37
JESUS’
REFUSAL TO PRODUCE A ’SIGN’
Jeffrey
(MK 8.11-13)
Gibson
7423 N. Sheridan Road 2A
Chicago, IL 60626, USA
The Pharisees came out and began to dispute with him, seeking
from him a sign from heaven, testing him. And he sighed deeply in
his spirit and said, ’Why does this generation seek a sign? Amen, I
say to you, no sign shall be given to this generation!’ And he left
them, and getting into the boat again he departed to the other
side.
In Mk 8.11-13 Jesus is portrayed as solemnly and adamantly refusing
to accede to a demand made of him by the Pharisees. The demand
for a o-fl pe;iov, a ’sign’,’ is specifically for a ’token’ of trustworthiness’,
a ’means of confirmation’ to authenticate Jesus’ claims that God
stands behind all his words and works.’ But why does Jesus say ’no’
so categorically to this demand? Why, according to Mark, does he not
grant what is asked of him?
The critical consensus in this regard is that Jesus refuses the
Pharisees’ demand because, in Mark’s portrayal of things, Jesus feels
his ministry is by its very nature self-authenticating, needing no
external or additional proof of its validity. To offer such proof would
not only be a concession to unbelief, but would make unlikely, if not
demands from
impossible, the response of radical faith which Jesus
3
all who are confronted by what he says and does.3
Now, there is much to be said for this. After all, according to Mark,
it is those who are ’outside’, those who have willfully ’blinded’
themselves to seeing and recognizing God’s activity when it is in
their midst, who make the demand.4 And it is true that later on in his
Gospel, within his story of the crucifixion (i.e. in Mk 15.28-32), Mark
portrays Jesus as tacitly refusing to use a ’sign’ to engender belief in
38
the truth of his mission and ministry even when he could have done
so.~ I wish to argue, however, that despite this the supposition is
untenable. Something other than a blanket opposition to offering
proof of the validity of his ministry and message must account for the
Marcan Jesus’ refusal to comply with the Pharisees’ demand. In
support of this claim I shall attempt to show that in Mk 2.1-12, the
story of the healing of the paralytic, Mark portrays Jesus as actually
producing a ’sign’ to prove that his proclamation is ’of God’ when the
truth of that proclamation and its divine origin are questioned.
I
Does Mark’s story of the healing of the paralytic present Jesus as
producing without compunction an open proof of the validity of his
message and ministry? At first glance, the answer might seem to be
’nor’. For none of Jesus’ actions in Mk 2.1-12 is specifically labeled a
‘sign’. Nor does the word oiinetov appear within those verses. But
this is not decisive. The issue is hardly whether Mark has applied a
given designation to the actions that he there has Jesus undertake.
Rather, it is whether Mark has cast the basic features of those
actions-their overall pattern, the circumstances prompting them,
the intention behind them-in terms of the features characteristic of
the phenomenon of ‘signs’.66
In this, then, the case? This depends, of course, on the answer we
give to another question, namely, What are the features characteristic
of the phenomenon of ’signs’? These are to be uncovered by
examining the references to ’signs’ in the Hebrew Scriptures and the
literature dependent on it.
,
Characteristics of the ’Signs’ Phenomenon7
When these background texts8 are examined with regard to what
they reveal concerning the significant features of the phenomenon,
five things stand out:
First, a ’sign’ is always a public event. Its occurrence is meant to be
seen or perceived, as well as publicly acknowledged as having
.
happened.
Second, a ’sign’ happens-or is anticipated as happening-not
accidentally or fortuitously, but on command. It is something that
can be sought, promised, worked, or produced.
Third, a ’sign’ is sought, promised, worked or produced for one of
two reasons: either to certify the truth of a distrusted prophecy, or to
39
establish the validity of a disputed claim that a certain course of
action and the person initiating it are ’of God’. The narrative and
thematic context of such activity is typically as follows:
1.
2.
3.
A claimant to divine authority or insight into the mind of
God engages in an activity, or utters a prophecy or doctrinal
statement, that in his eyes bears God’s approval.
Observers are struck by the fact that the action or the
utterance is either (a) strange and surprising, or (b) contrary
to common sense, conventional wisdom or practical
considerations, or, worse, (c) a direct contravention of
Mosaic Law. Given this, they conclude that the truth of the
action or utterance and its divine origin are not immediately
apparent.
The claimant, wishing to secure acceptance of what he as
said or done, responds to the skepticism with which his
action or utterances is greeted by proposing (or agreeing to
submit to) a kind of test. He selects (or accedes to a demand
for) some phenomenon and promises to have it come to pass.
He does this with the understanding that should the
phenomenon occur both as and when he says it will, the
skepticism surrounding his action or utterance will then
vanish.
When, for instance, Ahaz doubts Isaiah’s prophecy that ’within sixtyfive years Ephraim shall be broken’, Isaiah offers to produce a ’sign’
(cf. Isa. 7.8ff.). When Isaiah wants to prove to Hezekiah that,
contrary to all available evidence, Hezekiah is not to die, Isaiah
proposes to work a ’sign’, letting Hezekiah himself choose between
two such phenomena, one that is difficult or one that is ’easier’ (lox
K050(OV) to produce (2 Kgs 20.1-10; cf. Isa. 38.1-20). Jonathan and
his armor bearer expect to receive a ’sign’ to let them know that, as
promised, they will receive divine protection when they go up into
battle against the Philistines (1 Sam. 14.10, cf. v. 16). Theudas and
other so-called ’Sign Prophets’9 promise to work specific ’signs’
expressly to substantiate their respective claims that they were
anointed by God and divinely commissioned to the sacred purpose of
delivering the Jewish nation from the yoke of Roman oppression (cf.
Josephus, Bell. 2.259, 261-63; Ant. 20.97-99, 167-68, 188). A ’sign’ is
demanded of Jesus when he claims that divine authority stands
behind his ’cleansing’ of the Temple (Jn 2.18, cf. 2.13-18, esp. v. 16),
and, later, when he teaches that he is sent &om God (cf. Jn 6.29-30).
