by the patronage of the fifth and sixth ecclesiastical regions.5 The evi- pagan aristocratic families such as the Symmachi, dence based on a topographical and diachronic who were still resident on the Caelian (fig. 4).18 examination of these three regions will be placed Similarly, a building of commercial character ex- in the context of the general reconstitution of the posed in recent excavations on the same site of urban network. In this way we can see more eas- the Military Hospital showed traces of activity ily the criteria that govern the positioning of var- throughout the 4th century.19 ious types of Christian installation in relation to At the same time, the rich texture of residential the overall urban plan, the relationship between buildings is evident from the general survival of the new tituli and traditionally residential zones, former insulae, with limited building phases, and and the presence of Christian cultic sites along- the exceptional presence of very large luxury res- 121 122 Fig. 1. Map of the City of Rome with Christian sites up to the 9th century (from Pani Ermini 2000).  Fig. 2. The Caelian in antiquity (from Colini 1944). Fig. 3. Archaeological evidence on top of the Caelian (from Pavolini 2004). 123  were transformed into more refined dwellings be- longing to single owners, through probable amal- gamations of discrete residences,23 for example the domus attributed, thanks to a floor mosaic, to Gaudentius,24 the friend and colleague of Quintus Aurelius Symmachus (fig. 5).25 Already in the late Antonine period this house had brought together two insulae by means of an intermediate covered alley.26 The house of the Symmachi itself is prob- ably identifiable with an enormous and presti- gious residential site at the summit of the hill (covering between 6,300 and 8,500 square metres).27 According to a recent hypothesis, it may formerly have been the Domus Vectiliana known from the Historia Augusta to have belonged to the emperor Commodus.28 The other dominant family on the hill were the Christian Valerii, whose house was identified from discoveries made between the 16th and 18th centuries in the area of the Addolorata Hospital29 and has recently been the site of some remarkable finds.30 Fig. 4. Plate of the Symmachi’ from the Basilica Hila- There was thus very little change to the urban riana (from Pacetti, in Roma dall’antichità al landscape as Christianity became embedded in medioevo, 2001). the city. In the course of the 4th century a Christian presence was certainly visible in the residential idences associated with important families in structures along the Clivus Scauri.31 If in this con- Rome during Late Antiquity.20 The insulae of Fla- text of changes at the end of the 3rd century such a vian date situated along the Vicus Capitis Africae presence does not definitively prove the existence were in continuous use,21 as were the buildings of a domus ecclesiae,32 it must be seen as one of along the Clivus Scauri, constructed mainly be- many multicultural elements typical of the age, tween the 2nd and 3rd centuries.22 Some insulae with references to philosophy, to the pleasure of Fig. 5. House of Gaudentius: reconstruction from the Museum of the Crypta Balbi (photo author). 124  or a private chapel,33 it is hard not to see a con- nection with the titulus Byzantis et Pammachii, which scarcely a few years later would play a sig- nificant role in the topography of the zone in the form of a church building proper (fig. 7).34 With regard to the future titulus of the ‘Quattro Coronati’ there are no elements to help us see the first stages in its becoming a major part of the urban network. Yet it is recalled in the Martyrolo- gium Hieronymianum that the worship of these cults was celebrated on the Caelian Hill at the beginning of the 5th century.35 It is generally thought that this should be connected with the tit- ulus Aemilianae of the synod held in AD 499.36 To be sure, the buildings of the early Christian insti- Fig. 6. Wall painting in the domus under SS. tution cannot be traced with certainty, but it is Giovanni e Paolo (photo author). reasonable to infer from the discovery towards the end of the 18th century of thermal structures bucolic life, and to egyptian religious elements at the back of the Carolingian basilica that the (fig. 6). The meaning of the building becomes more first foundation was simply incorporated within obvious towards the end of the 4th century with a residential context.37 the construction of a confessio: a brick receptacle From the beginning of the 5th century, however, for the relics or tombs of martyrs, decorated with the process of Christianisation assumed a larger scenes from the passion of SS. John and Paul and meaning in the urban history of the Caelian Hill. also associated with SS. Crispus, Crispinianus and Information from recent excavations and written Benedicta. Although it is still debated whether this sources indicates a decisive break in activity at element was public or private, and whether the this time:38 most of the public and private com- setting was a gathering place for the community plexes show traces of neglect and sometimes Tituli Devotional churches Monasteries Deaconries Xenodochia Fig. 7. Map of the archaeological evidence on the Caelian up to the 7th century (1. titulus Pammachii et Bizantis; 2. titulus Quattuor Coronatorum; 3. S. Stefano Rotondo; 4. xenodochium a Valeriis; 5. S. Andrea in clivum Scauri; 6. S. Erasmo; 7. S. Maria in Domnica) (drawing author). 125 changes of function, for example the Castra Pere- plicius (468-483) of a devotional church connected grina,39 the Basilica Hilariana, the commercial to the cult of Stephen, the first martyr of Christian- structure in the area of the Military Hospital, and ity,49 is of particular importance because of its use the ‘insulae’ of the Caput Africae.40 The forms of of a distinctive architectural form, with a central- reoccupation were varied and sometimes very ized design developed around a cruciform pivot, modest: enclosures for animals;, hearths on the as H. Brandenburg has demonstrated. The mon- abandoned strata of the commercial building;41 a umental scale of the church and its strong impact bleaching plant with small artisan workshops on the landscape needs no further commentary within the Basilica Hilariana;42 partial reuse for (fig. 8).50 What is most significant from a topo- residential purposes of the service area of Gau- graphical point of view is the fact that this new dentius’ domus;43 and a series of tombs arranged Christian building was superimposed on the in small groups within the abandoned build- structures of the Castra Peregrina, which, now al- ings.44 The archaeological data are confirmed by most totally abandoned, were razed to ground literary accounts of the early impoverishment of level and covered with earth fill, to all appear- the area. Thus a passage in the life of the young ances on public ground. It is impossible to know Melanie,45 wife of Valerius Pinianus and with him how the Roman Church acquired this site; it should the last owner of the domus of the gens Valeria,46 perhaps be ascribed to an imperial donation.51 indicates the drastic depreciation of this presti- In the 6th and 7th centuries these three churches gious residence, which was sold by the couple - the two tituli of SS. John and Paul and the SS. well below its real value after Alaric’s sack of Quattro Coronati and the new church of St. Ste- Rome in AD 410.47 From this moment, Christian phen - continued to expand, while the focus of foundations became the dominant form of evi- Christianisation shifted towards the provision of dence in the urban landscape. charity. The zone was enhanced with two monas- At the beginning of the 5th century, the three- teries: St. Andrew in clivum Scauri founded by aisled church of SS. John and Paul (Titulus Byzantis Pope Gregory I in his own family residence, re- et Pammachii) became the visible manifestation of using an ancient domus;52 and St. erasmus, which the ancient ‘domestic’ Christian presence.48 The appears to have existed by the end of the 7th cen- establishment during the pontificate of Pope Sim- tury according to information from the biography Fig. 8. S. Stefano Rotondo (reconstruction by H. Brandenburg). 126 of Pope Adeodatus (672-676).53 A lodging for pil- This interesting picture of continuity in some grims (xenodochium) was also installed in the area, residential areas is situated within a road network which is mentioned in the letters of Gregory the that was unchanged since early and middle impe- Great. The significant toponym a Valeriis, which it rial times: the most important thoroughfares of held up to the beginning of the 9th century, seems the Clivus Publicius and the Vicus Armilustri per- to indicate that it lay on the ite of an ancient noble sist alongside the system of adjoining streets that domus belonging to that family.54 follow the contours of the hill.68 This should be related to the protracted survival of public struc- AVeNTINe tures such as the Baths of Decius, restored again in AD 414 after the sack of Alaric,69 from which a The profile of the adjacent territory of the Aven- series of statue bases dedicated by members of tine differs strikingly from the Caelian both in its senatorial families between 331 and 402 suggests residential character and in the processes by a period of lengthy use and a particular connec- which it was transformed in Late Antiquity. It tion with the wealthy domus in the area.70 should be admitted, however, that some of these To complete the topographical picture the intri- variations might also reflect a discrepancy in the cate network of non-Christian religious buildings types of documentation available.55 should be mentioned, some of them of particular In this urban area the process of Christianization antiquity, and which are often not fully docu- took place within an urban network that consisted mented: the well-known temple of Diana; the large predominantly of residential buildings, which had precinct of the triad Minerva, Jupiter Libertas, become almost exclusively aristocratic from the and Juno Regina; and the sanctuaries of Mercury, middle imperial period.56 The literary sources, Ceres, Liber and Libera, Flora, Luna, Consus, Ver- such as the correspondence of Jerome, together tumnus, the Bona Dea Subsaxana, Silvanus Salu- with epigraphic data and phase of constructions, taris, and Jupiter elicius.71 They show the other indicate that this situation remained substantially aspect of the Aventine and complement a range the same throughout the 4th century and also dur- of oriental sanctuaries with ‘domestic’ character- ing the succeeding period. Some changes in the istics, such as the Iseum installed in the first half domus under S. Sabina must belong to the 4th cen- of the 2nd century in a house under S. Sabina.72 In tury,57 and to the second half of the same century most cases it is difficult to establish their contin- can be attributed the introduction of the apsidal ued use and location, but those which were defi- hall in the complex attributed to Fabius Cilo on the nitely in use in the 4th century go beyond the Con- so-called ‘Little Aventine’58 and changes to the stantinian period in the case of the temple of Flora, complex under S. Saba.59 But the owner of the which was restored by Quintus Fabius Memmius domus in the 5th century was still Flavius Iunius Symmachus, praetor in AD 40173 and is men- Quartus Palladius,60 pretorian prefect in AD 416- tioned in the Carmen contra paganos and on a slave’s 421, whose statue with an inscription on the base collar dating from the end of the 4th century.74 A came to light at a site to the north-west. Other prolonged use can also be established for the im- known proprietors include some members of the portant temple of Jupiter Dolichenus, discovered Caecinae Decii family, like Caecina Decius Albinus in 1935 by Colini on the Via di San Domenico, iunior, city prefect in AD 402, mentioned in an which provides evidence of a series of construc- inscription,61 and Flavius Caecina Decius Maximus tion phases belonging to the late 4th and traces of Basilius, pretorian prefect in 483, whose name is use beyond the 5th century;75 the same presumably found on a water pipe.62 In view of these signs of applies to the mithraeum within the complex under stability in patterns of residential ownership, the S. Prisca. According to the finds the latter would list of archaeological data is of particular interest have been in use throughout the 5th century.76 with the discovery of seals of Theodoric in the The process of Christian monumentalisation house under the medieval church of S. Prisca63 and (fig. 9) does not start before the early years of the the opus sectile pavement of the 7th century in a 5th century and can perhaps only be admitted in domus excavated in Largo Arrigo VII.64 The written the case of certain private properties. Jerome’s let- sources add the valuable information that among ters recall on several occasions the assembling of those living on the Aventine were Sylvia, the widows and virgins in a domus on the Aventine mother of Gregory the Great,65 and