14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 215 IX. Martine de Marre* Aelia Arisuth – Mithraic matron or popular patron? * University of South Africa. 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 216 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 217 Abstract. — A fourth-century tomb discovered in the vicinity of Tripoli (ancient Oea) at the beginning of the 20th century contained two funerary niches, the larger devoted to a woman named Aelia Arisuth. Elaborate wall paintings surround Aelia’s niche and portrait, and below the niche is a detailed scene of a chariot race. Other scholars have tried to explain the racing motif by inferring Mithraic or Christian references, in spite of the fact that there are no clearly identifiable religious symbols usually associated with such tombs. In my view it is more likely, given Aelia Arisuth’s obvious wealth and status, that she had some other involvement with the event. This is the possibility that will be explored in this article. At the beginning of the 20th century a tomb was discovered between ancient Oea and Lepcis Magna, at the oasis of mod- ern Gargaresh. The tomb, dated by archaeologists to the late 3rd or 4th century BC (IRTe), was carved out of the rock and contained two lavishly decorated funerary niches in the north wall and a double niche in the south wall (the latter does not seem to ever have been used1. The two main niches in the north wall each contained a shaft in which the bodies were placed. Each was covered with a stone slab perforated and funnelled at the head for the cus- tomary fragrant oils and perfumes that were sent down to sus- tain the dead on their journey to the afterlife. These slabs no longer exist today, but according to the first reports on the 1. ROMANELLI (1922), 409. 217 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 218 Greece, Rome, Byzantium and Africa tomb by Clermont-Ganneau in 1903, the slabs were plastered and on that of the larger niche a lioness leaping towards the left was painted, and across her body the words Quae lea iacet or «What a lioness lies (here)»2. The slabs of the smaller niche also had a leaping lion and the words Qui leo iacet 3. Above the larger niche there is an inscription, held by two genii, which reads: D(is) M(anibus) s(acrum)  Aelia Arisuth  vixit annos  sexaginta  plus minus Consecrated to the souls of the departed. Aelia Arisuth lived approximately sixty years. (Gargáresh: CIL 22687; AE 1904, 19; Romanelli 1922, 405ff.) The inscription above the smaller niche is positioned be- tween two peacocks and reads: [D(is) M(anibus)] s(acrum). Aelios Ma[gnus or -ximus] f(ilius) Iurathani  Bix(it) an[n]o[s quinqu- or quadr]agin[ta] quin[que] plus m[i]n[us]. Consecrated to the souls of the departed. Aelios Mag- nus/Maximus, son of Iurathanus, lived approximately forty-/fifty-five years. (Gargáresh: CIL 22688; AE 1904, 18; Romanelli 1922, 405ff.) The nomen Aelius indicates some level of Romanisation4, possibly in the 120s when Hadrian made his two visits to the 2. My thanks for the helpful comments by the anonymous reviewers, one of whom pointed out here that the use of lea is an unusual choice for lioness, leaena being more common, and that a pun is possibly implied in the use of quAE LEA. 3. CLERMONT-GANNEAU (1903), 357-361. 4. Aelios is in fact the third most common Roman nomen after Iulius and Claudius. 218 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 219 Figure 1: general view of the niches and wall paintings. 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 220 Greece, Rome, Byzantium and Africa continent, while the cognomen «Arisuth» is of Punic origin, like the origins of the nearby town of Oea itself, and is attest- ed in other inscriptions from this area5. The name Iurathanus is Libyan, and occurs in an inscription from Sabratha in con- nection with the building of a labrum in the late 1st or early 2nd century. No offices are listed for that benefactor, who was probably acting as a private citizen. Below the first inscription the wreathed imago clipeata of Aelia Arisuth shows a woman with an oval face, large, well- opened eyes, an intense stare and guarded expression, remi- niscent of the Fayum paintings of neighbouring Egypt. The portrait has the typical Fayum ageless quality — it certainly does not reflect the woman of sixty which the accompanying inscription claims her to be. The portrait is supported by two children, and outside the niche two candle-bearers are wear- ing dalmatian tunics to their knees and a wreath of roses hangs from the left hand of the figure on the right6. Their ornately embroidered dress is depicted with clarity and detail, even though the facial expressions are rather rigid, and their clothing forms a sharp contrast with that of Aelia, whose garments are unadorned. Aelia’s dress and jewels (a gold bangle on her right arm, a ring on her left hand 5. Arishat, Arisuth, Arrisut occur seven times in Tripolitanian in- scriptions (www.twcenter.net/forums/attachment.php?attachmentid= 2074772). IRT 850, an undated funerary inscription, refers to another woman, Ulpia Rogatilla Arisuth Mather, and further funerary inscrip- tions on cinerary urns from Lepcis Magna (IRT 754.1, 745.2 and 754.7.1) refer to a Babilla Arrisut. Another inscription in neo-Punic (AD 60), also from Lepcis, refers to Arisuth, the daughter of Yatonbal the Builder and the aunt of Ithymbal Sabinus, whom he honours for a beneficent deed (http://www.livius.org/lelh/lepcis_magna/colstreet.html#yatonbal). 