40
’sign’, therefore, is an event that was thought of as having the
power to certify or confirm something that could otherwise be
A
doubted and dismissed.
The fourth thing that stands out about ’signs’ in texts referring to
them is that the function peculiar to a ‘sign’-i.e., its ability to prove
the truth of a distrusted utterance or the legitimacy of a claim that a
person and his actions are ’of God’-is grounded in the public
experience of a coincidence between a prior prophecy (what is
designated as the ’sign’) and a subsequent event (its actual
manifestation). For instance, in the story of Jonathan and his armor
bearer (1 Sam. 14.6-15) Jonathan is initially skeptical of the idea,
placed in his mind by God, that if he but tries, he will be able to
conquer a garrison of Philistines on his own. It is only when the
requested authenticating ’sign’ actually occurs that he believes God
and engages the Philistines in combat. Indeed, Jonathan himself
admits that if the ’sign’ had not come to pass, he would not have
undertaking, which, on purely practical grounds, was
extremely foolhardy (cf w. 9-10). Accordingly, a ’sign’ does its work
when it is effectuated in exact conformity with its predicted or
previously stipulated ’shape’.
The fifth and last thing that stands out in references to ’signs’ is
that as either promised or manifested, a ’sign’ does not need to have a
spectacular content in order to stand as a token of trustworthiness.
As the Isaiah/Ahaz story shows, ’signs’ whose content is ordinarylo
are offered or accepted as ‘proof’ as readily as those which are
stupendous or extraordinarily miraculous (e.g. the ’signs’ offered by
Theudas and the other ’Sign Prophets’).&dquo; The important thing about
a ’sign’s’ ’shape’ is not whether it is in itself miraculous or ordinary,
but whether, once manifested, it then appears in complete correspondence with its own terms, whatever they have been stated to be.
risked the
Jesus and ’Signs’in
Mk 2.1-12
With all of this in mind, let us now turn to Mark’s story of the
healing of the paralytic. The story opens with Jesus besieged in a
house in Capernaum by a crowd which is eager to hear his word (Mk
2.1). It then goes on to narrate the attempt of four men to bring a
paralytic to Jesus so that Jesus might heal him. When the men find
that the press of bodies denies them normal access to Jesus, they go
up to the roof of the house, break open the part of the ceiling directly
above Jesus, and lower the paralytic down to him (Mk 2.3-4). Jesus,
the story notes, is impressed with the obvious lengths to which they
41
willing to go to bring the paralytic into contact with his healing
power. But he does not at this point act to fulfill their desires.
Instead, he makes a formal statement that the paralytic’s sins are
forgiven (Mk 2.5). At this point particular members of the crowd,
religious authorities whom Mark calls Scribes, having heard Jesus’
declaration, realize that Jesus has in effect made a claim to be in
possession of, and authorized to use, a power that they believed was
were
God alone. The claim is all too much for them, and
privately they refuse to accept it (Mk 2.6-7). But Jesus becomes
aware of what is going on in their minds (Mk 2.8a), and in response
to their musings he does two things. First, he openly expresses
disappointment with the Scribes for doubting his word and the claim
implicit within it (Mk 2.8b). Second, he proposes a test whereby the
Scribes may see for themselves that their doubt is groundless (Mk
2.9), and then goes ahead and publicly submits himself to it (Mk
2.10-11 ). The story then ends with a notice that Jesus passes the test
successfully (Mk 2.11), and that he is roundly acknowledged as
having done so (Mk 2.12).
When the story is set against what I have said regarding ’signs’, it
is readily apparent that Jesus is there portrayed as offering and
reserved
to
producing a ’sign’.
For in the first place, the type of conflict that here prompts Jesus to
cure the paralytic is the same as that which, according to the biblical
model, would prompt a ’sign’ worker to produce a ’sign’, namely, the
rejection of a claim-in this case over both Jesus’ possession of
authority to forgive sins and whether or not his proclamation in v. 5
effectuates what it proclaims-that at a given time, one is speaking or
acting on God’s behalf with divine approval.
Second, the response that Jesus secures from the Scribes by
healing the paralytic is identical with that which the biblical model
shows us was won by ‘sign’-workers from their interlocutors when
they effectuated the ’signs’ they had added to their disputed words or
deeds. The Scribes accept the truth of the utterance or the
implications of the action for which the subsidiary prophecy stands
as
proof. &dquo;
Third, the activity that Jesus immediately resorts to after the
Scribes’ initial rejection of his words, and all they imply, is formally
the same as that which Old Testament, Jewish, and Christian ’sign’
workers engage in when the truth of their words or deeds is
challenged. Like those ’sign’ workers, Jesus responds to the gauntlet
thrown down against the validity and the import of his statement,
42
by initiating a discussion or argument, but by offering to make
something happen. Given its context, in function this is nothing less
than offering a ’sign’. 13
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, Jesus says that his reason
for undertaking the cure of the paralytic is precisely to prove the
claim that he has made in Mk 2.5. He explicitly declares at Mk 2.10
that he performs the healing so that those who have expressed doubt
over the truth and the import of this claim may ’know that the Son of
Man has authority on earth to forgive sins’ (ua 6t e16fire ön
tçouoiav L~Xet 6 oi6q rou av9pwnou dottvat dpap-cia~ É1Ti riiç yqq
v. 10).14 In other words, Jesus himself here identifies his cure of the
paralytic as a ’sign’.