some popes, belonging to a certain Marcella.77 This was prob- including probably Boniface IV (608-615)66 and ably a descendant of the praefectus Urbi from AD eugene I (654-657); the latter, according to his biog- 292-293, Claudius Marcellus, and a grandson of rapher, hailed de regione Aventinense.67 Ceionius Rufius Albinus, consul in 335.78 127  Tituli Devotional churches Monasteries Deaconries Xenodochia Fig. 9. Map showing the distribution of archaeological evidence on the Aventine up to the 7th century (1. titulus Sabinae; 2. titulus Priscae; 3. titulus Balbinae; 4. S. Saba; 5. S. Bonifacio; 6. Monastery of Euprepia) (drawing author). of the hill. This evidence of dedication to the cura animarum only confirms the area’s residential pro- file. If the chronological limits of the first parochial institution are fixed at the period of the pontificates of Celestine I and Sixtus III (AD 422- 440),79 the earliest mention of the church of Prisca on a site that was probably different from that of the 12th-century building, is given by the synod of 499.80 There too is included for the first time a titulus Tigridae, which is almost unanimously identified with that of Balbina recorded for the synod of 595.81 In general, there may be some basis for the idea that on the Aventine as on the Caelian the plan- ning of the Church of Rome was inserted to some extent within ‘empty spaces’ that began to appear in the urban network after the destabilising event of the sack of the City. But the two best known Fig. 10. S Sabina: axonometric drawing foundations reflect different methods of creation. (from Brandenburg 2004a). The triple nave basilica of S. Sabina (fig. 10) was constructed in a district that comprised at least The radicalisation of ‘institutional’ Christianity four different residential areas, distinct in both occurred only after the decades following the character and chronology, brought together in a sack of Rome, during which the urban network single property for the building of the church: this received three titular foundations, the titulus was supposedly in an abandoned state and prob- Sabinae, the titulus Priscae and the titulus Balbinae, ably of depreciated value after 410 and was sub- the first two situated in the so-called ‘Great sequently obliterated by a significant raising of Aventine’, and the third on the eastern offshoot level, which the church respected only in relation 128  Fig.11. S. Sabina: archaeological evidence under the church (from Darsy 1961). Fig. 12. S. Balbina: plan (from Brandenburg 2004a). Fig. 13. S. Balbina (photo author). to the urban plan imposed by the existing road sectors, the use of non-active spaces as rubbish network (fig. 11).82 S. Balbina, on the other hand, dumps, the employment of old buildings for new was installed in a 4th-century hall of the complex functions, and the presence of intra-mural graves.84 of the ancient domus Cilonis, of which it is thought In this period Christianisation is manifested in that the church completely retained the architec- new forms, above all the creation of monasteries, tural forms (figs 12-13)83. those of St. Saba, whose origin, whether Greek or During the 6th and 7th centuries the urban pic- Latin, is debated,85 St. Boniface,86 and possibly a ture became more diverse and changeable. The third near S. Sabina, which is known from a letter evidence suggests the occurrence of new phe- of Gregory the Great.87 nomena, such as the inclusion of cultivated areas, a logical result of the abandonment of built-up 129 CAMPuS MARTIuS In the northern and north-western area of the city, almost completely occupied by the plain of the Campus Martius,88 the Christianisation of urban spaces appears to have followed the topographical context. In defining the development of a Chris- tian presence in this zone it is particularly evident how the means of installation during the 4th and 5th centuries differed sharply in function and posi- tioning from the succeeding period. These phe- nomena should be interpreted in the light of the area’s general urban transformation. The first introduction of ecclesiastical build- ings, clearly recognizable in the urban fabric, is represented by at least four titular churches: the basilica of Pope Marcus, inaugurated in AD 336, the oldest titular foundation mentioned by the sources;89 the uncertain basilica of Pope Julius (AD 337-352) iuxta forum divi Traiani, which Pietri re- gards as a titulus that disappeared at an early Fig. 14. S. Lorenzo in Lucina: axonometric drawing stage;90 and the tituli Lucinae,91 Damasi,92 and Mar- of church and baptistery (from Brandt 2004). celli, the last of which was built at the beginning of the 5th century.93 Thanks to recent excavations, the buildings are well-known; they were con- structed to provide a complete cura animarum, as the presence of baptisteries reveals, documented by excavation at S. Marco,94 S. Lorenzo in Lucina (fig. 14),95 S. Marcello,96 and presumably S. Loren- zo in Damaso.97 In terms of the transformative effect on the urban landscape it is worth noting that in their initial phases these buildings tend to adapt pre-existing arrangements with minimal changes, and in general involved little destruction of the previous structure: at S. Marco an apse was added to an existing hall (fig. 15); at S. Marcello the apse of a domus hall was reused; at S. Lorenzo in Damaso a colonnaded building was restored. The triple nave construction of the titulus Lucinae seems to have been the result of a mid-5th century rebuilding, but it is not clear where the older titu- lus was located.98 What is striking is that such structures were not situated on the main high- ways (the Vicus Pallacinae for the titulus Marci, the Via Lata-Flaminia for S. Marcello and S. Lo- renzo in Lucina, and the axis corresponding to the Via del Pellegrino for S. Lorenzo in Damaso),99 but systematically preferred secondary axes, per- haps also because of the conditions imposed by the pre-existing building. Particularly significant was the creation within Fig. 15. S. Marco: palaeochristian apse (photo author). a prestigious private residence on the Pincio of an oratory dedicated to the martyr Felix of Nola. before the sack of 410. Relics of the martyr might This perhaps took place when the property still have been sent to Rome through the family’s belonged to the aristocratic family of the Anicii, direct dealings with Bishop Paulinus. Although 130 Fig. 16. Map of the Campus Martius with tituli (large *) and housing areas (hatch and small * for isolated evidence) (Author). this structure is only later attested by sources, the imperial demesne and the complex became an including especially the einsiedeln Itinerary, the imperial residence up to the Gothic Wars.100 recent convincing interpretation by Claire Sotinel The high number of tituli and distribution of may lend weight to the idea that it functioned as these buildings in the urban fabric should be read an imperial chapel after the property passed into in connection with the residential character of the 131 districts (fig. 16), particularly dense along the via Rome, the basilica of the Apostle Peter.120 Lata-Flaminia, in the western area near the Tiber, It is interesting to note that in this area of the and in the south, in the area known as Pallacinae Campus Martius Christianity did not take root near the Fora and Capitolium.101 A vast array of before the 6th and 7th centuries. Then new typolo- archaeological material allows the reconstruction gies of buildings appeared, which corresponded of substantially enduring landscape in these areas no longer to the requirements of liturgical organi- for the 4th and 5th centuries. In many cases, how- sation,121 but to new and different needs, connected ever, there is an unmistakable increase in the mostly with welfare and hospitality, but also with quantity of high-status residential building to the premeditated strategies of occupation and restora- detriment of the more common multi-habitation tion of urban spaces (fig. 17). The picture of Chris- blocks (insulae).102 tianisation sees a wealth of devotional churches: The distribution of tituli shows that in this in the second half of the 6th century the inaugu- period Christianisation did not affect the central ration of the church of the Apostles Philip and area of the Campus Martius, which demonstrates James;122 and at the beginning of the 7th century exceptional continuity in public monuments. early the dedication of the Pantheon to the Virgin and signs of de-structuring on a very limited scale can all the martyrs by Phocas’ imperial concession123 be seen in two adjacent complexes which had be- and of diaconiae (S. Maria in via Lata,124 S. Maria come functionally obsolete, the Diribitorium103 in Aquiro),125 monasteries (one known from the and the portico north of the Theatre of Balbus, letters of Gregory the Great close to Agrippa’s which is generally identified as the Minucia Fru- baths,126 another in the 6th century in the sacred mentaria.104 During the 4th and much of the 5th area of the Largo Argentina,127 and two near the century this urban area saw the continual mainte- Crypta Balbi),128 and xenodochia (the Xenodochium nance of monuments of imperial celebration like Aniciorum and another on the site of S. Maria in the Ara Pacis,105 the systematic upkeep of public Trivio).129 buildings used for entertainment (the theatres of The remarkable intrusion of Christian settle- Pompey,106 Balbus,107 and Marcellus,108 Domitian’s ments within public buildings was the result of stadium and Odeon,109 and probably the Trigarium profound changes in the urban landscape and of and Circus Flaminius),110 and the continued use of the slow and progressive decay of the ancient city public baths (of Agrippa and Alexander Severus),111 fabric. These developments are indicated by alter- The pagan temples (of the Bonus eventus where ations in building structures and, in the case of the portico was restored in AD 374,112 the temples the most important complexes, in the abandon- in the sacred area of the Largo Argentina,113 the ment deposits and secondary functions (burials, Pantheon,114 Aurelian’s temple of the Sun,115 the crafts, and habitation).130 In this situation it can be Iseum Campense,116 and the temples of the Circus seen that residential zones became less compact Flaminius) were extraordinarily persistent.117 There and more scattered in public areas adopting new is an uninterrupted sequence of restoration pro- and more humble typologies, which used what- grammes undertaken by the city prefects, who ever structures and materials were available and were often members of noble families such as the alternated with areas of cultivation. It should be Anicii well ensconced in Late Antique Roman stressed that Christian buildings did not change society.118 They appear to have taken charge, one their relationship to the overall built-up area. might even say beyond the functional workings Rather, it was the actual topographical form of of the state apparatus, to safeguard the very image those areas that changed. of urban propriety. Between the end of the 4th and the beginning FINAL CONSIDeRATIONS of the 5th century the central zone of the Campus Martius enhanced its monumental appearance From the analysis of these urban districts it is pos- with the creation of new triumphal arches, one on sible to outline some common elements of the the Via Lata, dedicated by the Senate to the em- processes that determined the Christianisation of peror Honorius according to a recent hypothesis intramural spaces in Rome between the 4th and 7th of Paolo Liverani,119 and then two, close to one centuries. Within this period the functional distri- another, honouring Gratian, Valentinian and Theo- bution of churches appears clearly to reflect the dosius (AD 379-383) and Arcadius, Honorius and renewal of the managerial needs of the community Theodosius II (402-409). Their location was par- and of the urban territory of the church. The cre- ticularly meaningful, situated on the thoroughfare ation of the tituli, which falls almost exclusively in leading to the principal focal point of Late Antique the 4th century and the first half of the 5th, was suc- 132  Tituli Devotional churches Monasteries Deaconries Xenodochia Fig. 17. Map of settlements in the Campus Martius up to the 7th century (1. titulus Marci; 2. basilica Iulia; 3. titulus Lucinae; 4. titulus Damasi; 5. titulus Marcelli; 6. S. Felice; 7. SS. Felice e Giacomo; 8. S. Maria ad martyres; 9. xenodochium Aniciorum; 10. xenodochium in Via; 11. S. Maria in Via Lata; 12. S. Maria in Aquiro; 13. S. Eustachio; 14. Monastery near the baths of Agrippa; 15. Monastery in the sacred area of Largo Argentina; 16. S. Lorenzo in Pallacinis; 17. S. Stefano Vagauda) (drawing author). ceeded in the early medieval period by the foun- The distribution of devotional churches, like S. dation of institutions of charity and hospitality Stefano Rotondo on the Caelian or the Pantheon in such as diaconiae, xenodochia and, above all, monas- the Campus Martius re-consecrated to Mary and teries.131 The last of these started to develop prin- the Martyrs, appears instead to indicate the exis- cipally as self-contained nuclei132 and were able to tence on the part of the Church of precise strate- survive also in those parts of the city that became gic and ideological plans to put down roots.133 progressively depopulated and ruralised. The evaluation of the initial process of Christiani- 133 sation, as we have seen in different areas, can help between the end of the 3rd and the 11th century of such an administrative system which would imply inevitable to identify a later phase in the mainly residential variations with regard to the expansion of ‘Christian sectors and an early presence in the more popu- space’. The limits adopted here, therefore, are the con- lated quarters. ventional ones (for a map showing the traditional pro- Analysis of the relationship between Christian posal, see Pani ermini 2000, 26 fig. 12). 