6. In the embroidered tunic one can begin to see the Eastern influence which reached its culmination in the Byzantine period (FABRE [1971/ 1972], 109-10), very different from the austere Roman toga or the stola. MICHAELI ([1998], 56) discusses comparable frescoes from the same period in the tomb of Or-ha-Ner in Israel, focussing particularly on the candle-bearers. Depictions of light (candles, torches, etc) were popular in sepulchral art to guide the deceased in the afterlife. 220 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 221 Figure 2: detail of the portrait of Aelia Arisuth. 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 222 Greece, Rome, Byzantium and Africa and what seems to be a gold neckpiece7 emphasise her status, but are not as splendid as some of the mosaics of the time, for example that of the second-century martyr Perpetua, or Mo- nica, the mother of Augustine8. No jewellery was found with the bones, which follows Ro- man burial practice where women were not buried with jewels unless their impending nuptials had been cut short by death. Punic and African customs were somewhat different. A famous example today is the fourth-century tomb of Tin Hanan, believed to have been the queen of the Garamantes, who was buried with her jewellery at Abalessa9. Aelia is wearing a turban-like headdress which is unusual, but not unknown. Otherwise, Aelia is dressed in the style of the period, in a white or whitish tunica intima, roomy but with narrow sleeves, rather like that worn by men. Over this the palla or cloak which could also cover the head like a veil. She also wears the dalmatica, a red or yellow coloured robe with wide sleeves which were sometimes decorated. Her dress therefore confirms her to be a member of the local élite of Oea, a town whose wealth was based on the fact that, since Punic times, it had been a port for the products of the trans- Saharan caravans. Aelia’s status in her local community is de- clared, lastly, by her claim to education: she holds a volumen in her left hand. For male portraits a scroll in the hand would betoken membership of, or aspirations to, élite status, since only this status level would have access to an education. Alföl- 7. The necklace bears a strong resemblance to Phoenician jewellery il- lustrated at http://www.bible-history.com/ibh/Phoenician+Jewelry/ Necklaces/ 8. While Perpetua was honeste nata or of noble lineage, Monica was the wife of a respectable but poor decurion from Thagaste, and probably never wore ornate jewellery in her whole life. Later commemoration, how- ever, desired to portray these figures as noble, possibly to reflect their no- bility of spirit. 9. For a description of the wealth of Queen Tin Hinan, see GAUTIER (1934), 439-443. This wealthy tomb was associated with the legendary an- cestress of the Tuaregs (SALAMA [1981], 521-523). Punic custom of burial with jewellery is well attested; cf. PAPPA (2008/2009), 59-63. 222 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 223 Figure 3: detail of the candle-bearer to the right of Aelia Arisuth’s niche. 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 224 Greece, Rome, Byzantium and Africa di-Rosenbaum has collected a number of examples of female equivalents from across the Empire where the scroll denotes «a claim to intellectual activities»10: it was traditional for Ro- man women to hold the scroll in the left hand, and lightly touch it with the right, and Aelia Arisuth conforms to this convention. The volumen lends Aelia the stature that Apuleius in the 2nd century AD wanted to give to another woman from Oea, Aemilia Pudentilla, that of a highly educat- ed woman. Similarly in the 3rd century AD, Oscia Modesta, the patroness of Avioccala (Africa Proconsularis), composed a poem in pseudo-Homeric Greek for her tombstone, to be seen «as a well-educated lady, whose erudition equalled that of upper-class women in Rome»11. All the evidence indicates that Aelia Arisuth was the more important occupant of the tomb. Her niche is the larger of the two, and more lavishly decorated, and even though she is dressed quite soberly, she holds the scroll indicating élite learning. The other decorations like the candle-bearers also lead the eye to her portrait in its central position supported by the two children. The accompanying niche in the Gargaresh tomb is dedicat- ed to the man who is most likely to have been her husband, Aelios Ma(gnus or -ximus), son of Iurathanus. Aelios is de- picted reclining under a tree in a typical posture of otium, surrounded by images of plenty associated with the afterlife: vine leaves, bunches of grapes, roses, and so forth. This is a complete reversal of the traditional male-female portraiture of Late Antiquity, where it is the woman who is represented at leisure as an attestation to her active husband’s success and wealth. Contemporary mosaics of the landowning aristocracy in Roman Africa do not show men in this attitude; they are en- gaged in manly pursuits such as hunting, or surveying their castle-like villas or even supervising farming activities. Again 10. ALFÖLDI-ROSENBAUM (1968), 25. 