Given all of this, I think I am justified in claiming that, despite the
absence in Mk 2.1-12 of the word crq peiov or the explicit labeling of
any of Jesus’ actions as a ’sign’, Mark’s story of the healing of a
paralytic presents Jesus as validating his actions or utterances by
means of a ’sign’. Indeed, to my mind, the story actually makes clear
that in Mark’s eyes, Jesus was quite ready ordinarily not only to
produce ’signs’ but to offer to do so when he or others felt they were
not
needed. To argue that it says otherwise 15 is, I think, to refuse to allow
both the story and Mark to speak on their own terms.&dquo;
This being the case, we may then dismiss as wholly untenable the
conventional position on the reason why Mark has Jesus refuse to
produce a ’sign’ at Mk 8.11-13. In light of the evidence of Mk 2.1-12,
it does not seem possible to assert that the Marcan Jesus held
principled reservations against involving himself in any of the
activities associated with the phenomenon of ’signs’. 17
II
why, then, if Jesus in Mark is not in principle opposed to the
enterprise of producing, or giving in to the demand for, ’signs’, does
he refuse to engage in this activity when, as Mark recounts, the
But
Pharisees demand that he do so?
The answer lies in focusing attention on the ’sign’ that the
Pharisees ask for, and assuming that it is of a peculiar type, a type
which the Marcan Jesus would find offensive. Three observations
serve to justify this assumption: in Mk 8.11-13 the ’sign’ demanded of
Jesus is (1) designated by a specific name; (2) associated with one
expected by ’this generation’; and (3) identified as one which is
’given’.
43
1. The name of the ’sign’ demanded of Jesus
At Mk 8.11 Mark calls the ’sign’ by a specific name. It is, he says, one
which is tn6 rou oupavou. Now, it is often thought that this phrase
means nothing more than ‘from God’, and therefore what Mark is
doing in using it here is making a statement concerning not the
content but the ’author’ of the ’sign’ demanded of Jesus. 18 But this
cannot be the case, for the following reasons.
In the first place, Mark had no need to specify who ultimately
stood behind the ’sign’. It was of the very nature of’signs’ to be ‘from
God’, otherwise they would never have been taken, as we have seen
they were, as evidence of trustworthiness. A phrase meaning ’from
God’ would here be superfluous and redundant. So if Mark had
merely intended that the Pharisees should be seen as content to
receive any ’sign’ so long as it had God as its author, he would have
written only ’... seeking from him a &dquo;sign&dquo;’ (... Ç11tOÜV’t£Ç nap
aurou cnifjetov, xi~.) and not, as he does, ’seeking from him a &dquo;sign
from heaven&dquo;’ (Ç11tOÜV’t£Ç nap auzou crqpeiov tn6 too oupavou,
K’tÀ.).19 In the second place, when Mark does want to designate
something as having divine origin, and uses a circumlocution to do
so, the phrase he employs is 6K two oupavov (Éç oupavou), not do
too oupavou.2° Accordingly, Mark’s calling the ’sign’ demanded of
Jesus arro too oupavou must have another purpose. And that must
be to specify not the source of the ’sign’, but its ’shape’.
The phrase is an appelative, and as such it indicates that the ’sign’
demanded of Jesus is one of a peculiar type, in a class all of its own,
distinct in its content from any or all other ’signs’ that the Pharisees
might have requested.21 But in Mark’s eyes then, what content did a
’sign’ dn6 too oupavou have? Could he have thought it to be, as
some have suggested ,22 a celestial portenl ) oopavoq does sometimes
mean ’sky’ in Mark’s Gospel (e.g. at 1.10; 4.32; 13.25). But that,
according to Mark, the ’sign’ demanded of Jesus was a ’sign out of the
sky’-as this understanding of oupavou would render the phraseseems unlikely. For in the first place, ’sky’ as the meaning of oupavoi
is hardly normal for Mark. In the twelve other instances in his
Gospel (excluding Mk 8.11) in which he employs oupavoi, it does
not bear this sense.23 And in two out of the three instances in which it
does mean ’sky’ the word is part of an Old Testament quotation.24 In
the second place, in biblical literature the phrase duo too oupavou,
when used as it is here-with an object, seems to have had a specific,
technical meaning. This becomes apparent when we consider the
foUowing.
44
When the LXX uses tn6 rou oupavou as Mark does in Mk 8.11that is, in apposition (9 times out of 12 instances)-it is an appelative
for:
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
the rain that God has used
to
rid the earth of sinful
humanity (Gen. 8.2);
the celestial phenomenon which the sun- and moonworshipping heathen regard as portents of their gods (Jer.
10.2);
a figure called a ’watcher’ (eip who pronounces and then
brings doom on King Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon for not
acknowledging Yahweh as the Supreme God (Dan. 4.10, 20,
28, Theodotion);
God’s all-powerful word (6 nawco8uvapoS oou X6yoq)
which, in the form of a ’stem warrior carrying a sharp
sword’ who ’stood and filled all things with death’, was
unleashed against the Egyptian first-born on the first
Passover (Wis. 18.15);
the particular but unspecified phenomenon which Judas
Maccabaeus and his men knew to have been the decisive
factor in destroying a Galatian army that set itself against
God and his power (2 Macc. 8.20);2s
the aid which, in the form of a spectacularly armored
warrior angel, accompanies the Maccabean army and helps
to bring defeat to Lysias, the commander of Greek forces
besieging Jerusalem (2 Macc. I1.10);
the divine intervention that had given victory to a hopelessly
outnumbered Maccabean army (2 Macc. 15.8).
When in the New Testament the phrase is so used (6 times out of 9
instances, excluding Mk 8.11), it appears as an appelative for:
(1)
the type of fire that Jesus’ disciples want God to rain down
on certain Samaritan villages as punishment for their
inhabitants’ refusal to receive Jesus (Lk. 9.54, cf. w. 51-
(2)
the fiery phenomena that the Lucan Jesus says will be
manifested on the day that the son of Man comes to judge
men for their iniquities (Lk. 17.29, cf. 11.30);
the terrors and great signs (OTB ¡J£ia!) that will herald the
arrival of the ’day of retribution’ (Lk. 21.11, cf. v. 22);
(3)
56) ;
45
(4)
(5)
(6)
angel which appears to Jesus during his ordeal in
Gethsemane (Lk. 22.23);
the particular appearance of Jesus which, according to Paul,
will signal the arrival of the Day of the Lord (2 Thess.
an
2.17);
the wrath of God, the revelation of which betokens the
decisive unveiling of the righteousness of God in judgment
against the unrighteousness of men (Rom. 1.18).