6 The Lateran, which formed its eastern offshoot, was buildings and pagan meeting places provides fur- from a geomorphological perspective a part of this long ther evidence. At least until the end of the 5th cen- east-west oriented hill (Colini 1944, 5-11]), but this area tury Christian sites were not installed exclusively including the enormous episcopal foundation is ex- within the religious buildings of Late Antique cluded from the scope of the present paper. Rome, but systematically co-existed with pagan 7 See Colini 1944, 67-78 and Pavolini 1991-92. 8 excavations have repeatedly brought to light an unin- structures, although in a process of progressive terrupted sequence of insulae and domus: see Colini abandonment, encouraged by various imperial 1944, Pavolini 1993; Pavolini/Carignani/ Pacetti et al. laws, and with a very developed network of 1993; Pavolini 1994-95; Insalaco 2003; Pavolini 2003; ‘domestic’ sanctuaries of eastern origin, mainly Pavolini 2006, 31-53, 65-77, 81-88, 93-106 (with exten- sive bibliography for the various complexes). mithraea. 9 A full bibliography for this structure is provided in e. The criteria of distribution of Christian build- Lissi Caronna, LTUR I, 249-251; see also the clarification ings are perfectly consistent with the processes of by Pavolini 2006, 55-61. transformation of urban space up to the early 10 Colini 1944, 228-231, and Astolfi 2003. medieval period. It is clear that if, after the Con- 11 Most recently, see Sampson 1971; G. Pisani Sartorio, LTUR III, 204-205; Pavolini 2006, 19-22. stantinian peace, the new religion progressively 12 C. Buzzetti, in LTUR I, 277-278 and Pavolini 2006, 29- took over new spaces through imperial and aris- 31. For cults and shrines on the Caelian, see also the up- tocratic euergetism that was to prove ideal for its to-date picture of Pavolini 2006, 14-18. own communal organisation. In the wake of the 13 Carignani/Gabucci/Palazzo 1990; Pavolini 1990; Carignani 1993; Danti 1993. Compare, for full bibliog- abandonment and structural dismantling that raphy and a general reconsideration of the complex, occurred after the Gothic Wars, the development Pavolini 2006, 78-81. of Christianisation took place in the context of 14 Amm. Marc. 16.12.66. See Colini 1944, 419; Lissi Caron- successive desertion and changing of structures na 1979, 211-212; Lissi Caronna 1986, 46. Also Pavolini and was thus to a certain extent favoured in the 2006, 58-59. 15 See Colini 1944, 419; Lissi Caronna 1979, 211-212; Lissi processes of occupying new spaces by the decay Caronna 1986, 46. Also Pavolini 2006, 58-59. of the ancient city. At the same time, however, the 16 Aurigemma 1910. foundation of churches created new urban focal 17 Most recently, Pavolini 2006, 87-88. points and encouraged the process of conserving 18 The discovery in the basilica of a fragment of glass plate with the effigy of Q. Aurelius Symmachus and his son the urban network, which is so evident in the Q. Fabius Memmius Symmachus is significant (fig. 5): continued use of the principal routes, and assisted Pacetti 2001, but also Spinola 1992, 977-978. the development of urban regeneration. 19 Pavolini/Carignani/Pacetti et al. 1993, 465-466. 20 In general, Pavolini 2000. NOTeS 21 Pavolini 1993, 299-301 and Pavolini 2006, 96. 22 Krautheimer 1937-1980, I, 268-274, 281-284, 290-294, 1 Pietri 1976. Pietri’s detailed historical summary ends at 297-300 and Colini 1944, 164-195. See Pavolini 2006, 31- 440 with the pontificate of Sixtus III. 41 for a recent revision following restoration work, in 2 Krautheimer 1980. anticipation of a complete edition and thorough exam- 3 Fiocchi Nicolai 2001. ination of the data in Caelius II. 4 The present author is currently undertaking a total 23 Compare Pavolini 2003 for the the context of the Clivus analysis of the phenomena of settlement in Late Antique Scauri. Rome, of which the primary focus is the role played by 24 For the identification of this character with the vicarius the process of Christianisation of spaces in the overall Africae of AD 409 (PLRE II, Gaudentius 3) rather than transformation of the settlements. with the homonymous agens in rebus of 384 (PLRE I, 5 The problem of the ecclesiastical administration of the Gaudentius 5), see Spinola 1992, 966-969. city is complex in certain respects even after the most 25 PLRE I, Symmachus 4. recent re-examinations by Pietri 1975 and 1989; the ear- 26 Spinola 1992 and Pavolini/Carignani/Pacetti et al. lier studies of G.B. de Rossi (de Rossi 1864-1877, I, 197- 1993, 473-483; also Spinola 2000 and Carignani/Spinola 210 and III, 514-526), L. Duchesne (Duchesne 1878 and 1995 for the mosaics. Duchesne 1890) and C. Re (Re 1889) had a substantial 27 Information about the existence of a domus of the influence on those that followed, by Cecchelli in Cas- Symmachi on the Caelian can be found in passages of tagnoli/Cecchelli/Giovannoni/Zocca 1958, 195-199 letters by the famous orator (Symm. Epist. 3.12, 3.88, and by Testini 1966, 226-227. On this topic see also Pani 7.18) and from the discovery of two bases dedicated by ermini 1974, esp. 19-20. The scarcity of sources makes Quintus Fabius Memmius Symmachus (CIL VI 1699 it difficult to reconstruct the defined boundaries, but and 31903; CIL VI 1782; Velestino 2000a and b). After there are also significant doubts about the continuity Colini 1944, 273, 281-283, for the recently investigated 134  archaeological context on the summit of the Caelian, in nova aedificia augmentavit...). See Ferrari 1957, 119-131 the area of the Military Hospital, see Spinola 1992, 966- and the synthesis by G. De Spirito, in LTUR II, 233-234. 969; Pavolini/Carignani/Pacetti et al. 1993, 483-502; 54 See De Rossi 1886 and Gatti 1902 for its location in the Carignani 2000. More recently, Pavolini 2006, 84-87 and area of the Domus Valeriorum, and, more recently, 110 (for a comment on Hillner 2003, 135-137). Giuntella 2001, 657, 665-667; for a different hypothesis, 28 SHA, Comm. 16.3. For the hypothesis, see Pavolini/ see Santangeli Valenzani 1996-1997, 207-210. Carignani/Pacetti et al. 1993, 497-502. 55 For a general topographical picture of the Aventine 29 Colini 1944, 253-258; Guidobaldi 1986, 186-188; Brenk Merlin’s study (Merlin 1906) is still fundamental, to 1999. See also Hillner 2003, to which Pavolini 2006, 109- which Andreussi’s updated account should be added 110 responds with valid arguments. An extensive his- (Andreussi, in LTUR I, 147-150); see also Di Gioia 2004. tory of research in this area and a profile of the owners 56 Suffice to mention private dwellings of the emperors can be found in Lega 2003. such as the (domus) privata Traiani, in Merlin 1906, 318, 30 up-to-date studies in Barbera/Palladino/Paterna 2005 326, 343; Vermaseren, van essen 1965, 15-24; Santamaria and in Palladino/Paterna 2006. Scrinari 1979; Coarelli 1984, 157-175. For other contexts: 31 On the complex, besides the studies quoted in note 22, Darsy 1968, 13-88; Krautheimer 1937-1980, IV, 78-83; see Prandi 1953 and also Brandenburg 2004, 155-162. Pani ermini/Giordani 1983; Pani ermini/Giordani 32 See especially Cecchelli Trinci 1978. 1984: structures brought to light during excavations 33 For a recent interpretation, capable of re-opening the beneath and around the area of S. Sabina; Colini 1938; debate, see Brenk 1995 and 2000. Chini 1997: residential buildings on the N-W slope; Chini 34 Krautheimer 1937-80, I, 265-300; Prandi 1953; Pietri 1976, 1996: domus beside the Dolocenum; La Follette 1994, 56: 476-477, 481-490, 570-571; Brandenburg 2004a, 155-162. domus existing before the baths of Decius under the Tor- 35 Acta Sanctorum, Nov. II, 2, 590. lonia country house and under the Piazza del Tempio 36 MGH, Auctores antiquissimi, XII, 410-415. L. Spera, in di Diana; Cappelletti/Cipollone 1984; Boldrighini 2000; LTUR I, 20. Taviani et al. 2002, 200, 213-214: domus under Largo 37 A summary of the discoveries to the west of the apse Arrigo VII; Vermaseren/van essen 1965; Vermaseren is given by Pavolini 2006, 101-103; see also Pavolini 1975: domus under St. Prisca (of L. Licinius Sura); 1994-1995. On the titulus see Krautheimer 1937-1980, IV, Santamaria Scrinari 1979: buildings in the area of the 1-36; Apollonj Ghetti 1964; L. Spera, LTUR IV, 177-178; Accademia di Danza; Merlin 1906, 447-455: domus Brandenburg 2004a, 195-196. under Via Marcella and under Via di Sant’Alessio; 38 A general picture is offered in Pavolini 1993a; Pavolini Morpurgo 1935; Chini 1997, 759-772; Taviani et al. 2002, 2001; Meneghini/Santangeli Valenzani 2004, 151-155. 203: domus under the modern ‘Domus Vergiliana’, Via 39 Well before the church of St. Stephen was built above Aventina 31; Cavallo 1982-1983; Grandi/Olevano 1995: (below), the area contained buildings whose use is un- Domus Pactumeiorum; Visconti 1859; Di Manzano/ known and which had at least partly obliterated the cas- Quinto 1984; Guidobaldi 1986, 181-184; Taviani et al. tra: see Brandenburg 2004b, 485-486 and Pavolini 2006, 2002, 200-202: domus of L. Fabius Cilo. A full summary 60-61 for a general reconsideration of the problem. of discoveries is provided in Quinto 1990. 40 Pavolini 1993, esp. 301-302. 57 Darsy 1968, esp. 79-88; Krautheimer 1937-80, IV, 81-83; 41 Pavolini/Carignani/Pacetti et al. 1993, 465-466. Pani ermini/Giordani 1983; Pani ermini/Giordani 42 See especially Pacetti 2004 and finally Pavolini 2006, 88-90. 1984. 43 Pavolini 2006, 88. 58 Krautheimer 1937-80, I, 84-93; Heres 1982, 212-214; 44 Pavolini 1993a, 62-63 and Meneghini/Santangeli Guidobaldi 1986, 181-184; F. Guidobaldi, LTUR II, 95- Valenzani 2004, 103-125. 96. But see Cecchelli 2001, 24, 31-33, 89, 217-222 for a 45 Vita Melaniae iun. lat. 14.3, ed. Rampolla del Tindaro different chronological focus. 1905, 11. 59 Krautheimer 1937-80, IV, 52-57; Guidobaldi 1986, 203- 46 PLRE I, Melania 2 and PLRE I, Pinianus 2. 205; Cecchelli 2001, 95, 350-352. 47 F. Guidobaldi, LTUR II, 207; Brenk 1999, 72-74. For a 60 AE 1928, 80; for the character PLRE II, Palladius 19. different hypothesis, see Hillner 2003, 140-143, in con- Traces of the domus were found in 1926 in the area of trast with Lega 2003, 82 n. 25 and with Pavolini 2006, St. Anselm’s monastery (F. Guidobaldi, in LTUR II, 151). 110-111, the latter also based on archaeological data. 61 CIL VI 1192; PLRE I, Albinus 10. 48 For the bibliography of the titular building, see note 31 62 CIL VI 7420; PLRE II, Basilius 12. Based on the origin of above. these objects De Rossi (1855) conjectured that the domus 49 Stephen’s relics became important after his tomb was was situated between S. Alessio and S. Sabina; see F. discovered in a Jerusalem suburb in 415: Gordini 1968, Guidobaldi, in LTUR II, 29. 1380-1382. 63 Vermaseren/van essen 1965, 241-337, esp. 299, 305. 50 A significant number of studies have been dedicated to 64 Vendittelli et al. 1990; Fontana/Munzi 2001; Fontana et this important monument; among the most fundamen- al. 2004. See also Meneghini/Santangeli Valenzani 2004, tal are Corbett 1960, Ceschi 1982, and the recent works 147. by H. Brandenburg, especially Brandenburg 1992; Bran- 65 Johannes Diaconus, Vita Gregorii I, 9 (PL 75, 66). On the denburg 1998; Brandenburg 2000; Brandenburg 2004b. connection between Silvia’s residence and St. Saba’s See further the collective volume Brandenburg/Pal 2000. monastic institution, see the bibliography below, n. 85. 51 Brandenburg 2004b, 483-485. On the problems posed 66 LP I, 317 (Hic domum suam monasterium fecit, quem et by the intermediate building stage between the castra ditavit). But with regard to the location on the Aventine, and the church, see note 39 above. see Ferrari’s doubts (Ferrari 1957, 76-77). 52 Ferrari 1957, 138-151 and Pani ermini 1981, 35-39. More 67 LP I, 341. The interpretation of Papal dwellings as signs recently Giuntella 2001, esp. 644-646. of the persistence of outstanding residential buildings 53 LP I, 346 (... in monasterio sancti Herasmi situm in Coe- is stressed by Santangeli Valenzani 2001-2002. liomonte, in quo concrevisse visus est sanctissimus vir, multa 68 Merlin 1906, esp. 95-98, 246-250, 295-297. For these two 135  road axes see respectively F. Coarelli, in LTUR I, 284 of identification (with bibliography) is given by G. De and M. Andreussi, in LTUR I, 126-127. Spirito, LTUR I, 180-181; for the context of SS. Apostoli, 69 CIL VI 1703. Leonardi/Ferdinandi 1989-1990. 