11. HEMELRIJK (2004), 233. See also BIRT (1907), 98, 105 for similar examples. 224 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 225 Figure 4: detail of the wall painting above the second funerary niche. 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 226 Greece, Rome, Byzantium and Africa this confirms that Aelia is the more prominent personality of this tomb. From the little we can still see, Aelios is wearing the same dalmatian tunic as the candle-bearers mentioned above, with the same decoration, but he is booted while the other two figures wear sandals. Romanelli is rather unflattering about the inferior execution of this smaller niche, speaking of «tale trasandata imperizia» (such shabby imprecision) and «bar- baro lavoratore di pennello» (barbarous brushwork)12. The larger niche is also considered to predate this one, since in places one can see that the plaster and paint of this niche overlap that of the first13. This implies that Aelios was buried after his wife, which would make the age gap between them even greater than the 5 or 15 years that separate them ac- cording to the inscriptions. The wealthy woman wedding a younger husband is not completely unheard of, as Apuleius’ case in the Apologia can attest, although the prosecution’s case in the latter instance makes much of the unusualness of such a marriage, and it is likely that it was not completely comme il faut. The last element of the tomb paintings concerns a chariot- racing scene which was painted below the niche of Aelia Arisuth. The scene is painted in some detail and with realistic regard for the garments and the colours of the teams, which correspond with those worn by charioteers in mosaics from this period. Chariots were raced in multiples of four, but never more than twelve at a time, and divided into four sta- bles: Blues, Greens, Reds and Whites. In the fresco the Blues win ahead of the Red team, whose chariot appears to have crashed, while the Greens try to get round it. The Whites are just off to the left of the picture (this part is badly damaged) and look to come second. At either end we have the metae with their three cylindrical cones and a crude drawing of the vic- tor, whip in hand, with a victory palm on the left side of the post (not shown here). 12. ROMANELLI (1922), 414. 13. ROMANELLI (1922), 409. 226 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 227 Figure 5: central section of the racing fresco below the portrait of Aelia Arisuth. 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 228 Greece, Rome, Byzantium and Africa A number of scholars have tried to find explanations which take into account all of these diverse and puzzling elements. The earliest explanation came from Clermont-Ganneau at the beginning of the last century, who explained the reference to the lions through the religious affiliation of the two deceased with the Mithraic cult: the phrase quae lea iacet was assumed to refer to Aelia’s initiation into the Mithraic grade of the Lioness. The racing scene was taken to be a reference to Mithraic mythology according to which Mithra, having accom- plished his earthly task, was taken up to the Sun in a chariot14. The Mithraic theory was subsequently contested on the ba- sis that the association between Mithraism and a woman is not attested anywhere else in the Roman world15. Already in the mid-1900s scholars like Cumont and Campbell pointed out that women were excluded from membership, and that there is no mention of any female priesthoods or donations made by women in this cult16. Cumont’s suggestion regarding our specific evidence is that Aelia Arisuth was merely an honorary member of the cult, much as women in the Eastern provinces were honorary magistrates without really fulfilling the func- tion. Her association with the Mithraic grade of the Lioness would then be understood in this light. But this explanation is clearly problematic. A unique woman’s honorary member- ship, where women seem to have been excluded, cannot be equated with an honorary municipal membership where there is clear evidence of large numbers of examples17. In addition, 14. CLERMONT-GANNEAU (1906), 362. 15. Porphyry, De Abstinentia 4.16 refers to women participating in the mysteries of the Mithraic cult by saying that the men were called lions and the women hyenas, but the text is considered corrupt, and the grade of li- oness is not indicated in any other source: «Our current data indicate that women did not participate in the Mithraic cult. No archaeological evi- dence supports the existence of a grade such as lea or mater for women. More importantly, there is not a single inscription that is both undeniably Mithraic and made by a woman» (GRIFŸTH [2006], 77). 