In other words, in Greek biblical literature objects which are ano ro6
oupavou are (with the exception of Jer. 10.2) apocalyptic phenomena
which embody or signal the onset of aid and comfort for God’s elect
and/or the wrath that God was expected to let loose against his
enemies and those who threaten his people.
This being the case, then a ’sign’ which was tn6 iou otipavou is
most likely a phenomenon which embodied ‘Salvation’.~6
2. The crssociation of the ’sign’ with ’this generation’
In Mk 8.12b-a castigation by Jesus of the Pharisees’ demandsMark has Jesus state that the ’sign’ demanded of him is of a certain
type. It is one of those ’signs’ that ’this generation’ expected it would
be shown should one claiming to be ’of God’ wish to ensure that it
(’this generation’) would put its trust in him. But in Mark’s view of
things, what type of ‘sign’ was this? For this information I turn to Mk
15.28-32.
And with him they crucified two robbers, one on his right and one
on his left. [29] And those who passed by derided him, wagging
their heads, and saying, ’Aha! You who would destroy the Temple
and build it in three days, [30] save yourself and come down from
the cross!’ [31] So also the Chief Priests mocked him to one
another with the Scribes, saying, ’He saved others; he cannot save
himself. [32] Let the Christ, the King of Israel, come down now
from the cross, that we may see and believe’. Those who were
crucified with him also reviled him.
a casual glance at these verses shows, this is a story in which
is
asked
to prove certain claims he is believed to have made by
Jesus
making something happen. In other words, it is a story in which
Jesus is faced with a demand for a ’sign’. Three things need to be
noted here:
The first thing is that according to Mark those who demand a
’sign’ &om Jesus are members of ’this generation’.28
As even
46
Second, the claim that Jesus is here called upon to prove by means
of a ’sign’ is that he is, as he has or is thought to have said, Lord of
the Temple,29 Saviour, and the King of Israel (cf. w. 29b, 31b, 32a).
In other words, the issue in dispute, especially in light of Jesus’
present
God’.
ignoble circumstances,
is whether
or not
he himself is ’of
Third, here the members of ‘this generation’ not only demand that
make something happen before they accept his claims. They
dictate to him what he must make happen before they will ’see and
believe’ (cf. v. 32). They do not leave it up to him to decide the terms
of the ’sign’ they will accept from him. This fact is significant. It
implies that the particular ’sign’ here demanded of Jesus is the only
type of ’sign’ that would be taken by ’this generation’ as proof for the
truth of the claims that are now under dispute.
There is, then, according to Mark, a strong formal connection
between the ’sign’ demanded of Jesus by the Chief Priests and others
at Jesus’ crucifixion and that demanded of Jesus by the Pharisees at
Mk 8.11-13. The respective ’signs’ are similar, if not identical, in
’shape’. Accordingly, once we determine the ’shape’ of the ’sign’
demanded of Jesus in Mk 15.28-32, we will also have determined the
’shape’ of the ’sign’ that Jesus is asked to produce in Mk 8.11-13.
What, then, is this ’sign’? Mark notes that it is Jesus ’saving’
himself by ’coming down from his cross’ (od)oov aEaurov Ka’ta~àç
tn6 rou crtaupoù, v. 30; Kaza(3azw vuv dn6 you crcaupou, v. 32). In
other words, the ’sign’ demanded from Jesus is a phenomenon that
effects ’deliverance’. But deliverance of whom, and from what?
Certainly at the very least it is rescue of an individual from personal
tragedy, since the call to ’save yourself’ and ’come down from the
cross’ goes out to a broken man who is embroiled in a life-threatening
situation. But it is much more than this. For, in the first place, in
Mark’s Gospel to ’save oneself’ by ’coming down from the cross’
represents blatant self-aggrandisement and not simply self-preservation.
This is clear &om
the fact that Mark has had Jesus define ’saving
one’s self’ through a willful rejection of ‘cross bearing’ as tanatamount
both to asserting oneself over others at their expense 30 and to the
attempt-on the part of both individuals and nations-to gain and
use worldly power to conquer and dominate their enemies.31 In the
second place, according to Mark, the appeal to Jesus to ’save himself’
is addressed to him not just as an individual, but as the supreme
Jewish national figure-‘the King of Israel’ (and therefore, the
embodiment of the people of God)-who has been reduced to his
Jesus
47
(the cross) in this identity by conquerors of Israel. 32 So,
according Mark, the deliverance attested to by the ’sign’ of Jesus
’coming down from the cross’ is the deliverance, through conquest
and not suffering-service, of Israel from national oppression.33
In light of this it is clear that according to Mark the type of ’sign’
that ’this generation’ typically sought and desired was a phenomenon
that was associated with (and indeed intimated) Israel’s liberation
from, and conquest of, its enemies. Accordingly, the ’sign’ demanded
of Jesus at Mk 8.11-13 must also be a phenomenon of this sort, since
it, too, is labeled as a ’sign’ sought by ’this generation’.34
present fate
to
3. The ‘sign’ as one which is to be ’given’
In Mk 8.12c Mark has Jesus define the ’sign’ demanded of him as one
which is to be ’given’ (6o&dquo;ocTat). Significantly, this is a signal
characteristic of the ’signs’ which, according to Jesus in Mk 13.22,
will be offered by certain ’sign’ workers to the inhabitants of
Jerusalem and Judea during a time of grave national crisis (cf. Mk
13.14ff). These ’signs’ are also ones that are to be ’given’ (o<Doouoiv
O-qpE:ia K’Uk.).&dquo; It seems clear, then, because of this, that in Mark’s
eyes the type of ‘sign’ that is demanded of Jesus at Mk 8.11 is cut
from the same cloth as those which the ’sign’ workers of Mk 13.22
are wont to produce. But what type of ’sign’ are they? How does
Mark envision their content? He lets us know this in three ways:
(a)
(b)
(c)
by giving specific information concerning the identity of the
men who work these ’signs’;
by calling these ’signs’ aqpeia Kai rtpa-ca and,
by noting the effect that these ’signs’ might have upon those
who
see
them.