70 See in general L. La Follette, in LTUR V, 51-53; for epi- 91 According to the Libellus precum (Collectio Avellana I.5) graphical evidence, CIL VI 1651, 1159, 1160, 1167, 1672, this was the place where Pope Damasus was elected in 1192. 366: Pietri 1976, 28-29. There are still doubts about iden- 71 A summary of the religious buildings on the Aventine tifying it with the three-aisled basilica of S. Lorenzo in is given by Merlin 1906, 42-52, 140-244, 362-377. For Lucina, perhaps reconstructed in the middle of the 5th individual contexts, the following should be consulted: century: Bertoldi/Mitchell/Conforto 1992; Bertoldi on the temple of Diana, the recent studies by Vendittelli 1994; Hillner 2002; Brandt 2004a, 20-22. et. al. 1990; Liou-Gille 1992; Colonna 1994; Schreiter 2000; 92 Krautheimer 1937-80, II, 145-151; Scalia 1978; Krauthei- Turcan 2000; and, for a recent revision of problems of mer 1995; Blair-Dixon 2002; Brandenburg 2004a, 135-136. location, Armellini/Quaranta 2004; on the temple of 93 Most recently, and with full bibliography, episcopo Juno Regina, Weigel 1982-1983; on the temple of Mer- 2003; further, Brandenburg 2004, 165-166. cury, Zevi 1987; on the temple of Ceres, Liber and 94 Cecchelli 1995, 643-644; M. Cecchelli, in LTUR III, 213; Libera, van Berchem 1935. For these and other religious Cecchelli 2004, 314. buildings details can be found in LTUR I-V. 95 See especially Brandt 1995. 72 De Rossi 1855; Darsy 1968, 26-55; Coarelli 1982, 65; 96 Nestori 1982. Solin 1982; Volpe 1982. 97 According to an inscription (ICh II, 1, n. 6) reading ad 73 PLRE II, Symmachus 10 (see also above, and n. 18). fontem. 74 Anth. I.1.22 and CIL XV 7172. On the temple, see the 98 See above, n. 91. synthesis by e. Papi, in LTUR II, 253-254 with full bib- 99 On vicus Pallacinae and on via Flaminia-Lata, see, respec- liography. tively, C. Lega, in LTUR IV, 51-52 and G. De Spirito, in 75 Colini 1935; Colini 1938; Coarelli 1982, 50; Hörig/Schwert- LTUR V, 139141. On the road system of the western heim 1987, 222-263, nn. 355-405; Bellelli 1996; Chini Campus Martius compare Quilici 1983 and Rinaldoni 1996; Chini 2000. 2004. 76 In advance of a re-publication, compare Vermaseren/ 100 Sotinel 2002. For the Late Antique residence, see van essen 1965; Vermaseren 1975; Coarelli 1979. Jolivet/Broise 1994; Broise/Dewailly/Jolivet 1999-2000; 77 Hier. Epist. 47.3 (a sancta Marcella quae manet in Aven- Broise/Dewailly/Jolivet 2000. tino). For this character, see PLRE I, Marcella 2. 101 For the settlements along the Via Lata, see Gatti 1961; 78 PLRE I, Marcellus 10 and PLRE I, Albinus 14. See Merlin Leonardi/Ferdinandi 1989-1990; Bertoldi/Mitchell/ 1906, 421-428; Pietri 1976, 147, 435, 639-640; F. Gui- Conforto 1992; Laurenti 1992; Lissi Caronna 1985 and dobaldi, in LTUR II, 136. On the ‘circle’ of the Aventine, Lissi Caronna 2006. For the western Campus Martius, see Testard 1996. see Quilici 1982-1983; Attilia 1985; Rizzo 1985; Quilici 79 On the titulus Sabinae, see Darsy 1961; Darsy 1968; 1986-1987; Virgili 1987; Rinaldoni 2004. For some dis- Krautheimer 1937-1980, 69-94; Pani ermini/Giordani coveries of residential structures in the area of the Vicus 1983; Pani ermini 1984; Krautheimer 1987-1988; Bellanca Pallacinae, see Cecchelli 2004, 312. 1999; Brandenburg 2004a, 167-177. Full summary in S. 102 Considerable data suggesting continuity can be found episcopo, LTUR IV, 221-223. in the studies quoted above, note 101. One of the most 80 MGH, Auctores antiquissimi XII, 413. See van essen 1957; significant contexts is the Domus Artemiorum, restruc- Sangiorgi 1968; Krautheimer 1937-80, III, 263-279; tured within the block of an insula (Meneghini 1999), Cecchelli 2003, 345-356; a synthesis is offered by M.G. the domus under the Museo Barracco (most recently, Le Zanotti, in LTUR IV, 162-163. Pera Buranelli 2004) and under Palazzo Altemps (De 81 MGH, Auctores antiquissimi XII, 412 and Epist. I, 367. See Angelis d’Ossat 2005). Krautheimer 1937-80, I, 84-93; Cecchelli 1985, 303-304; 103 The area of the building was partly covered between Guidobaldi 1986, 181-184; S. episcopo, in LTUR I, 155; the 4th and 5th century by structures considered by most Ferreri 1996; Cecchelli 2001, 24, 31-33, 89 (and 217-222); scholars as foundations of habitations. See in particular Flaminio 2002. Guidobaldi 1986, 175-181 and Manacorda 1993, 33. Com- 82 For the results of the excavations, see especially Darsy pare, however, Hülsen 1910, 43 n. 15 and Muzzioli 1995. 1968, esp. 13-88, as well as Pani ermini/Giordani 1983; 104 For the most recent data about the periods of abandon- Pani ermini 1984. ment of the portico and the formation of a thoroughfare, 83 See above, and nn. 56, 58 and 81 and especially Gui- see Vendittelli 2004, to whom the reader should be dobaldi 1986, 181-184. referred for the preceding bibliography. A complete 84 According to available evidence. Meneghini/Santangeli diachronic picture is given by Manacorda 2001. For a dif- Valenzani 2004, 145-149 present the complete picture. ferent interpretation, see Zevi 1993 and 1994. 85 Ferrari 1957, 281-290; Testini 1961; Krautheimer 1937- 105 If Prudentius (Contra Symmachum 1. 245-248: see Simp- 80, IV, 281-290; Pani ermini 1981, 42-45; Delle Rose son 1994) seems to describe its outline, Hannestad’s 1986-87; M. Delle Rose, in LTUR I, 257-259. hypothesis of a re-elaboration of some of its forms 86 Ferrari 1957, 76-87. under Maxentius is more doubtful (Hannestad 2000). 87 Greg. I, Reg. epist. II, 10; Ferrari 1957, 136. 106 Various restorations are attested between the fourth 88 For a general plan of the area in antiquity, see Coarelli and fifth century, one of which relates to Arcadius and 1977; Quilici 1983; La Rocca 1984; Muzzioli 1992; Coa- Honorius (CIL VI 1191; see Hülsen 1899) and probable relli 1997; Sediari 1997; Rinaldoni 2004; Muzzioli 2006. interventions by Aurelius Anicius Symmachus, who 89 Krautheimer 1937-80, II, 218-249; Cecchelli 1995; M. dedicated a statue to Honorius (CIL VI 1193). For the Cecchelli, in LTUR III, 212-213; Cecchelli 2004. theatre, see now Gagliardo/Packer 2006 for previous 90 Pietri 1976, 22-23 and Pietri 1989, 1040-1041; Verrando bibliography. 1985, 1028-1031. The status quaestionis on the problems 107 Besides the quotation from Ausonius (13.2.35-41), the 136  construction of two rooms within the Crypta might also 130 For a general picture of changes in the Campus Mar- be compatible with continuity of use of the theatre tius, see Meneghini/Santangeli Valenzani 2004, 200-205 (Manacorda 2001, 38-42). with detailed bibliography. 108 Statues continued to be set up in the theatre as late as 131 The general problems regarding these institutions are 421 by the prefect Petronius Maximus (CIL VI 1660). On summarised particularly in the fundamental contribu- the building, see P. Ciancio Rossetto, in LTUR V, 31-35. tion of Giuntella 2001. 109 Ammianus Marcellinus (16.10.14) interestingly men- 132 Suffice to mention St. Andrew’s monastery in clivum tions these buildings as among the most admired build- Scauri, which is described as having an extremely com- ings during Constantius II’s visit to Rome in 357. For plex plan, with a porch with nimphaeum and fons, a curtis the complex, see, most recently, Colini/Virgili 1998. monasterii, a cellarium, the stabula equorum, and a triclin- 110 Continuity in the western Campus Martius is question- ium (Vita Gregorii IV, 83, 229-230; 84, 230; 89, 234; 97, 240). able. La Rocca 1984, 57-58 argues that the Trigarium sur- 133 The installation of Marian churches seems to corre- vived into the 4th century on the basis of the continued spond to a precise, ‘ideological’ strategy in the renewal inclusion of the equus October feast by the Chrono- of cities, promoted by the Popes; compare Pani ermini grapher 354; however, an inscription (CIL VI 8461) 2001, esp. 315. attesting to officinae plumbariae in the area might suggest a change of function. The continued existence of the BIBLIOGRAPHY Circus Flaminius is also problematic, since it was undoubtedly at some time overrun by buildings and Apollonj Ghetti, B.M. 1964, I SS. 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Taviani, M. et alii 2002, Indagini della Soprintendenza ar- Prandi, A. 1953, Il complesso monumentale della basilica cheologica nella zona dell’Aventino, BCAR 103, 197-221. celimontana dei Ss. Giovanni e Paolo, Vatican City. Testard, M. 1996, Les dames de l’Aventin, disciples de saint Prandi, A. 1957, SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Rome. Jérôme, BAntFr, 39-63. Quaranta, P. 2006, La Forma urbis marmorea come stru- Testini, P. 1961, San Saba, Rome. mento di verifica della topografia di Roma antica. Il Testini, P. 1966, Le catacombe e gli antichi cimiteri cristiani in caso di Diana in Aventino, in Forma urbis Romae. Nuovi Roma, Bologna. frammenti di piante marmoree dallo scavo dei fori imperiali, Turcan, R. 2000, Artémis d’ephèse trouvée sur l’Aventin, Rome, 143-156. CRAI, 657-669. Quilici, L. 1982-1983, Strutture antiche e medioevali nelle van Berchem, D. 1935, Il tempio di Cerere e l’ufficio dell’an- case all’imbocco di via Capodiferro, BCAR 88, 255-268. nona a Roma, BCAR 63, 91-95. Quilici, L. 1983, Il Campo Marzio occidentale, in Città e van essen, C.C. 1957, L’église de Sainte Prisque à Rome in architettura nella Roma imperiale. Atti del seminario del 27 Actes du Ve Congrès international d’archéologie chrétienne, ottobre 1981 nel 25º anniversario dell’Accademia di Dani- Aix-en-Provence 13-19 septembre 1954, Paris, 279-282. marca, Odense, 59-85. Velestino, D. 2000a, Base con dedica a Quinto Aurelio Quilici, L. 1986-1987, Roma. Via di S. Paolo alla Regola. Simmaco, in S. ensoli/e. La Rocca (eds), Aurea Roma. Scavo e recupero di edifici antichi e medioevali, NSA Dalla città pagana alla città cristiana, Rome, 463-464. 40-41, 175-416. Velestino, D. 2000b, Base con dedica a Virio Nicomaco Quinto, R. 1990, Interventi edilizi sull’Aventino (1930- Flaviano, in S. ensoli/e. La Rocca (eds), Aurea Roma. 1970), Bollettino di Archeologia 5-6, 237-251. Dalla città pagana alla città cristiana, Rome, 464-465. Re, C. 1889, Le regioni di Roma nel Medioevo, Studi e do- Vendittelli, L. 2004, Crypta Balbi. Stato e prospettive della cumenti di storia e diritto 10, 349-381. ricerca archeologica nel complesso, in L. Paroli/L. Rinaldoni, M. C. 2004, Contributo per la conoscenza della Vendittelli (eds), Roma dall’antichità al medioevo 2. zona sud-ovest del Campo Marzio, BCAR 105, 371-394. Contesti tardoantichi e altomedievali, Milan, 222-230. Rizzo, S. 1985, Indagine storico-topografica nell’area di Vendittelli, L. 2005, Il tempio di Diana sull’Aventino. Campo dei Fiori, in Roma. Archeologia nel centro, 1. L’area Ipotesi di posizionamento e ricerca archeologica, in archeologica centrale. 2. La città murata, Rome, 385-391. Italica ars. Studi in onore di Giovanni Colonna per il premio Sampson, J. 1971, A possible description of the Macellum “I Sanniti”, Piedimonte Matese, 235-249. Magnum of Nero, PBSR 39, 40-46. Vendittelli, L. et al. 1990, La localizzazione del balneum Sangiorgi, G. 1968, Prisca e il suo mitreo, Rome. Surae e del tempio di Diana, Bollettino di Archeologia 5- Santamaria Scrinari, V. 1979, Il Castello dei Cesari, Rome, 11-18. 6, 163-169. Santangeli Valenzani, R. 1994, Tra la porticus Minucia e il Vermaseren, M.J. 1975, Nuove indagini nell’area della calcarario. L’area sacra di Largo Argentina nell’altome- Basilica di S. Prisca a Roma, MNIR 37, 87-96. dioevo, Archeologia Medievale 21, 57-98. Vermaseren, M.J./C.C. van essen 1965, The excavations in Santangeli Valenzani, R. 1996-1997, Pellegrini, senatori e the Mithraeum of the church of Santa Prisca in Rome, papi. Gli xenodochia a Roma tra il V e il IX secolo, RIA Leiden. 19-20, 203-226. Verrando, G.N. 1985, L’attività edilizia di papa Giulio I, Santangeli Valenzani R. 2001-2002, Il paesaggio urbano MEFRA 97, 1021-1061. altomedievale nei testi del Liber Pontificalis, in H. Virgili, P. 1987, Scavi in via delle Zoccolette e adiacenze, Geertmann (ed.), Il Liber Pontificalis e la storia materiale. Archeologia laziale 8. Ottavo Incontro di studio del Comitato Atti del colloqui internazionale, Roma, 21-22 febbraio 2002 per l’archeologia laziale, Rome, 102-108. = MNIR 60-61, 225-234. Virgili, P. 1997-1998, Strutture altomedievali sulla fronte Scalia, G. 1978, In margine al titulus di S. Lorenzo in del Pantheon, RPAA 70, 197-207. Damaso, Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria Virgili, P./P. Battistelli 1999, Indagini in piazza della Ro- 101, 345-353. tonda e sulla fronte del Pantheon, BCAR 100, 137-154. 141 Visconti, C.L. 1859, escavazioni a S. Balbina, Bullettino dell’Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica, 10-18. Volpe, R. 1982, I graffiti isiaci nell’area di S. Sabina a Roma, in u. Bianchi/M.J. Vermaseren (eds), La soteriologia dei culti orientali nell’impero romano. Atti del colloquio Internazionale, Leiden, 132-138. Weigel, R.D. 1982-1983, The duplication of temples of Iuno Regina in Rome, AncSoc 13-14, 179-192. Zevi, F. 1987, I santuari di Roma agli inizi della Repub- blica, in Etruria e Lazio arcaico, Rome, 121-132. Zevi, F. 1993, Per l’identificazione della Porticus Minucia frumentaria, MEFRA 105, 661-708. Zevi, F. 1994, Ancora una nota sulla Porticus Minucia, MEFRA 106, 1073-1076. 142 