16. CUMONT (1956), 173; CAMPBELL (1968), 316. 17. See for example, VAN BREMEN (1996), 25-26, 39, 45, 55-56, 59-81, 303-357. 228 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 229 Aelia Arisuth – Mithraic matron or popular patron? while the Mithraic cult assumed varying characteristics all over the Roman Empire, nothing about the imagery of the wall paintings and the inscriptions above the niches is tradi- tionally Mithraic. As an alternative Romanelli identified a number of Christ- ian elements in the tomb paintings, for example the peacocks, the roses and the vine leaves, which can be read as references to the garden of paradise. He dismissed the reference to the li- oness by pointing out that if it had not been for this one ele- ment (which exists only in the records), no one would have thought of connecting the deceased with the cult of Mithra. He points out that candles are also typical of Christian iconogra- phy, although they are normally depicted standing on the ground, and not held by individuals. For the racing-fresco Romanelli looks to the letters of St Paul who, he claims, refers repeatedly to the races at the circus. In fact, Paul does not re- fer to the circus at all, although he does make four references to runners winning the race18. However, Romanelli has to concede that there are too many pagan elements in the tomb to warrant a conclusive Christian interpretation: apart from the lions, the initial in- vocation of Dis Manibus Sacrum is hardly Christian (al- though not entirely unknown), and the genii are definitely pa- gan. The decorative elements of roses, grapes and peacocks are also not exclusively Christian. In fact, there is not one clear and unambiguous Christian symbol in the whole tomb. Romanelli finally propounds that this is an example of reli- gious syncretism, pointing out that many of the Christian rit- uals were also a part of Mithraic ritual19. Aurigemma took up the discussion in the1960s. He con- cluded that the Mithraic reference was the result of religious syncretism and confusion of symbols in what was most prob- 18. There are four references to races in Paul’s letters, all foot-races run by athletes: 1 Corinthians 9.23, 27; Philippians 3.12-14; 1 Timothy 6.12; 2 Timothy 2.5. 19. ROMANELLI (1922), 415-416. 229 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 230 Greece, Rome, Byzantium and Africa ably a pagan tomb decorated in a spirit of pagan resistance to Christianity characteristic of this and later centuries, but his argument is more in the nature of a suggestion than the build- ing of a well-substantiated case. I would like to propose a third solution that would also take into account the fact that Aelia, a woman, is the more prominent figure in the tomb, which so far has been ignored by previous authors. Firstly, I would agree with Romanelli and Aurigemma that religious syncretism was common in this period and that any explanation would probably contain ele- ments which are also common to other cults. But I think that the most striking elements merit some further exploration. There is nothing about Aelia’s appearance which gives us any details about her role in life, apart from her status. Her turban is the only item of clothing which appears somewhat unusual in a Romanised context. In second-century Carthage Tertullian, railing against the dress of exotic cults, mentions a «woollen headdress» in connection with the cult of Bellona (De Pallio 4.10.2) and elsewhere refers to matrons wearing turbans and woollen bands around their heads (De Virgini- bus Velandis 17.2). It is quite possible that the turban had its ancestor in the vittae or the infula, the woollen bands wound around the Roman woman’s head, which we see in the por- traits of the Vestals from the Roman Forum20, and which were an outward indication of chastity. Statues of the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD sport hairstyles of a circle of braids, what D’Ambra calls «the turban hairstyle»21. She speculates that these often very elaborate coiffures may have been designed to evoke the «authority and discipline of a venerable priest- ess». Depictions of turbans are rare, but another turbanned woman can be seen in the Boglio stele to Ba’al Hammon or Saturn, found in the region of Siliana and dating to the 3rd century AD. The man is richly attired and stands behind an 20. The infula was a white woollen fillet wound around the head at least five times, and falling to the shoulders in loops. 21. D’AMBRA (2000), 109. 