workers of Mk 13.22. Mark, through
Jesus, characterizes the men who produce the ’signs’ referred to in
Mk 13.22 in three different ways. The first way is as ’false christs’
(BV£UOOXPlcrtOl, 13.22), Now, for Mark, Jesus is the Christ (cf. Mk
1.1), and since Mark takes great pains to show that Jesus’ identity as
the Christ is grounded in suffering and service, and stands solidly
against triumphalism, chauvinism, and domineering imperialism (cf.
esp. Mk 8.27-37; 9.31-37; 10.32-45), then Mark’s designation through
Jesus of the ’sign’ workers of Mk 13.22 as ’false Christs’ means one
thing. They are Messianic pretenders who hold that their identity as
Messiah brings engagement in violence, conquest, and war.36
a.
The
identity of the ’sign’
48
They are also referred to as ’false prophets’ (BV£uöonpo<t>iltal,
13.22). For Mark, a prophet is primarily one who calls Israel to
become the people that God would have them be. 37 Accordingly, a
’False Prophet’ is someone who leads Israel towards national
behavior that is the antithesis of what God has ordained for her.
Now, in Mark’s Gospel Jesus is, among other things, a prophet.38
And it is as a prophet that he warns Israel against taking its status as
the chosen people as a pretext or justification for becoming involved
in any form of exclusivistic nationalism.39 He calls Israel to see that
its national identity as the People of God is bound up with being a
servant to, and not a lord of, other nations.’ By implication then, for
Mark, ’false prophets’ are men who advocate for Israel behaviour
that is despotic in character and is set upon achieving worldly
domination.
Finally, the ’sign’ workers of Mk 13.22 are identified by Mark as
identical with the ’many’ spoken of in Mk 13.5-6.4~ Now, according
to Mark, the ’many’ &dquo;come in my name&dquo;’ (t~x0cov-cat tni -c~-0
6v6pari pou, and ’proclaim &dquo;I am&dquo;’ (Xtyov-ueq 6-ut’Ey6) Eiy). What
do these actions signify? Many scholars have taken the view that
since, on the one hand, the phrase ’to come in my name’ generally
means ’appealing to me as their authority’, ’claiming to be sent by
me’42 and in this case probably ’usurping my identity’,43 and, on the
other, that the personal pronoun in this phrase (pou) can only refer
to the speaker, Jesus (cf 13.3),~ this action signifies the laying of a
claim on the part of people within the Christian commurity to be
speaking to other Christians on Jesus’ behalf45 or even tc be Jesus
himself returned from on high.’ But this cannot be the case. In the
first place, there is nothing in the text that would indicate that Mark
intended the audience of the ’many’ to be seen as the Christian
community.4~ Certainly, Christians will hear them (cf. v. 5), but that
seems to be only by accident. For in 13.5-7, the people that the
’many’ target and win over with their proclamations are specifically
distinguished from the disciples and other followers of Jesus: they
have never been privy, as the disciples and other followers of Jesus
have (cf v. 5), to Jesus’ warnings about the ill effects of the
proclamations of the ’many’. 48 Secondly, in 13.5-7 Mark, through
Jesus, designates the ’many’ who ’come in my name’ as originating
outside of the circle of Jesus’ followers. He does this by having Jesus
speak of the ’many’ in the third and not the second person. Had
Mark wanted the ’many’ to be seen as Christians, he would have had
Jesus say something like ’many of you will come in my name... ’.49
49
finally, the referent of the phrase óvó¡JŒti pou cannot be the
’Jesus’. For a number of reasons, it must be a title that Jesus
alone has the right to bear, namely the title ’Messiah’:10 (1) One
cannot construe the phrase ’coming in my name’ as a claim either to
stand in for ’Jesus’ (i.e., the man from Nazareth) or to be him without
rendering that sentence in which it appears contradictory. As W.
Weiffenbach long ago observed, ’He who legitimizes himself through
the onoma of Jesus cannot at the same time claim the same övo¡Ja’.51
(2) If Mark meant the ’many’ to be seen as claiming to be standing in
for Jesus or to be him, it is difiicult to see why at v. 6 he did not write
simply 7TOxxoi ÉÀ£úOOVtal.52 (3) Matthew understood the claim
made by the ’many’ in Mk 13.6 to be a claim to be the Messiah (cf.
Mt. 24.5). (4) Most importantly elsewhere in Mark’s Gospel, when
the phrase ’in (on) my name’ appears on the lips of Jesus, the ’name’
referred to is not the personal name ‘Jesus’ but the title Christos.53
The phrase ’coming in my name’, then, in this context means
claiming to be God’s Anointed, his Deliverer,54 attempting to rival
Jesus for recognition as the figure empowered by God to bring
And
name
.