CITIES AND GODS RELIGIOUS SPACE IN TRANSITION Edited by Ted Kaizer, Anna Leone, Edmund Thomas, and Robert Witcher PEETERS Leuven - Paris - Walpole, MA 2013 CONTENTS Preface VII TED KAIZER, ANNA LEONE, EDMUND THOMAS AND ROBERT WITCHER Cities and Gods: Religious Space in Transition Introduction 1 PART I: Religious Architecture in Urban Contexts EDMUND THOMAS Introduction: Religious Architecture in the Roman Empire, East and West 7 JOHN STAMPER The Capitoline Temples of Rome and its Colonies Cosa and Pompeii 9 LOUISE REVELL Gods, Worshippers and Temples in the Roman West 21 RUBINA RAJA Changing Spaces and Shifting Attitudes Revisiting the Sanctuary of Zeus in Gerasa 31 Part 2: Ritual and Perception of Sacred Urban Space MICHAEL J. CROSBIE Introduction: Cities and Gods, then and now 47 CLIFFORD ANDO Cities, Gods, Empire 51 MARTIN BOMMAS Temples for Egyptian Gods within an Urban landscape The Roman Iseum Campense and the Red Hall of Pergamon as Case Studies 59 MICHAEL SOMMER Creating Civic Space through Religious Innovation? The Case of the post-Seleucid Beqaa Valley 69 PENELOPE GOODMAN Temple Architecture and Urban Boundaries in Gaul and Britain Two Worlds or One? 81 Part 3: The Impact of New Religious Traditions on Civic Space NEIL CHRISTIE Introduction: Charting and Interpreting the Impact of New Religious Traditions on Civic Space 99 ISABELLA BALDINI LIPPOLIS & GIULIO VALLARINO Gortyn: from City of the Gods to Christian City 103 LUCREZIA SPERA Characteristics of the Christianisation of Space in Late Antique Rome New Considerations a Generation after Charles Pietri’s Roma Christiana 121 CLAIRE SOTINEL From Belenus to Peter and Paul Christianity and the Protection of the City in Late Antiquity 143 ALLAN DOIG Christian Ceremonial and the Earthly City 155 List of Contributors 171 Characteristics of the Christianisation of Space in Late Antique Rome New Considerations a Generation after Charles Pietri’s Roma Christiana Lucrezia Spera In 1976, Charles Pietri’s Roma Christiana outlined side buildings connected with other religions. a complete and almost definitive picture of the general configuration of the Urbs, marked increas- CAELIAN ingly, before the end of the 5th century, by the emergence of Christianity in spaces both intra and During the 4th century, the Caelian seems to have extra moenia.1 Thirty-six years later, the work of preserved virtually the same appearance as in the the French historian can still be regarded as un- previous two centuries (figs 2-3).6 The pre-existing surpassed or even unsurpassable, and remains a primary and secondary road networks were al- standard reference work for students of the Chris- most completely retained: the Via Tusculana; the tian topography of the city, which should be set Clivus Scauri and its continuation beyond the alongside the other important monograph by R. Servian walls, conventionally known as the Via Krautheimer2 and the valuable recent synthesis Caelemontana; and the Vicus Capitis Africae.7 by V. Fiocchi Nicolai.3 However, several discov- The district is particularly known for its residen- eries from recent archaeological excavations and, tial character,8 with limited public and religious above all, topographical analyses, which do not buildings: the Castra Peregrina;9 the barracks of consider Christian buildings in isolation from the the Fifth Cohors Vigilum;10 the Macellum Mag- urban fabric, but read them in terms of their deeper num;11 the temple of the Divus Claudius;12 and relationship with their particular contexts, stimu- the Basilica Hilariana.13 Some of these buildings late new reflections on the Christianisation of ur- survived beyond the reign of Constantine, as lit- ban space in Rome during Late Antiquity. erary sources or archaeological evidence confirm: It is now possible to broaden the area of research Ammianus Marcellinus recalls how in 357 the in order to define the complex phenomena of trans- king of the Alamanni, Chnodomarius, was impris- formation, not of individual buildings, but of the oned in the castra peregrinorum,14 and the mithrae- entire urban landscape within the Aurelianic Walls um can reasonably be considered to have been (fig. 1).4 This paper proposes some preliminary still active around the same time.15 The same goes suggestions towards that aim on the basis of for the Basilica Hilariana, seat of the school for analysing specific districts of the city, in particular the college of tree-bearers (dendrophori) of the two predominantly residential areas, the Caelian Magna Mater,16 which was situated in the area of and Aventine hills, which belonged to the first the Military Hospital. This certainly indicates a and second ecclesiastical regions respectively, and continued concentration in this zone up to the one area of more public and monumental charac- beginning of the 5th century,17 which was also ter, the Campus Martius, which corresponded to likely to have been favoured by the patronage of the fifth and sixth ecclesiastical regions.5 The evi- pagan aristocratic families such as the Symmachi, dence based on a topographical and diachronic who were still resident on the Caelian (fig. 4).18 examination of these three regions will be placed Similarly, a building of commercial character ex- in the context of the general reconstitution of the posed in recent excavations on the same site of urban network. In this way we can see more eas- the Military Hospital showed traces of activity ily the criteria that govern the positioning of var- throughout the 4th century.19 ious types of Christian installation in relation to At the same time, the rich texture of residential the overall urban plan, the relationship between buildings is evident from the general survival of the new tituli and traditionally residential zones, former insulae, with limited building phases, and and the presence of Christian cultic sites along- the exceptional presence of very large luxury res- 121 122 Fig. 1. Map of the City of Rome with Christian sites up to the 9th century (from Pani Ermini 2000).  Fig. 2. The Caelian in antiquity (from Colini 1944). Fig. 3. Archaeological evidence on top of the Caelian (from Pavolini 2004). 123  were transformed into more refined dwellings be- longing to single owners, through probable amal- gamations of discrete residences,23 for example the domus attributed, thanks to a floor mosaic, to Gaudentius,24 the friend and colleague of Quintus Aurelius Symmachus (fig. 5).25 Already in the late Antonine period this house had brought together two insulae by means of an intermediate covered alley.26 The house of the Symmachi itself is prob- ably identifiable with an enormous and presti- gious residential site at the summit of the hill (covering between 6,300 and 8,500 square metres).27 According to a recent hypothesis, it may formerly have been the Domus Vectiliana known from the Historia Augusta to have belonged to the emperor Commodus.28 The other dominant family on the hill were the Christian Valerii, whose house was identified from discoveries made between the 16th and 18th centuries in the area of the Addolorata Hospital29 and has recently been the site of some remarkable finds.30 Fig. 4. Plate of the Symmachi’ from the Basilica Hila- There was thus very little change to the urban riana (from Pacetti, in Roma dall’antichità al landscape as Christianity became embedded in medioevo, 2001). the city. In the course of the 4th century a Christian presence was certainly visible in the residential idences associated with important families in structures along the Clivus Scauri.31 If in this con- Rome during Late Antiquity.20 The insulae of Fla- text of changes at the end of the 3rd century such a vian date situated along the Vicus Capitis Africae presence does not definitively prove the existence were in continuous use,21 as were the buildings of a domus ecclesiae,32 it must be seen as one of along the Clivus Scauri, constructed mainly be- many multicultural elements typical of the age, tween the 2nd and 3rd centuries.22 Some insulae with references to philosophy, to the pleasure of Fig. 5. House of Gaudentius: reconstruction from the Museum of the Crypta Balbi (photo author). 124  or a private chapel,33 it is hard not to see a con- nection with the titulus Byzantis et Pammachii, which scarcely a few years later would play a sig- nificant role in the topography of the zone in the form of a church building proper (fig. 7).34 With regard to the future titulus of the ‘Quattro Coronati’ there are no elements to help us see the first stages in its becoming a major part of the urban network. Yet it is recalled in the Martyrolo- gium Hieronymianum that the worship of these cults was celebrated on the Caelian Hill at the beginning of the 5th century.35 It is generally thought that this should be connected with the tit- ulus Aemilianae of the synod held in AD 499.36 To be sure, the buildings of the early Christian insti- Fig. 6. Wall painting in the domus under SS. tution cannot be traced with certainty, but it is Giovanni e Paolo (photo author). reasonable to infer from the discovery towards the end of the 18th century of thermal structures bucolic life, and to Egyptian religious elements at the back of the Carolingian basilica that the (fig. 6). The meaning of the building becomes more first foundation was simply incorporated within obvious towards the end of the 4th century with a residential context.37 the construction of a confessio: a brick receptacle From the beginning of the 5th century, however, for the relics or tombs of martyrs, decorated with the process of Christianisation assumed a larger scenes from the passion of SS. John and Paul and meaning in the urban history of the Caelian Hill. also associated with SS. Crispus, Crispinianus and Information from recent excavations and written Benedicta. Although it is still debated whether this sources indicates a decisive break in activity at element was public or private, and whether the this time:38 most of the public and private com- setting was a gathering place for the community plexes show traces of neglect and sometimes Tituli Devotional churches Monasteries Deaconries Xenodochia Fig. 7. Map of the archaeological evidence on the Caelian up to the 7th century (1. titulus Pammachii et Bizantis; 2. titulus Quattuor Coronatorum; 3. S. Stefano Rotondo; 4. xenodochium a Valeriis; 5. S. Andrea in clivum Scauri; 6. S. Erasmo; 7. S. Maria in Domnica) (drawing author). 125 changes of function, for example the Castra Pere- plicius (468-483) of a devotional church connected grina,39 the Basilica Hilariana, the commercial to the cult of Stephen, the first martyr of Christian- structure in the area of the Military Hospital, and ity,49 is of particular importance because of its use the ‘insulae’ of the Caput Africae.40 The forms of of a distinctive architectural form, with a central- reoccupation were varied and sometimes very ized design developed around a cruciform pivot, modest: enclosures for animals;, hearths on the as H. Brandenburg has demonstrated. The mon- abandoned strata of the commercial building;41 a umental scale of the church and its strong impact bleaching plant with small artisan workshops on the landscape needs no further commentary within the Basilica Hilariana;42 partial reuse for (fig. 8).50 What is most significant from a topo- residential purposes of the service area of Gau- graphical point of view is the fact that this new dentius’ domus;43 and a series of tombs arranged Christian building was superimposed on the in small groups within the abandoned build- structures of the Castra Peregrina, which, now al- ings.44 The archaeological data are confirmed by most totally abandoned, were razed to ground literary accounts of the early impoverishment of level and covered with earth fill, to all appear- the area. Thus a passage in the life of the young ances on public ground. It is impossible to know Melanie,45 wife of Valerius Pinianus and with him how the Roman Church acquired this site; it should the last owner of the domus of the gens Valeria,46 perhaps be ascribed to an imperial donation.51 indicates the drastic depreciation of this presti- In the 6th and 7th centuries these three churches gious residence, which was sold by the couple - the two tituli of SS. John and Paul and the SS. well below its real value after Alaric’s sack of Quattro Coronati and the new church of St. Ste- Rome in AD 410.47 From this moment, Christian phen - continued to expand, while the focus of foundations became the dominant form of evi- Christianisation shifted towards the provision of dence in the urban landscape. charity. The zone was enhanced with two monas- At the beginning of the 5th century, the three- teries: St. Andrew in clivum Scauri founded by aisled church of SS. John and Paul (Titulus Byzantis Pope Gregory I in his own family residence, re- et Pammachii) became the visible manifestation of using an ancient domus;52 and St. Erasmus, which the ancient ‘domestic’ Christian presence.48 The appears to have existed by the end of the 7th cen- establishment during the pontificate of Pope Sim- tury according to information from the biography Fig. 8. S. Stefano Rotondo (reconstruction by H. Brandenburg). 