230 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 231 Aelia Arisuth – Mithraic matron or popular patron? altar, while the turbanned woman — presumably his wife from the inscription — brings a basket of fruit. To the left and right of the sacrificing couple two young women approach carrying baskets on their heads, presumably their daughters, since the inscription refers to «Cuttinus and his family»22. The broader and local evidence therefore suggests that the turban indicates a religious role within the local community. If a religious connection for Aelia is to be examined, it brings us back to the painted wording observed by Clermont- Ganneau, identifying Aelia and Aelios with lions. However, clearly in the Roman African context the lioness and lion identifications are not unique to Mithraism, and are known from other religious and burial contexts23. Lions were gener- ally associated with power and seen as guardians and protec- tors of both the dead and the living. A possible interpretation of the wording on the plasterwork of the burial vaults could therefore be that the husband and wife played a protective role in their local community, and that the words are meant 22. CHARLES-PICARD (1964), 157. There is also some evidence for men wearing turbans. BENDER (1994), 147 ascribes the origin of the turban to Near Eastern influences, where a mitra worn by Persian kings was a tur- ban fastened by tying ribbons under the chin, and a mosaic from Tripoli- tanian Zliten, contemporary to the tomb frescoes, shows a man wearing a turban watching a threshing scene (DUNBABIN [1978], pl. XXXVI, figure 96). Although an epigram (Epigr. 12) by the poet of Vandal Africa, Lux- orius, implies that a turban was particularly worn by women (he devotes the epigram to a eunuch who in modesty donned a turban to cover his hair, whereas for a man it would have been inappropriate or absurd to wear one), this may be due to later Vandal influence. 23. Lion — and lioness — headed deities were very popular in neigh- bouring Cyrenaica, Egypt and Nubia (Bast, Sekhmet, Dedun, Maahes, Neith). The Punic Mausoleum of Bes at Sabratha is adorned with several lions, all pointing outward. Other examples can be seen near Tipasa (MACKENDRICK [1980], 192 mentions carvings of a lion and lioness above one of the tomb corridors) and Kbor er Roumia in Mauretania, where a lion and lioness are illustrated on a tomb (DESANGES [1981], plate 17.1). In a number of ancient Mediterranean cultures they are to be seen at en- trances to cities and sites of religious significance, from the Lion Gate at Myceneae to the city portals at Bogazköy, Persepolis and Susa. 231 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 232 Greece, Rome, Byzantium and Africa more metaphorically than has been thought. This interpreta- tion would also reinforce the importance of both of the tomb’s occupants in their local community. Apart from any funerary symbolism, across the Maghreb the goddesses Cybele, Ashtart, Tanit and Caelestis24 were often depicted with a lion and sometimes identified with it25. Inter- estingly, there are also connections between these deities and chariot racing which can be linked to an African connection26. Neither the Mithraic nor the Christian theory for the fres- co of the chariot race is, to my mind, quite satisfying. It is of course a possibility that the fresco may have no personal sig- nificance and have no bearing on the past lives of the occu- pants of the tomb. In the Roman tradition racing scenes were a popular motif for the sarcophagi of children, since it is 24. Tanit was a Libyan goddess adopted by Punic culture, also with later Roman fusion worshipped as Juno Caelestis. We do know that the li- on and lioness were powerful symbols of procreative power for the indige- nous Africans, together with the bull and the ram, and were worshipped in this guise. Where Punic tendencies were more inclined to religious sym- bols, the lion-headed goddess is considered typically African–Libyan reli- gion was similar to that of the Egyptians in their liking for zoomorphic deities (LAW [1978], 145; DECRET - FANTAR [1981], 251-257). 25. «Au Maghreb, on vénérait aussi la déesse cappadocienne Mâ, iden- tifiée à Bellone, dont l’image est gravée sur une paroi rocheuse dans la ré- gion d’Uzappa; un culte était également adressé à la Grande Mère de l’Ida, déesse phrygienne qui, tout comme Ashtart, Tanit et Caelestis, avait une prédilection pour le lion» (DECRET -FANTAR [1981], 273). There are depic- tions of Tanit with the head of a lioness (BULLO - ROSSIGNOLI [1998], 257). 26. According to HUMPHREY (1986), 274, «she (Cybele) is particularly likely to have been found in depictions of North African circuses because of her frequent assimilation to Caelestis, the tutelary goddess of Carthage and Punic mother goddess. She too was shown seated on a lion». Caelestis received particular prominence under Septimius Severus. The ludi Me- galenses also came to include chariot racing on the 10th of April each year. A number of mosaics from Africa and Spain show Cybele riding a lion, usually along the spina, dating from the 3rd and 4th centuries (examples can be seen in VERMASEREN [1986]: figures 101, 207, 209). See also the dis- cussion by HUMPHREY (1986), 273-275. For a description of Caelestis-Cy- bele and lion imagery on other objects, see VERMASEREN (1986) nos 62-76, 109-113. 