salvation
to
Israeli
D. Daube has shown,56 the phrase tyw eipi was
associated in Mark’s time primarily with Yahweh’s presence,
especially as that presence was made known during the time of the
Exodus, to proclaim ’I am’ is therefore tantamount to announcing
the dawning of the time in which Israel would be liberated from her
enemies. So according to Mark, the ’sign’ workers of Mk 13.22 are to
be seen as men who not only claim to be elected by God to be his
instrument in bringing about his deliverance, but who also announce
that the time of deliverance is now at hand. 57
Now it should be pointed out that these characteristics are exactly
those of the so-called ‘Sign-Prophets’-Theudas, the unnamed
Goetes, the ‘Egyptian’-who were active in Judea in the years
immediately preceding the outbreak of the Jewish Revolt against
Rome 58 and who were known to both Mark and his readers. They,
too, claimed that they were expressly sent by God to fulfill a divine
plan of liberation and worldly exaltation of Israel which involved the
violent overthrow of Israel’s enemies,59 and, announcing that the
time of salvation had arrived, they gathered followers and encouraged
them to rise up against their oppressors.60 So not only is there a
correspondence in Mark’s Gospel between the ’sign’ workers of Mk
13.22 and the historical ’Sign-Prophets’ mentioned in Josephus and
other sources,61 there is a correspondence so exact that it cannot be
Since,
as
50
anything but intentionally drawn. Accordingly, in describing and
characterizing the ’sign’ workers of Mk 13.22 in the particular ways
he does, Mark was clearly identifying them with Theudas and his
ilk.
Given this, it is extremely important to note that the ’signs’ offered
by these ’Sign-Prophets’ were phenomena copying the substance of
one or another of the events of the time of the Exodus and Conquest
which were instrumental in securing freedom from subjugation and
dominance for the people of God. The ’sign’ that Theudas offered on
his own behalf-and which, notably, was intended to grant safe
passage for any who would march into Jerusalem against the
Romans-was a re-enactment of Moses’ division of the Reed Sea
and/or Joshua’s division of the Jordan.62 The ’signs’ offered by the
unnamed Goetes active during the procuratorship of Antonius Felix
were embodiments of the plagues which foreshadowed and brought
about the liberation of God’s people from their Egyptian bondage or
re-runs of the events wrought by Moses when he confronted
Pharaoh’s court magicians that indicated the eventual subjugation of
Pharaoh to God.63 The ’signs’ promised by the Goes who was active
during Porcius Festus’ procuratorship were to intimate the relief
from slavery that the Israelites experienced when Yahweh vanquished
Pharaoh.’ And the ’sign’ that the ’Egyptian’ sought to work-a ’sign’
which, he thought, would in its manifestation specifically serve to
overthrow the Roman garrison in Jerusalem-was the act of
judgment performed by Joshua against Jericho. 65
The ultimate effect, then, of Mark’s characterization of the ’sign’
workers referred to in Mk 13.22 as ’false christs’, ’false prophets’ and
identical with the ’many’ of Mk 13.6 is not only to identify these
’sign’ workers with the historical ’Sign-Prophets’ mentioned in
Josephus and other sources. It is to specify the type of ’sign’ that,
according to Mark, these ’sign’ workers were wont to offer. Since
Mark intended the ’sign’ workers of Mk 13.22 to be seen as identical
with the likes of Theudas, the ’Egyptian’, and the Goetes, then he
also meant the ’signs’ that the former group are said to offer to be
taken as identical in type with those proffered by the latter. They,
too, are ’signs of salvation’, ’signs of freedom’, phenomena betokening
Israel’s impending deliverance from national oppression.
b. The name given to the ’signs’ of Mk 1.3.22. Through Jesus, Mark
calls these ’signs’ aqpeia Kai repara (13.22). This phrase is
sometimes found in ancient literature with the sense of ’miracle’, 66 so
51
Mark’s calling the ’signs’ offered by the ’sign’ workers of Mk 13.22 by
this name could be an indication more of character than of content.
However, S.V. McCasland has demonstrated that in the LXX the
phrase crnueta Kai tépata was a terminus technicus for the ’mighty
deeds’, the acts of deliverance which God gave to Israel through to
Moses, Aaron, and Joshua in connection with the Exodus and
Conquest.67 As McCasland notes:
Miraculous deeds are found in other places [in the Old Testament],
such as Judges and Kings, especially in the careers of Elijah and
Elisha, but these events are never referred to as signs and wonders
in the characteristic passages in which the idiom occurs. It is
evident that although the Hebrews believed in the continuous
activity of God as the sovereign of history, who manifested his
personal interest and power in all the great experiences of the
Hebrew people, it was his intention to deliver them from Egypt and
lead them into Canaan which became the unique revelation of
Yahweh’s true character. The story was normative for the idea of
God as far as signs and wonders were concerned.68
Now this is
certainly the sense the phrase bears in Mk 13.22. For, in
the first place, as McCasland also notes,69 ’the mighty deeds by
which God liberated Israel from Egypt’ is the primary meaning
which the phrase had in the New Testament as well, particularly in
its writings or sections of writings that, like Mark 13, are apocalyptic
in nature or tone. Secondly, Mark is careful always to use only the
word 86vaptq when he wants to designate a deed or an event a
’miracle’.&dquo; Thirdly, there is a specific allusion in Mk 13.22 to Deut.
(’If a prophet arises among you and gives to you a sign or a
wonder, and if the sign or the wonder comes to pass, and if he says,
&dquo;Let us go after other gods,&dquo; which you have not known, &dquo;and let us
serve them&dquo;, you shall not listen to the words of that pmphet ... for
the Lord is testing you... ’) where the expression ’sign or wonder’
(OT)¡J£lOV 1i tépaç) is a direct reference to the God’s wonders in the
days of Moses/*
So we may conclude that in calling the ’signs’ of the ’sign’ workers
of Mk 13.22 crqpeia Kai tépata, Mark was identifying these ’signs’
specifically with the liberating works carried out by God during the
13.2-3
...
Exodus.
The effect of seeing the (signs’ of Mk 13.22. According to Mark, the
’signs’ referred to in 13.22 are of a type that, once seen, threaten to
’lead astray’ (np6q r6 d.norr~,avav) the people of Jerusalem and
c.
_
52
Judea,’2 even though these people have witnessed the appearance of
the ’abomination of desolation standing where he ought not’ (cf.