126 of Pope Adeodatus (672-676).53 A lodging for pil- This interesting picture of continuity in some grims (xenodochium) was also installed in the area, residential areas is situated within a road network which is mentioned in the letters of Gregory the that was unchanged since early and middle impe- Great. The significant toponym a Valeriis, which it rial times: the most important thoroughfares of held up to the beginning of the 9th century, seems the Clivus Publicius and the Vicus Armilustri per- to indicate that it lay on the ite of an ancient noble sist alongside the system of adjoining streets that domus belonging to that family.54 follow the contours of the hill.68 This should be related to the protracted survival of public struc- AVENTINE tures such as the Baths of Decius, restored again in AD 414 after the sack of Alaric,69 from which a The profile of the adjacent territory of the Aven- series of statue bases dedicated by members of tine differs strikingly from the Caelian both in its senatorial families between 331 and 402 suggests residential character and in the processes by a period of lengthy use and a particular connec- which it was transformed in Late Antiquity. It tion with the wealthy domus in the area.70 should be admitted, however, that some of these To complete the topographical picture the intri- variations might also reflect a discrepancy in the cate network of non-Christian religious buildings types of documentation available.55 should be mentioned, some of them of particular In this urban area the process of Christianisation antiquity, and which are often not fully docu- took place within an urban network that consisted mented: the well-known temple of Diana; the large predominantly of residential buildings, which had precinct of the triad Minerva, Jupiter Libertas, become almost exclusively aristocratic from the and Juno Regina; and the sanctuaries of Mercury, middle imperial period.56 The literary sources, Ceres, Liber and Libera, Flora, Luna, Consus, Ver- such as the correspondence of Jerome, together tumnus, the Bona Dea Subsaxana, Silvanus Salu- with epigraphic data and phase of constructions, taris, and Jupiter Elicius.71 They show the other indicate that this situation remained substantially aspect of the Aventine and complement a range the same throughout the 4th century and also dur- of oriental sanctuaries with ‘domestic’ character- ing the succeeding period. Some changes in the istics, such as the Iseum installed in the first half domus under S. Sabina must belong to the 4th cen- of the 2nd century in a house under S. Sabina.72 In tury,57 and to the second half of the same century most cases it is difficult to establish their contin- can be attributed the introduction of the apsidal ued use and location, but those which were defi- hall in the complex attributed to Fabius Cilo on the nitely in use in the 4th century go beyond the Con- so-called ‘Little Aventine’58 and changes to the stantinian period in the case of the temple of Flora, complex under S. Saba.59 But the owner of the which was restored by Quintus Fabius Memmius domus in the 5th century was still Flavius Iunius Symmachus, praetor in AD 40173 and is men- Quartus Palladius,60 pretorian prefect in AD 416- tioned in the Carmen contra paganos and on a slave’s 421, whose statue with an inscription on the base collar dating from the end of the 4th century.74 A came to light at a site to the north-west. Other prolonged use can also be established for the im- known proprietors include some members of the portant temple of Jupiter Dolichenus, discovered Caecinae Decii family, like Caecina Decius Albinus in 1935 by Colini on the Via di San Domenico, iunior, city prefect in AD 402, mentioned in an which provides evidence of a series of construc- inscription,61 and Flavius Caecina Decius Maximus tion phases belonging to the late 4th and traces of Basilius, pretorian prefect in 483, whose name is use beyond the 5th century;75 the same presumably found on a water pipe.62 In view of these signs of applies to the mithraeum within the complex under stability in patterns of residential ownership, the S. Prisca. According to the finds the latter would list of archaeological data is of particular interest have been in use throughout the 5th century.76 with the discovery of seals of Theodoric in the The process of Christian monumentalisation house under the medieval church of S. Prisca63 and (fig. 9) does not start before the early years of the the opus sectile pavement of the 7th century in a 5th century and can perhaps only be admitted in domus excavated in Largo Arrigo VII.64 The written the case of certain private properties. Jerome’s let- sources add the valuable information that among ters recall on several occasions the assembling of those living on the Aventine were Sylvia, the widows and virgins in a domus on the Aventine mother of Gregory the Great,65 and some popes, belonging to a certain Marcella.77 This was prob- including probably Boniface IV (608-615)66 and ably a descendant of the praefectus Urbi from AD Eugene I (654-657); the latter, according to his biog- 292-293, Claudius Marcellus, and a grandson of rapher, hailed de regione Aventinense.67 Ceionius Rufius Albinus, consul in 335.78 127  Tituli Devotional churches Monasteries Deaconries Xenodochia Fig. 9. Map showing the distribution of archaeological evidence on the Aventine up to the 7th century (1. titulus Sabinae; 2. titulus Priscae; 3. titulus Balbinae; 4. S. Saba; 5. S. Bonifacio; 6. Monastery of Euprepia) (drawing author). of the hill. This evidence of dedication to the cura animarum only confirms the area’s residential pro- file. If the chronological limits of the first parochial institution are fixed at the period of the pontificates of Celestine I and Sixtus III (AD 422- 440),79 the earliest mention of the church of Prisca on a site that was probably different from that of the 12th-century building, is given by the synod of 499.80 There too is included for the first time a titulus Tigridae, which is almost unanimously identified with that of Balbina recorded for the synod of 595.81 In general, there may be some basis for the idea that on the Aventine as on the Caelian the plan- ning of the Church of Rome was inserted to some extent within ‘empty spaces’ that began to appear in the urban network after the destabilising event of the sack of the City. But the two best known Fig. 10. S Sabina: axonometric drawing foundations reflect different methods of creation. (from Brandenburg 2004a). The triple nave basilica of S. Sabina (fig. 10) was constructed in a district that comprised at least The radicalisation of ‘institutional’ Christianity four different residential areas, distinct in both occurred only after the decades following the character and chronology, brought together in a sack of Rome, during which the urban network single property for the building of the church: this received three titular foundations, the titulus was supposedly in an abandoned state and prob- Sabinae, the titulus Priscae and the titulus Balbinae, ably of depreciated value after 410 and was sub- the first two situated in the so-called ‘Great sequently obliterated by a significant raising of Aventine’, and the third on the eastern offshoot level, which the church respected only in relation 128  Fig.11. S. Sabina: archaeological evidence under the church (from Darsy 1961). Fig. 12. S. Balbina: plan (from Brandenburg 2004a). Fig. 13. S. Balbina (photo author). to the urban plan imposed by the existing road sectors, the use of non-active spaces as rubbish network (fig. 11).82 S. Balbina, on the other hand, dumps, the employment of old buildings for new was installed in a 4th-century hall of the complex functions, and the presence of intra-mural graves.84 of the ancient domus Cilonis, of which it is thought In this period Christianisation is manifested in that the church completely retained the architec- new forms, above all the creation of monasteries, tural forms (figs 12-13)83. those of St. Saba, whose origin, whether Greek or During the 6th and 7th centuries the urban pic- Latin, is debated,85 St. Boniface,86 and possibly a ture became more diverse and changeable. The third near S. Sabina, which is known from a letter evidence suggests the occurrence of new phe- of Gregory the Great.87 nomena, such as the inclusion of cultivated areas, a logical result of the abandonment of built-up 129 CAMPUS MARTIUS In the northern and north-western area of the city, almost completely occupied by the plain of the Campus Martius,88 the Christianisation of urban spaces appears to have followed the topographical context. In defining the development of a Chris- tian presence in this zone it is particularly evident how the means of installation during the 4th and 5th centuries differed sharply in function and posi- tioning from the succeeding period. These phe- nomena should be interpreted in the light of the area’s general urban transformation. The first introduction of ecclesiastical build- ings, clearly recognizable in the urban fabric, is represented by at least four titular churches: the basilica of Pope Marcus, inaugurated in AD 336, the oldest titular foundation mentioned by the sources;89 the uncertain basilica of Pope Julius (AD 337-352) iuxta forum divi Traiani, which Pietri re- gards as a titulus that disappeared at an early Fig. 14. S. Lorenzo in Lucina: axonometric drawing stage;90 and the tituli Lucinae,91 Damasi,92 and Mar- of church and baptistery (from Brandt 2004). celli, the last of which was built at the beginning of the 5th century.93 Thanks to recent excavations, the buildings are well-known; they were con- structed to provide a complete cura animarum, as the presence of baptisteries reveals, documented by excavation at S. Marco,94 S. Lorenzo in Lucina (fig. 14),95 S. Marcello,96 and presumably S. Loren- zo in Damaso.97 In terms of the transformative effect on the urban landscape it is worth noting that in their initial phases these buildings tend to adapt pre-existing arrangements with minimal changes, and in general involved little destruction of the previous structure: at S. Marco an apse was added to an existing hall (fig. 15); at S. Marcello the apse of a domus hall was reused; at S. Lorenzo in Damaso a colonnaded building was restored. The triple nave construction of the titulus Lucinae seems to have been the result of a mid-5th century rebuilding, but it is not clear where the older titu- lus was located.98 What is striking is that such structures were not situated on the main high- ways (the Vicus Pallacinae for the titulus Marci, the Via Lata-Flaminia for S. Marcello and S. Lo- renzo in Lucina, and the axis corresponding to the Via del Pellegrino for S. Lorenzo in Damaso),99 but systematically preferred secondary axes, per- haps also because of the conditions imposed by the pre-existing building. Particularly significant was the creation within Fig. 15. S. Marco: palaeochristian apse (photo author). a prestigious private residence on the Pincio of an oratory dedicated to the martyr Felix of Nola. before the sack of 410. Relics of the martyr might This perhaps took place when the property still have been sent to Rome through the family’s belonged to the aristocratic family of the Anicii, direct dealings with Bishop Paulinus. Although 130 Fig. 16. Map of the Campus Martius with tituli (large *) and housing areas (hatch and small * for isolated evidence) (Author). this structure is only later attested by sources, the imperial demesne and the complex became an including especially the Einsiedeln Itinerary, the imperial residence up to the Gothic Wars.100 recent convincing interpretation by Claire Sotinel The high number of tituli and distribution of may lend weight to the idea that it functioned as these buildings in the urban fabric should be read an imperial chapel after the property passed into in connection with the residential character of the 131 districts (fig. 16), particularly dense along the via Rome, the basilica of the Apostle Peter.120 Lata-Flaminia, in the western area near the Tiber, It is interesting to note that in this area of the and in the south, in the area known as Pallacinae Campus Martius Christianity did not take root near the Fora and Capitolium.101 A vast array of before the 6th and 7th centuries. Then new typolo- archaeological material allows the reconstruction gies of buildings appeared, which corresponded of substantially enduring landscape in these areas no longer to the requirements of liturgical organi- for the 4th and 5th centuries. In many cases, how- sation,121 but to new and different needs, connected ever, there is an unmistakable increase in the mostly with welfare and hospitality, but also with quantity of high-status residential building to the premeditated strategies of occupation and restora- detriment of the more common multi-habitation tion of urban spaces (fig. 17). The picture of Chris- blocks (insulae).102 tianisation sees a wealth of devotional churches: The distribution of tituli shows that in