232 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 233 Aelia Arisuth – Mithraic matron or popular patron? thought that they were an appropriate symbolic reflection of the course of life27. However, it was also a popular funerary motif for those who had some involvement with the races themselves, such as charioteers28. The chariot scene is certainly very life-like and it is clear that the artist must have been familiar with this form of pub- lic spectacle. An examination of the physical evidence shows that horse and chariot racing was more popular than any oth- er form of entertainment in Roman Africa, particularly in Late Antiquity, and a large number of mosaics from North Africa depict horses, chariots, their drivers and riders29. We also have the evidence of Augustine (Confessiones 6.7.11.13 and 6.8.13) from this period, and many of the epigrams of the Vandal court poet Luxorius, a century later, are devoted to charioteers and he refers often to chariot racing, for example the adornment of the circus stables or the building of an am- phitheatre (Epigrammata 7, 20, 26, 27, 34, 38, 41, 42, 50). A circus was a prestigious structure which marked a city out as a centre of power. As Lepcis Magna was the largest city in Tripolitania, the hippodrome was there, lying along the coastline outside the city and about 100 kilometres from Oea30. No formal structure was really required for this sport, however, and it seems that chariot races were regular events held on flat ground all over the African provinces31. In the Romanised world this type of entertainment was made possible through a system of patronage. It was tradi- tional for patrons to donate money to a city’s municipal treas- ury or otherwise provide financing for public expenses, and in return for these or some similar service they could display ho- 27. For a detailed discussion of this, see EVE D’AMBRA (2007), 339-351. 28. For examples of these, see TURCAN (1978), 1728-1729; BRILLIANT (1984), 150. 29. Examples listed in note 16 above. 30. Other monumental circuses in North Africa were at Cuicul, Sitifis, Utica, Hadrumetum, Thugga, Iol Caesarea and Carthage, and in Egypt at Alexandria. 31. HUMPHREY (1986), 298. 233 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 234 Greece, Rome, Byzantium and Africa nours awarded by the city. A relationship was built up be- tween benefactor and city — family deaths became local events. As Augustine’s acquaintance with the wealthy Pini- anus and Melania proves, if one were affluent much pressure was applied by the locals to spend money for the public good. Patronage also extended to the collegia, whose task it was to organise banquets or public entertainment for the town, and the patron could foot the bill for such events. Donations were not limited to buildings or events within the forum or even the town; they could also include hippodromes and theatres out- side the city, for example the theatre at Calama (ILAlg 1, 2121). Sponsorship of spectacles and games (munera and lu- di ) and repairs and decorations of the facilities can be traced from the number of inscriptions that have survived32. Most inscriptions are rather vague as to the exact nature of the benefactions received by the towns, but there are several inscriptions from Roman Africa which specify the sponsor- ship of the spectacula circensium or ludi circenses (ILAfric 58 HS 11 000; ILTun 746; CIL 9065; CIL 9052; CIL 8938)33. The cost of such spectacles could be quite high. Duncan-Jones re- ports on games sponsored in Tripolitanian Siagu: «The donor of a foundation for games bequeathed a residue of HS10,000, of which HS6,000 was to be spent on an inaugural celebration of games lasting three days. The balance of HS4,000 was to be spent on a distribution to all citizens at the rate of HS1 per head34.» His figures for a centre like Carthage reach HS 200 000 for gladiatorial games35. It is unlikely that members of the municipal élite of Lepcis or nearby towns would have had the means to sponsor on so 32. Spectacula and ludi included chariot races, for example as indi- cated in Tertullian’s De Spectaculis, esp. 16-17. For an overview of pa- tronage and euergetism relating to ludi, see LOMAS - CORNELL (2003), 1-11, 46-60. 33. WESCH-KLEIN (1990), 40. 34. DUNCAN-JONES (1974), 264. 35. Further figures are provided by DUNCAN-JONES (1974), 281-289, who gives a costing list for games in Roman Africa. 234 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 235 Aelia Arisuth – Mithraic matron or popular patron? lavish a scale. Even in the larger centres municipal élites were hard-pressed to meet social expectations. One of the theories regarding women’s involvement in sponsorship and other acts of beneficence is that outsiders — like freedmen and women — were admitted into the public arena of benefactions as a means of easing the burden. Already in the 2nd century Pu- dentilla, the wife of Apuleius, had donated a large sum to the town of Oea on the occasion of her son’s marriage (Apologia 87). It was therefore accepted convention that affluent women participated in euergetism in the same manner as men. For the 4th century we have Augustine’s writings (Epistulae 165.2.2) and the Codex Iustinianus (6.38.1) to attest to the influence and power of wealthy female landowners and pa- tronesses. In the Late Empire the state also began to play a larger role in subsidising public funding because the liturgy was such a heavy onus on private individuals (Libanius, Epistulae 381), but during the 4th century, in smaller centres where the ex- penses would have been slightly lower, contributions were still sought from the local élites, and as Judith Evans Grubbs notes: «Affluent women who sought to exalt their position in the world might well do so by paying for race teams36.» In her own town it is entirely possible that Aelia Arisuth sponsored races or made some other form of contribution towards circus entertainment in one of the cities of Tripolitania near Gar- garesh where her tomb was found. She may even have done so as a priestess of Cybele-Caelestis, although we know of only a few such priestesses by name from the African provinces37. 