14). Now, for Mark, the abomination is an act of sacrilege so
appalling that tribulation is certain to follow in its wake.73 Its
appearance signals two things: first, that the destruction of the
Temple and its environs is both inevitable and near; 74 and, second,
that for the people of God flight from Jerusalem and Judea is both
imperative for survival as well as divinely mandated. 75 So in Mark’s
eyes, then, to be ’led astray’ means to be made to think that all of this
is not the case.
Accordingly, ’signs’ that threaten to ’lead astray’ are those which
tempt one to believe, despite clear evidence and divine warnings to
the contrary, that for the Temple and the people of Jerusalem and
Judea, deliverance, not destruction, was at hand.
But what kind of ’signs’ would serve to convince a people whose
survival and faithfulness depends upon fleeing their circumstances,
that flight is not only unnecessary, but actually a form of unbelief?
What, if anything, was the ’shape’ of these signs?
To answer this we turn to Josephus, specifically his description in
Book 6 of The Jewish Ihar of an event in the last stages of the revolt of
the Jews against Rome which in substance is an exact parallel (if not
the actual historical referent) of that envisioned in Mk 13.22. 76 The
event occurred when Titus’ soldiers breached the Temple Gates and
began to mount the attack which ended in their setting fire to the
Holy of Holies. Josephus tells us that just prior to this, the Jews of
Jerusalem, ignoring clear and repeated warnings from God that the
city was doomed and would be destroyed by the encroaching Roman
forces (cf. 6.288-315), and oblivious to an abominating sacrilege
committed in their midst by one of their number (cf. 6.201-219), had
gathered in the inner sanctuary of Herod’s Temple. There, they
thought, they would be safe and could continue their rebellion
undaunted, for they had convinced themselves that the Temple was
still impregnable and the inner courts inviolable. So the breach of the
gates sounded the death knell to Jewish hopes for the success of the
revolt. It was the final and unmistakable signal that Jerusalem had
met its end, and it made flight from the city imperative for those who
wished to escape the Roman sword. Yet despite this, one man (whom,
notably, Josephus labels a veu6onpowficnq, 6.288) was still able to
induce ’thousands’, 77 who were on the verge of fleeing the Sanctuary
and saving themselves, not only to stay their ground, but to go out
into the outer courts of the Temple to face the army that was waiting
v.
53
there
them down
(6.288). He did this, Josephus notes, by
promising
specific ’signs’, namely ’signs of salvation’
(crqpeia rf~ OWt11piaç, 6.288). Now, the expression ’signs of
salvation’ is another one of Josephus’ equivalents for the actions of
God during the Exodus which decimated the enemies of his people
to cut
to
the liberation of Israel from national subjugation.&dquo; It is
then, that the type of ’sign’ that could and would serve to
and led
clear,
effectuate
to
forestall and make
light of necessary flight-the type of ‘sign’ which
Mark, through Jesus, says the ’sign’ workers of Mk 13.22 were wont
to offer-was that which, in content, embodied ’the mighty hand’
and ’the outstretched arm’ of Yahweh and recapitulated one of the
’great and terrible deeds’ which God wrought on Israel’s behalf at the
time of the Exodus.
From all of this, it is abundantly clear that according to Mark
’signs’ that are ’given’ are ’signs’ that embody and betoken the
deliverance from bondage that Israel experienced at the Exodus. And
since, as we have seen above, the ’sign’ demanded of Jesus at Mk 8.11I
is designated in the following verse as one such ’sign’, then it, too, in
Mark’s view, is a phenomenon of this sort.
Conclusions
facts, then, that the ’sign’ demanded of Jesus in 8.11 is
designated by Mark as tn6 zou oupavou, is associated with one
expected by ’this generation’, and is specified as one which is ’given’,
justify my assumption that this ’sign’ is of a peculiar type. From all
that is implied by these facts, it is clear that according to Mark the
’sign’ is a phenomenon whose content is apocalyptic in tone,
triumphalistic in character, and the embodiment of one of the
’mighty deeds of deliverance’ that God had worked on Israel’s behalf
in rescuing it from slavery.
The
-
ill
In drawing this conclusion, it is important to note that in Mark’s
time these particular ’signs’ seem to have been perceived in a
particular way. They were viewed as a ’means of confirmation’
accrediting as ’of God’ those in whose behalf they were to be worked;
it appears that they were also thought of as something that, once
manifested, would prompt a rerun of the saving action God
undertook on Israel’s behalf during the period of the Exodus and
54
Conquest. That this was indeed the case is the implication of the
following facts:
First, that the ’Sign Prophet’ Theudas was certain that after his
‘sign’ was effectuated he could walk, as he planned, into Jerusalem
unmolested by the Roman forces stationed there despite his
knowledge of the fact that these forces would certainly take his ’sign’
as a challenge to their authority and act accordingly (on this, see
Josephus, Ant. 20.97-99).
Second, that Theudas could gather followers who were willing to
accompany him to the banks of the Jordan (where, as we have seen
above, his ’sign’ was to be manifested) despite the known risk that in
response to doing so, Roman troops would be sent out against them
(cf. Josephus, Bell. 20.99).
Third, that the ’Egyptian’ could claim that immediately upon
actuating his ’sign’, the Roman garrison stationed in Jerusalem
would be overcome and he would be set up as Ruler of Israel (cf. Ant.
20.169; Bell. 2.261; Acts 21.38).
Fourth, that the mere promise from the ’Egyptian’ of his ’sign’
roused ’thousands’ to go on a march from the wilderness into Judea
in spite of the knowledge that the Roman authorities there would,
viewing such a march as a prelude to rebellion, take repressive action
against it (cf. Ant. 20.169; Bell. 2.261).
Fifth, that anti-Roman sentiment stiffened among the Jews after
the Roman procurator Felix prevented the Egyptian and his forces
from getting near Jerusalem (cf. Ant. 20.169).