this in the second half of the 6th century the inaugu- period Christianisation did not affect the central ration of the church of the Apostles Philip and area of the Campus Martius, which demonstrates James;122 and at the beginning of the 7th century exceptional continuity in public monuments. Early the dedication of the Pantheon to the Virgin and signs of de-structuring on a very limited scale can all the martyrs by Phocas’ imperial concession123 be seen in two adjacent complexes which had be- and of diaconiae (S. Maria in via Lata,124 S. Maria come functionally obsolete, the Diribitorium103 in Aquiro),125 monasteries (one known from the and the portico north of the Theatre of Balbus, letters of Gregory the Great close to Agrippa’s which is generally identified as the Minucia Fru- baths,126 another in the 6th century in the sacred mentaria.104 During the 4th and much of the 5th area of the Largo Argentina,127 and two near the century this urban area saw the continual mainte- Crypta Balbi),128 and xenodochia (the Xenodochium nance of monuments of imperial celebration like Aniciorum and another on the site of S. Maria in the Ara Pacis,105 the systematic upkeep of public Trivio).129 buildings used for entertainment (the theatres of The remarkable intrusion of Christian settle- Pompey,106 Balbus,107 and Marcellus,108 Domitian’s ments within public buildings was the result of stadium and Odeon,109 and probably the Trigarium profound changes in the urban landscape and of and Circus Flaminius),110 and the continued use of the slow and progressive decay of the ancient city public baths (of Agrippa and Alexander Severus),111 fabric. These developments are indicated by alter- The pagan temples (of the Bonus Eventus where ations in building structures and, in the case of the portico was restored in AD 374,112 the temples the most important complexes, in the abandon- in the sacred area of the Largo Argentina,113 the ment deposits and secondary functions (burials, Pantheon,114 Aurelian’s temple of the Sun,115 the crafts, and habitation).130 In this situation it can be Iseum Campense,116 and the temples of the Circus seen that residential zones became less compact Flaminius) were extraordinarily persistent.117 There and more scattered in public areas adopting new is an uninterrupted sequence of restoration pro- and more humble typologies, which used what- grammes undertaken by the city prefects, who ever structures and materials were available and were often members of noble families such as the alternated with areas of cultivation. It should be Anicii well ensconced in Late Antique Roman stressed that Christian buildings did not change society.118 They appear to have taken charge, one their relationship to the overall built-up area. might even say beyond the functional workings Rather, it was the actual topographical form of of the state apparatus, to safeguard the very image those areas that changed. of urban propriety. Between the end of the 4th and the beginning FINAL CONSIDERATIONS of the 5th century the central zone of the Campus Martius enhanced its monumental appearance From the analysis of these urban districts it is pos- with the creation of new triumphal arches, one on sible to outline some common elements of the the Via Lata, dedicated by the Senate to the em- processes that determined the Christianisation of peror Honorius according to a recent hypothesis intramural spaces in Rome between the 4th and 7th of Paolo Liverani,119 and then two, close to one centuries. Within this period the functional distri- another, honouring Gratian, Valentinian and Theo- bution of churches appears clearly to reflect the dosius (AD 379-383) and Arcadius, Honorius and renewal of the managerial needs of the community Theodosius II (402-409). Their location was par- and of the urban territory of the church. The cre- ticularly meaningful, situated on the thoroughfare ation of the tituli, which falls almost exclusively in leading to the principal focal point of Late Antique the 4th century and the first half of the 5th, was suc- 132  Tituli Devotional churches Monasteries Deaconries Xenodochia Fig. 17. Map of settlements in the Campus Martius up to the 7th century (1. titulus Marci; 2. basilica Iulia; 3. titulus Lucinae; 4. titulus Damasi; 5. titulus Marcelli; 6. S. Felice; 7. SS. Felice e Giacomo; 8. S. Maria ad martyres; 9. xenodochium Aniciorum; 10. xenodochium in Via; 11. S. Maria in Via Lata; 12. S. Maria in Aquiro; 13. S. Eustachio; 14. Monastery near the baths of Agrippa; 15. Monastery in the sacred area of Largo Argentina; 16. S. Lorenzo in Pallacinis; 17. S. Stefano Vagauda) (drawing author). ceeded in the early medieval period by the foun- The distribution of devotional churches, like S. dation of institutions of charity and hospitality Stefano Rotondo on the Caelian or the Pantheon in such as diaconiae, xenodochia and, above all, monas- the Campus Martius re-consecrated to Mary and teries.131 The last of these started to develop prin- the Martyrs, appears instead to indicate the exis- cipally as self-contained nuclei132 and were able to tence on the part of the Church of precise strate- survive also in those parts of the city that became gic and ideological plans to put down roots.133 progressively depopulated and ruralised. The evaluation of the initial process of Christiani- 133 sation, as we have seen in different areas, can help between the end of the 3rd and the 11th century of such to identify a later phase in the mainly residential an administrative system which would imply inevitable sectors and an early presence in the more popu- variations with regard to the expansion of ‘Christian space’. The limits adopted here, therefore, are the con- lated quarters. ventional ones (for a map showing the traditional pro- Analysis of the relationship between Christian posal, see Pani Ermini 2000, 26 fig. 12). buildings and pagan meeting places provides fur- 6 The Lateran, which formed its eastern offshoot, was ther evidence. At least until the end of the 5th cen- from a geomorphological perspective a part of this long east-west oriented hill (Colini 1944, 5-11]), but this area tury Christian sites were not installed exclusively including the enormous episcopal foundation is ex- within the religious buildings of Late Antique cluded from the scope of the present paper. Rome, but systematically co-existed with pagan 7 See Colini 1944, 67-78 and Pavolini 1991-92. structures, although in a process of progressive 8 Excavations have repeatedly brought to light an unin- abandonment, encouraged by various imperial terrupted sequence of insulae and domus: see Colini 1944, Pavolini 1993; Pavolini/Carignani/ Pacetti et al. laws, and with a very developed network of 1993; Pavolini 1994-95; Insalaco 2003; Pavolini 2003; ‘domestic’ sanctuaries of eastern origin, mainly Pavolini 2006, 31-53, 65-77, 81-88, 93-106 (with exten- mithraea. sive bibliography for the various complexes). The criteria of distribution of Christian build- 9 A full bibliography for this structure is provided in E. Lissi Caronna, LTUR I, 249-251; see also the clarification ings are perfectly consistent with the processes of by Pavolini 2006, 55-61. transformation of urban space up to the early 10 Colini 1944, 228-231, and Astolfi 2003. medieval period. It is clear that if, after the Con- 11 Most recently, see Sampson 1971; G. Pisani Sartorio, stantinian peace, the new religion progressively LTUR III, 204-205; Pavolini 2006, 19-22. took over new spaces through imperial and aris- 12 C. Buzzetti, in LTUR I, 277-278 and Pavolini 2006, 29- 31. For cults and shrines on the Caelian, see also the up- tocratic euergetism that was to prove ideal for its to-date picture of Pavolini 2006, 14-18. own communal organisation. In the wake of the 13 Carignani/Gabucci/Palazzo 1990; Pavolini 1990; abandonment and structural dismantling that Carignani 1993; Danti 1993. Compare, for full bibliog- occurred after the Gothic Wars, the development raphy and a general reconsideration of the complex, Pavolini 2006, 78-81. of Christianisation took place in the context of 14 Amm. Marc. 16.12.66. See Colini 1944, 419; Lissi Caron- successive desertion and changing of structures na 1979, 211-212; Lissi Caronna 1986, 46. Also Pavolini and was thus to a certain extent favoured in the 2006, 58-59. processes of occupying new spaces by the decay 15 See Colini 1944, 419; Lissi Caronna 1979, 211-212; Lissi of the ancient city. At the same time, however, the Caronna 1986, 46. Also Pavolini 2006, 58-59. 16 Aurigemma 1910. foundation of churches created new urban focal 17 Most recently, Pavolini 2006, 87-88. points and encouraged the process of conserving 18 The discovery in the basilica of a fragment of glass plate the urban network, which is so evident in the with the effigy of Q. Aurelius Symmachus and his son continued use of the principal routes, and assisted Q. Fabius Memmius Symmachus is significant (fig. 5): Pacetti 2001, but also Spinola 1992, 977-978. the development of urban regeneration. 19 Pavolini/Carignani/Pacetti et al. 1993, 465-466. 20 In general, Pavolini 2000. NOTES 21 Pavolini 1993, 299-301 and Pavolini 2006, 96. 22 Krautheimer 1937-1980, I, 268-274, 281-284, 290-294, 1 Pietri 1976. Pietri’s detailed historical summary ends at 297-300 and Colini 1944, 164-195. See Pavolini 2006, 31- 440 with the pontificate of Sixtus III. 41 for a recent revision following restoration work, in 2 Krautheimer 1980. anticipation of a complete edition and thorough exam- 3 Fiocchi Nicolai 2001. ination of the data in Caelius II. 4 The present author is currently undertaking a total 23 Compare Pavolini 2003 for the the context of the Clivus analysis of the phenomena of settlement in Late Antique Scauri. Rome, of which the primary focus is the role played by 24 For the identification of this character with the vicarius the process of Christianisation of spaces in the overall Africae of AD 409 (PLRE II, Gaudentius 3) rather than transformation of the settlements. with the homonymous agens in rebus of 384 (PLRE I, 5 The problem of the ecclesiastical administration of the Gaudentius 5), see Spinola 1992, 966-969. city is complex in certain respects even after the most 25 PLRE I, Symmachus 4. recent re-examinations by Pietri 1975 and 1989; the ear- 26 Spinola 1992 and Pavolini/Carignani/Pacetti et al. lier studies of G.B. de Rossi (de Rossi 1864-1877, I, 197- 1993, 473-483; also Spinola 2000 and Carignani/Spinola 210 and III, 514-526), L. Duchesne (Duchesne 1878 and 1995 for the mosaics. Duchesne 1890) and C. Re (Re 1889) had a substantial 27 Information about the existence of a domus of the influence on those that followed, by Cecchelli in Cas- Symmachi on the Caelian can be found in passages of tagnoli/Cecchelli/Giovannoni/Zocca 1958, 195-199 letters by the famous orator (Symm. Epist. 3.12, 3.88, and by Testini 1966, 226-227. On this topic see also Pani 7.18) and from the discovery of two bases dedicated by Ermini 1974, esp. 19-20. The scarcity of sources makes Quintus Fabius Memmius Symmachus (CIL VI 1699 it difficult to reconstruct the defined boundaries, but and 31903; CIL VI 1782; Velestino 2000a and b). After there are also significant doubts about the continuity Colini 1944, 273, 281-283, for the recently investigated 134  archaeological context on the summit of the Caelian, in nova aedificia augmentavit...). See Ferrari 1957, 119-131 the area of the Military Hospital, see Spinola 1992, 966- and the synthesis by G. De Spirito, in LTUR II, 233-234. 969; Pavolini/Carignani/Pacetti et al. 1993, 483-502; 54 See De Rossi 1886 and Gatti 1902 for its location in the Carignani 2000. More recently, Pavolini 2006, 84-87 and area of the Domus Valeriorum, and, more recently, 110 (for a comment on Hillner 2003, 135-137). Giuntella 2001, 657, 665-667; for a different hypothesis, 28 SHA, Comm. 16.3. For the hypothesis, see Pavolini/ see Santangeli Valenzani 1996-1997, 207-210. Carignani/Pacetti et al. 1993, 497-502. 55 For a general topographical picture of the Aventine 29 Colini 1944, 253-258; Guidobaldi 1986, 186-188; Brenk Merlin’s study (Merlin 1906) is still fundamental, to 1999. See also Hillner 2003, to which Pavolini 2006, 109- which Andreussi’s updated account should be added 110 responds with valid arguments. An extensive his- (Andreussi, in LTUR I, 147-150); see also Di Gioia 2004. tory of research in this area and a profile of the owners 56 Suffice to mention private dwellings of the emperors can be found in Lega 2003. such as the (domus) privata Traiani, in Merlin 1906, 318, 30 Up-to-date studies in Barbera/Palladino/Paterna 2005 326, 343; Vermaseren, van Essen 1965, 15-24; Santamaria and in Palladino/Paterna 2006. Scrinari 1979; Coarelli 1984, 157-175. For other contexts: 31 On the complex, besides the studies quoted in note 22, Darsy 1968, 13-88; Krautheimer 1937-1980, IV, 78-83; see Prandi 1953 and also Brandenburg 2004, 155-162. Pani Ermini/Giordani 1983; Pani Ermini/Giordani 32 See especially Cecchelli Trinci 1978. 