36. GRUBBS (2009), 387. 37. Priestesses of Cybele : AE (1931), 63, Diana Veteranorum, Horten- sia Fortunata, priestess of Magna Mater; BATH (1968), 220-223, Mac- taris, name lost, priestess of Cybele; VERMASEREN (1986), no. 114, Utica, Pompeia Satria Fortunata, priestess of Cybele. Honorary statues for women connected to Cybele : Flavia Pia (found in temple of Cybele in Lep- cis [IRT 165.641]); VERMASEREN (1986), no. 83, Mididi, relief of priest- ess of Cybele in middle register. Women involved in liberalitas in connec- tion with Cybele: CIL 19125, Sigus, Licinia I[...] filia Ertricata (erects?) 235 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 236 Greece, Rome, Byzantium and Africa Numerous instances of female patronage are known to us from inscriptions all over the Roman Empire and also in the African provinces38, although many of these are vague as to the exact nature of the benefactions. Of those of which any detail remains in the African provinces, the following inscriptions record women sponsoring or co-sponsoring sporting events or contributing to the upkeep or decoration of the circus: CIL Theveste Aurelia Early 3rd HS 16.000 for gladiatorial 16556 Ianuaria century fights at Smirat CIL Thugga Avilia Gabinia Mid 3rd Ludi 26458 Venusta ILAfric Thugga Gabinia Early 3rd Land for a circus for the 527 Hermiona people HS 100 000 CIL Cirta Iula (sic) Early 3rd Ludi 19513 Verania CIL Auzia Longania Mid 3rd Metae and clock for circus, 9065 Primosa + tribunal for judges Kaninia Respecta CIL Auzia Clodia Luciosa; 3rd cent Testamentary execution to 9052 Cassia Dulca; use interest from the capital Cassia Restuta of HS 40 000 for annual chariot races, inter alia. None of the theories summarised at the beginning of this article has taken into account the fact that Aelia Arisuth was clearly a prominent member of the local community, even more so than her husband; nor have they proposed a credible link between Aelia and the racing scene painted below her portrait. The more plausible explanation therefore seems to be to link her evidently important position in death to a role which would have made her equally prominent in her preced- sua pecunia (plaque); CIL 5524, Thibilis, Popilia Maxima pays for altar in Cybele temple; CIL 8656, Mons, Caecilia Amore and Poenia [...] set this up with own money. 38. A number of studies have been done on various aspects of patron- age in Africa: see GARNSEY (1971); NICOLS (1989); WESCH-KLEIN (1990); DE MARRE (2002); HEMELRIJK (2004); BOND (2007). 236 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 237 Aelia Arisuth – Mithraic matron or popular patron? ing life. From the studies by Vermaseren (1986) it is clear that there is some connection between chariot races and Cybele in the popular imagination. If religious syncretism is granted, the tomb surely shows many elements which could connect it to the worship of the Cybele-Caelestis and related fertility cults in Roman Africa; and the racing scene, like the other re- ligious symbols in the tomb, and including Aelia’s dominant status, can be explained by references to the cult of Cybele, and even some involvement on the part of Aelia Arisuth in the promotion of these races, which can be shown to have been taken on by prominent affluent members of local communi- ties, including women. Bibliography ALFÖLDI-ROSENBAUM, E. (1968), «Portrait bust of a young lady of the time of Justinian», Metropolitan Museum Journal 1, 19-40. AURIGEMMA, S. (1960), L’Italia in Africa: le scoperte archeologiche (a.1911-a.1943), Rome. BENDER, H. (1994), «De habitu vestis. Clothing in the Aeneid», in J.L. SEBESTA - L. BONFANTE (ed.), The world of Roman Costume, Madison, Wis., 146-159. BIRT, T. (1907), Die Buchrolle in der Kunst, Leipzig. BOND, S.E. (2007), Ob Merita: The Epigraphic Rise and Fall of the civic patrona in roman north Africa, MA dissertation, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. BRILLIANT, R. (1984), Visual narratives, Ithaca, NY. BULLO, S. - ROSSIGNOLI, C. (1998), «Il santuario rurale presso Bir bou Rekba (Thinissut): uno studio iconografico ed alcune riconsiderazione di carattere architettonico-planmettrico», in A. MASTINO (ed.), L’Afri- ca Romana. Atti dell’VII convegno di studio, Cagliari, vol. 12.1, Sas- sari, 249-273. CAMPBELL, L.A. (1968), Mithraic iconography and ideology, Leiden. CHARLES-PICARD, G. (1964), Carthage, London. CLERMONT-GANNEAU, C. (1903), «Les sépulcres à fresques de Guigariche et le culte de Mithra en Afrique», Comptes-rendus des séances de l’A- cadémie des inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 47.4, 357-363. CUMONT, F. (1956), The mysteries of Mithra, Thomas McCormack (trans- lated from the French), New York. 237 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 238 Greece, Rome, Byzantium and Africa D’AMBRA, E. (2000), «Nudity and adornment in female portrait sculpture of the second century AD», in D. KLEINER et al. (ed.), I Claudia II: women in roman art and society, Austin, Texas, 101-114. — (2007), «Racing with death. Circus sarcophagi and the commemora- tion of children in Roman Italy», in A. COHEN - J.B. RUTTER (ed.), Constructions of childhood in ancient Greece and Italy. Hesperia Sup- plements 41, 339-351. DECRET, F. - FANTAR, M. (1981), L’Afrique du Nord dans l’Antiquité. His- toire et Civilisation des origines au Ve siècle, Paris. DE MARRE, M. (2002), The role and position of women in roman north african society, Doctoral thesis, University of South Africa. DESANGES, J. (1981), «The proto-Berbers», in MOKHTAR (1981), 423-440. DUNBABIN, K. (1978), The mosaics of roman north Africa, Oxford. DUNCAN-JONES, R. (1974), The economy of the roman empire. Quantita- tive Studies, Cambridge. FABRE, G. (1971-1972), «Recherches sur l’origine des ornements vesti- mentaires du Bas-Empire», Karthago 16, 109-128. GARNSEY, P. (1971), «Taxatio and pollicitatio in Roman Africa», JRS 61, 116-129. GAUTIER, E.F. (1934), «The monument of Tin Hinan in the Ahaggar», Geographical Review 24.3, 439-443. GRIFŸTH, A.B. (2006), «Completing the picture: women and the female principle in the Mithraic cult», Numen 53.1, 48-77. GRUBBS, J.E. (2009), «The Family», in D.S. POTTER (ed.), A companion to the roman empire, vol. 32, Blackwell’s Companions to the Ancient World, New York, 312-452. HEMELRIJK, E. (2004), «City patronesses in the Roman Empire», Historia 53.2, 209-245. HUMPHREY, J.H. (1986), Roman circuses: arenas for chariot racing, Berkeley - Los Angeles. LAW, R.C.C. (1978), «North Africa in the period of Phoenician and Greek colonization, c. 800 to 323 BC», in J.D. FAGE (ed.), The Cambridge history of Africa, vol. 2, New York, 87-147. LOMAS, K - CORNELL, T. (ed.) (2003), Bread and circuses: euergetism and municipal patronage in roman Italy, London. MACKENDRICK, P. (1980), The north African stones speak, London. MICHAELI, T. (1998), «The pictorial program of the tomb near Kibbutz Or-ha-Ner in Israel», ASSAPH Studies in Art History 3, 37-76. MOKHTAR, G. (ed.) (1981), UNESCO General History of Africa, vol. II: Ancient civilizations of Africa, London. NICOLS, J. (1989), «Gender and civic patronage», in C. DEROUX (ed.), Studies in Latin literature and Roman History 5, 117-142, Collection Latomus 206, Brussels. 238 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 239 Aelia Arisuth – Mithraic matron or popular patron? PAPPA, E. (2008/2009), «Reflections on the earliest Phoenician presence in North-West Africa», Talanta 40/41, 53-72. ROMANELLI, P. (1922), «Tomba romana con affreschi del IV secolo dopo cristo nella regione di Gargáresh», Notiziario archeologico del minis- tero delle Colonie, Fasc. 3, 21-32. — (1981), In Africa e a Roma: scripta minora selecta, Rome, 405-427. SALAMA, P. (1981), «The Sahara in Classical Antiquity», in MOKHTAR (1981), 513-532. TURCAN, R. (1978), «Les sarcophages romains et le problème du symbol- isme funéraire», in H. TEMPORINI (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, vol 2.16 pt 2, Berlin, 1700-1735. VAN BREMEN, R. (1996), The limits of participation, Amsterdam. VERMASEREN, M.J. (1986), Corpus Cultus cybelae Attidisque V. Aegyptus, Africa, Hispania, Gallia et Britannia, A.M.H. Lemmers (translated from Dutch), Leiden. WESCH-KLEIN, G. (1990), Liberalitas in rempublicam: private Aufwen- dungen zugunsten von Gemeinden in römischen Afrika bis 284 n. Chr., Bonn. Abbreviations AE L’Année épigraphique (Paris, 1888). BATH Bulletin archéologique du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques (Paris: Impr. nationale, 1885-1973). CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, 1863 - ). All ref- erences are to Book VIII unless otherwise stated. ILAfric Inscriptions latine d’Afrique, R. CAGNAT - A. MERLIN - L. CHATELIN (ed.), Paris, 1923. ILAlg I, II Inscriptions latines de l’Algérie, vol I-II, S. GSELL - E. AL- BERTINI - J. ZEILLER - H.-G. PFLAUM - L. LESCHI (ed.), Paris, 1922-1957. IRT Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania, J.M. REYNOLDS - J.B. WARD-PERKINS (ed.), Rome-London, 1952. IRTe Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania online at http://irt.kcl.ac.uk/irt2009/introductions/intro1952.html http://irt.kcl.ac.uk/irt2009/IRT239.html#edition All images are available from the Bridgeman Art Library at: http://www.bridgemanart.com/search?filter_text= gargaresh&x=0&y=0 Aurigemma (1960): L’Italia in Africa: le scoperte archeolo- giche (a.1911-a.1943), Rome, Tripolitania Instituto Poligra- fico Della Stato. Plates 85-87. 239 14_Hommage_Ben_215_240 21-10-15 11:56 Page 240