1984: structures brought to light during excavations 33 For a recent interpretation, capable of re-opening the beneath and around the area of S. Sabina; Colini 1938; debate, see Brenk 1995 and 2000. Chini 1997: residential buildings on the N-W slope; Chini 34 Krautheimer 1937-80, I, 265-300; Prandi 1953; Pietri 1976, 1996: domus beside the Dolocenum; La Follette 1994, 56: 476-477, 481-490, 570-571; Brandenburg 2004a, 155-162. domus existing before the baths of Decius under the Tor- 35 Acta Sanctorum, Nov. II, 2, 590. lonia country house and under the Piazza del Tempio 36 MGH, Auctores antiquissimi, XII, 410-415. L. Spera, in di Diana; Cappelletti/Cipollone 1984; Boldrighini 2000; LTUR I, 20. Taviani et al. 2002, 200, 213-214: domus under Largo 37 A summary of the discoveries to the west of the apse Arrigo VII; Vermaseren/van Essen 1965; Vermaseren is given by Pavolini 2006, 101-103; see also Pavolini 1975: domus under St. Prisca (of L. Licinius Sura); 1994-1995. On the titulus see Krautheimer 1937-1980, IV, Santamaria Scrinari 1979: buildings in the area of the 1-36; Apollonj Ghetti 1964; L. Spera, LTUR IV, 177-178; Accademia di Danza; Merlin 1906, 447-455: domus Brandenburg 2004a, 195-196. under Via Marcella and under Via di Sant’Alessio; 38 A general picture is offered in Pavolini 1993a; Pavolini Morpurgo 1935; Chini 1997, 759-772; Taviani et al. 2002, 2001; Meneghini/Santangeli Valenzani 2004, 151-155. 203: domus under the modern ‘Domus Vergiliana’, Via 39 Well before the church of St. Stephen was built above Aventina 31; Cavallo 1982-1983; Grandi/Olevano 1995: (below), the area contained buildings whose use is un- Domus Pactumeiorum; Visconti 1859; Di Manzano/ known and which had at least partly obliterated the cas- Quinto 1984; Guidobaldi 1986, 181-184; Taviani et al. tra: see Brandenburg 2004b, 485-486 and Pavolini 2006, 2002, 200-202: domus of L. Fabius Cilo. A full summary 60-61 for a general reconsideration of the problem. of discoveries is provided in Quinto 1990. 40 Pavolini 1993, esp. 301-302. 57 Darsy 1968, esp. 79-88; Krautheimer 1937-80, IV, 81-83; 41 Pavolini/Carignani/Pacetti et al. 1993, 465-466. Pani Ermini/Giordani 1983; Pani Ermini/Giordani 42 See especially Pacetti 2004 and finally Pavolini 2006, 88-90. 1984. 43 Pavolini 2006, 88. 58 Krautheimer 1937-80, I, 84-93; Heres 1982, 212-214; 44 Pavolini 1993a, 62-63 and Meneghini/Santangeli Guidobaldi 1986, 181-184; F. Guidobaldi, LTUR II, 95- Valenzani 2004, 103-125. 96. But see Cecchelli 2001, 24, 31-33, 89, 217-222 for a 45 Vita Melaniae iun. lat. 14.3, ed. Rampolla del Tindaro different chronological focus. 1905, 11. 59 Krautheimer 1937-80, IV, 52-57; Guidobaldi 1986, 203- 46 PLRE I, Melania 2 and PLRE I, Pinianus 2. 205; Cecchelli 2001, 95, 350-352. 47 F. Guidobaldi, LTUR II, 207; Brenk 1999, 72-74. For a 60 AE 1928, 80; for the character PLRE II, Palladius 19. different hypothesis, see Hillner 2003, 140-143, in con- Traces of the domus were found in 1926 in the area of trast with Lega 2003, 82 n. 25 and with Pavolini 2006, St. Anselm’s monastery (F. Guidobaldi, in LTUR II, 151). 110-111, the latter also based on archaeological data. 61 CIL VI 1192; PLRE I, Albinus 10. 48 For the bibliography of the titular building, see note 31 62 CIL VI 7420; PLRE II, Basilius 12. Based on the origin of above. these objects De Rossi (1855) conjectured that the domus 49 Stephen’s relics became important after his tomb was was situated between S. Alessio and S. Sabina; see F. discovered in a Jerusalem suburb in 415: Gordini 1968, Guidobaldi, in LTUR II, 29. 1380-1382. 63 Vermaseren/van Essen 1965, 241-337, esp. 299, 305. 50 A significant number of studies have been dedicated to 64 Vendittelli et al. 1990; Fontana/Munzi 2001; Fontana et this important monument; among the most fundamen- al. 2004. See also Meneghini/Santangeli Valenzani 2004, tal are Corbett 1960, Ceschi 1982, and the recent works 147. by H. Brandenburg, especially Brandenburg 1992; Bran- 65 Johannes Diaconus, Vita Gregorii I, 9 (PL 75, 66). On the denburg 1998; Brandenburg 2000; Brandenburg 2004b. connection between Silvia’s residence and St. Saba’s See further the collective volume Brandenburg/Pal 2000. monastic institution, see the bibliography below, n. 85. 51 Brandenburg 2004b, 483-485. On the problems posed 66 LP I, 317 (Hic domum suam monasterium fecit, quem et by the intermediate building stage between the castra ditavit). But with regard to the location on the Aventine, and the church, see note 39 above. see Ferrari’s doubts (Ferrari 1957, 76-77). 52 Ferrari 1957, 138-151 and Pani Ermini 1981, 35-39. More 67 LP I, 341. The interpretation of Papal dwellings as signs recently Giuntella 2001, esp. 644-646. of the persistence of outstanding residential buildings 53 LP I, 346 (... in monasterio sancti Herasmi situm in Coe- is stressed by Santangeli Valenzani 2001-2002. liomonte, in quo concrevisse visus est sanctissimus vir, multa 68 Merlin 1906, esp. 95-98, 246-250, 295-297. For these two 135  road axes see respectively F. Coarelli, in LTUR I, 284 of identification (with bibliography) is given by G. De and M. Andreussi, in LTUR I, 126-127. Spirito, LTUR I, 180-181; for the context of SS. Apostoli, 69 CIL VI 1703. Leonardi/Ferdinandi 1989-1990. 70 See in general L. La Follette, in LTUR V, 51-53; for epi- 91 According to the Libellus precum (Collectio Avellana I.5) graphical evidence, CIL VI 1651, 1159, 1160, 1167, 1672, this was the place where Pope Damasus was elected in 1192. 366: Pietri 1976, 28-29. There are still doubts about iden- 71 A summary of the religious buildings on the Aventine tifying it with the three-aisled basilica of S. Lorenzo in is given by Merlin 1906, 42-52, 140-244, 362-377. For Lucina, perhaps reconstructed in the middle of the 5th individual contexts, the following should be consulted: century: Bertoldi/Mitchell/Conforto 1992; Bertoldi on the temple of Diana, the recent studies by Vendittelli 1994; Hillner 2002; Brandt 2004a, 20-22. et. al. 1990; Liou-Gille 1992; Colonna 1994; Schreiter 2000; 92 Krautheimer 1937-80, II, 145-151; Scalia 1978; Krauthei- Turcan 2000; and, for a recent revision of problems of mer 1995; Blair-Dixon 2002; Brandenburg 2004a, 135-136. location, Armellini/Quaranta 2004; on the temple of 93 Most recently, and with full bibliography, Episcopo Juno Regina, Weigel 1982-1983; on the temple of Mer- 2003; further, Brandenburg 2004, 165-166. cury, Zevi 1987; on the temple of Ceres, Liber and 94 Cecchelli 1995, 643-644; M. Cecchelli, in LTUR III, 213; Libera, van Berchem 1935. For these and other religious Cecchelli 2004, 314. buildings details can be found in LTUR I-V. 95 See especially Brandt 1995. 72 De Rossi 1855; Darsy 1968, 26-55; Coarelli 1982, 65; 96 Nestori 1982. Solin 1982; Volpe 1982. 97 According to an inscription (ICh II, 1, n. 6) reading ad 73 PLRE II, Symmachus 10 (see also above, and n. 18). fontem. 74 Anth. I.1.22 and CIL XV 7172. On the temple, see the 98 See above, n. 91. synthesis by E. Papi, in LTUR II, 253-254 with full bib- 99 On vicus Pallacinae and on via Flaminia-Lata, see, respec- liography. tively, C. Lega, in LTUR IV, 51-52 and G. De Spirito, in 75 Colini 1935; Colini 1938; Coarelli 1982, 50; Hörig/Schwert- LTUR V, 139141. On the road system of the western heim 1987, 222-263, nn. 355-405; Bellelli 1996; Chini Campus Martius compare Quilici 1983 and Rinaldoni 1996; Chini 2000. 2004. 76 In advance of a re-publication, compare Vermaseren/ 100 Sotinel 2002. For the Late Antique residence, see van Essen 1965; Vermaseren 1975; Coarelli 1979. Jolivet/Broise 1994; Broise/Dewailly/Jolivet 1999-2000; 77 Hier. Epist. 47.3 (a sancta Marcella quae manet in Aven- Broise/Dewailly/Jolivet 2000. tino). For this character, see PLRE I, Marcella 2. 101 For the settlements along the Via Lata, see Gatti 1961; 78 PLRE I, Marcellus 10 and PLRE I, Albinus 14. See Merlin Leonardi/Ferdinandi 1989-1990; Bertoldi/Mitchell/ 1906, 421-428; Pietri 1976, 147, 435, 639-640; F. Gui- Conforto 1992; Laurenti 1992; Lissi Caronna 1985 and dobaldi, in LTUR II, 136. On the ‘circle’ of the Aventine, Lissi Caronna 2006. For the western Campus Martius, see Testard 1996. see Quilici 1982-1983; Attilia 1985; Rizzo 1985; Quilici 79 On the titulus Sabinae, see Darsy 1961; Darsy 1968; 1986-1987; Virgili 1987; Rinaldoni 2004. For some dis- Krautheimer 1937-1980, 69-94; Pani Ermini/Giordani coveries of residential structures in the area of the Vicus 1983; Pani Ermini 1984; Krautheimer 1987-1988; Bellanca Pallacinae, see Cecchelli 2004, 312. 1999; Brandenburg 2004a, 167-177. Full summary in S. 102 Considerable data suggesting continuity can be found Episcopo, LTUR IV, 221-223. in the studies quoted above, note 101. One of the most 80 MGH, Auctores antiquissimi XII, 413. See van Essen 1957; significant contexts is the Domus Artemiorum, restruc- Sangiorgi 1968; Krautheimer 1937-80, III, 263-279; tured within the block of an insula (Meneghini 1999), Cecchelli 2003, 345-356; a synthesis is offered by M.G. the domus under the Museo Barracco (most recently, Le Zanotti, in LTUR IV, 162-163. Pera Buranelli 2004) and under Palazzo Altemps (De 81 MGH, Auctores antiquissimi XII, 412 and Epist. I, 367. See Angelis d’Ossat 2005). Krautheimer 1937-80, I, 84-93; Cecchelli 1985, 303-304; 103 The area of the building was partly covered between Guidobaldi 1986, 181-184; S. Episcopo, in LTUR I, 155; the 4th and 5th century by structures considered by most Ferreri 1996; Cecchelli 2001, 24, 31-33, 89 (and 217-222); scholars as foundations of habitations. See in particular Flaminio 2002. Guidobaldi 1986, 175-181 and Manacorda 1993, 33. Com- 82 For the results of the excavations, see especially Darsy pare, however, Hülsen 1910, 43 n. 15 and Muzzioli 1995. 1968, esp. 13-88, as well as Pani Ermini/Giordani 1983; 104 For the most recent data about the periods of abandon- Pani Ermini 1984. ment of the portico and the formation of a thoroughfare, 83 See above, and nn. 56, 58 and 81 and especially Gui- see Vendittelli 2004, to whom the reader should be dobaldi 1986, 181-184. referred for the preceding bibliography. A complete 84 According to available evidence. Meneghini/Santangeli diachronic picture is given by Manacorda 2001. For a dif- Valenzani 2004, 145-149 present the complete picture. ferent interpretation, see Zevi 1993 and 1994. 85 Ferrari 1957, 281-290; Testini 1961; Krautheimer 1937- 105 If Prudentius (Contra Symmachum 1. 245-248: see Simp- 80, IV, 281-290; Pani Ermini 1981, 42-45; Delle Rose son 1994) seems to describe its outline, Hannestad’s 1986-87; M. Delle Rose, in LTUR I, 257-259. hypothesis of a re-elaboration of some of its forms 86 Ferrari 1957, 76-87. under Maxentius is more doubtful (Hannestad 2000). 87 Greg. I, Reg. epist. II, 10; Ferrari 1957, 136. 106 Various restorations are attested between the fourth 88 For a general plan of the area in antiquity, see Coarelli and fifth century, one of which relates to Arcadius and 1977; Quilici 1983; La Rocca 1984; Muzzioli 1992; Coa- Honorius (CIL VI 1191; see Hülsen 1899) and probable relli 1997; Sediari 1997; Rinaldoni 2004; Muzzioli 2006. interventions by Aurelius Anicius Symmachus, who 89 Krautheimer 1937-80, II, 218-249; Cecchelli 1995; M. dedicated a statue to Honorius (CIL VI 1193). For the Cecchelli, in LTUR III, 212-213; Cecchelli 2004. theatre, see now Gagliardo/Packer 2006 for previous 90 Pietri 1976, 22-23 and Pietri 1989, 1040-1041; Verrando bibliography. 1985, 1028-1031. The status quaestionis on the problems 107 Besides the quotation from Ausonius (13.2.35-41), the 136  construction of two rooms within the Crypta might also 130 For a general picture of changes in the Campus Mar- be compatible with continuity of use of the theatre tius, see Meneghini/Santangeli Valenzani 2004, 200-205 (Manacorda 2001, 38-42). with detailed bibliography. 108 Statues continued to be set up in the theatre as late as 131 The general problems regarding these institutions are 421 by the prefect Petronius Maximus (CIL VI 1660). On summarised particularly in the fundamental contribu- the building, see P. Ciancio Rossetto, in LTUR V, 31-35. tion of Giuntella 2001. 109 Ammianus Marcellinus (16.10.14) interestingly men- 132 Suffice to mention St. Andrew’s monastery in clivum tions these buildings as among the most admired build- Scauri, which is described as having an extremely com- ings during Constantius II’s visit to Rome in 357. For plex plan, with a porch with nimphaeum and fons, a curtis the complex, see, most recently, Colini/Virgili 1998. monasterii, a cellarium, the stabula equorum, and a triclin- 110 Continuity in the western Campus Martius is question- ium (Vita Gregorii IV, 83, 229-230; 84, 230; 89, 234; 97, 240). able. La Rocca 1984, 57-58 argues that the Trigarium sur- 133 The installation of Marian churches seems to corre- vived into the 4th century on the basis of the continued spond to a precise, ‘ideological’ strategy in the renewal inclusion of the Equus October feast by the Chrono- of cities, promoted by the Popes; compare Pani Ermini grapher 354; however, an inscription (CIL VI 8461) 2001, esp. 315. attesting to officinae plumbariae in the area might suggest a change of function. The continued existence of the BIBLIOGRAPHY Circus Flaminius is also problematic, since it was undoubtedly at some time overrun by buildings and Apollonj Ghetti, B.M. 1964, I SS. 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