Finally, that, as already noted, a great multitude of Jews, who
during the death throes of the Judean revolt against Rome had been
promised ’signs of salvation’, were willing to rush into the outer
courts of the Temple where these ’signs’ were to be seen, even though
they knew the soldiers of Titus, having breached the Temple’s
defences, were waiting there to cut them down (cf. Bell. 6.284-86).
In any case, Mark certainly shared this view. This is clear from the
fact that, as we have seen, in his portrayal of the ’sign’ workers of
13.22, Mark notes that the offering of such ’signs’ would give
confidence to those both working and seeing them that, despite
overwhelming evidence to the contrary, they would be saved from
the imminent and certain destruction that was about to befall
them.
Once we realize this-that for Mark ’signs’ of the type which Jesus
is asked by the Pharisees to produce were, given their content,
’levers’ by which the hand of God could be activated, indeed, even
55
into bringing about the destruction of Israel’s enemies79then the reason why Jesus is portrayed at Mk 8.11-13 as refusing to
accede to a demand for such a ’sign’ becomes clear. Mark has Jesus
refuse this demand because for Jesus to do otherwise would be
nothing less than to advocate, initiate, and engage in triumphalisma type of activity that, according to Mark, was forbidden to Jesus if he
wished to remain faithful to the exigencies of his divine commis-
forced,
sion. 80
In support of this contention, I offer three considerations. The first
is Mark’s designation of the Pharisees’ demand as something which
causes Jesus to experience peirasmos (8.1 1).81 Elsewhere in Mark’s
Gospel, when Jesus is portrayed as subjected to peirasmos, he is
always faced with an open choice between obedience to or abandonment
of the constraint laid upon him by God to fulfill his role as Messiah
by eschewing violence and triumphalism.g2 Is it not, then, unlikely
that Mark would also designate the Pharisees’ demand for a ’sign’ as
something in which Jesus encounters peirasmos unless he saw it as
embodying the sort of challenge that, given my conclusion regarding
the nature of the demand, I have argued it contains?
The second consideration arises from what is implied by the
manner in which Jesus, according to Mark, refuses to comply with
the Pharisees’ demand. Jesus’ refusal is couched within the phrase oi
6o0fiJerai rj yeve~ iaurp oiluetov (lit., ’if a sign shall be given to
this generation’). This phrase is a literal rendering of an adapted
form of a peculiar Hebraic oath of self imprecation: May I die (or
some great evil befall me) if such-and-such is done. 81 This oath not
only said ’no’ forcefully to a suggested course of action, but made
plain how imperative was the need to avoid it.&dquo; That Jesus uses this
particular asseveration to refuse the demand implies that its
challenge cuts him to the quick and represents a powerful threat to
his integrity. Since, as we have seen, a call to produce a ’sign’ is in
itself not objectionable to Jesus, would not the demand in Mk 8.11l
have to be interpreted along the lines I have set out to do exactly
this?
Finally, there is the consideration that, according to Mark, when
the Pharisees’ demand for a ’sign’ is first made, it prompts Jesus to
’sigh (or groan) deeply’ (tvaarevd§aq ’tcjJ nvFOpa-ut aOcoO, 8.12a). As
I have shown elsewhere, 81 in the ancient world, to give vent to this
outburst was to express dismay at finding oneself in a situation which
might prove one’s readiness to obey a given divine decree either
foolish or wanting. Accordingly, Jesus’ ’sighing deeply’ in response to
56
the demand indicates that the demand is meant to be seen as
challenging Jesus’ faithfulness. But how could the demand do this
unless inherent within it was the invitation that I have argued must
be seen there?
It would seem, then, that the reason the Marcan Jesus refuses to
produce a ’sign’ when the Pharisees demand one of him is not
because he is, according to Mark, opposed to the enterprise of
producing ’signs’. Rather, given Mark’s assumptions concerning the
type of ’sign’ demanded in this instance and what this ’sign’ would
activate once manifested, it is because in producing such a ’sign’
Jesus would involve himself in the sort of triumphalistic, imperious
activities that throughout Mark’s Gospel he condemns and sets
himself against.
NOTES
1. Here and throughout this article the English equivalent for meion
ē is
s
placed in inverted commas to distinguish it as a technical term and to make
clear that as such it has a meaning that is different from other senses that
σημϵ&iacgr;oν bore in the ancient world.
2. On this, see K.H. Rengstorf, ’σημϵ&iacgr;oν’, TDNT VII (1971), pp. 200-61
esp. pp. 234-36; and especially O. Linton, ’The Demand for a Sign from
Heaven (Mark 8.11-12 and par.)’, Studia Theologica 19 (1965), pp. 112-29.
Among the many commentators who hold this view are E.P. Gould (
A
Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel According to St. Mark
[Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1896], p. 145); Alan Menzies (The Earliest Gospel
[London: Macmillan, 1901], p. 163); H.B. Swete (The Gospel According to
St. Mark [London: Macmillan, 1905], p. 168); A.W.F. Blunt (
The Gospel
According to Saint Mark [Oxford: Clarendon, 1929], p.193); A.E.J.
Rawlinson (
St Mark [London: Methuen, 1931], p. 257); B.H. Branscomb
The Gospel of Mark [London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1937], p. 138; C.E.B.
(
Cranfield (
The Gospel According to St Mark [Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1959], pp. 257-58; G. Delling (’Botschaft und Wunder im
Wirken Jesu’, in Der historische Jesus und der kerygmatische Christus, ed. H.
Rostow and K. Matthiae [Berlin, 1960], pp. 389-402); V. Taylor (
The Gospel
according to St Mark [London: Macmillan, 1961], p. 361); K. Rengstorf
(’σημϵ&iacgr;oν’, p. 235); D.E. Nineham (
St. Mark [Baltimore: Pelican, 1963],
pp. 210-12); C.F.D. Moule (
The Gospel According to Mark [Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1965], pp. 60-61); K. Tagawa (
Miracles et
évangile. La pensée personnelle de l’évangeliste Marc [Paris, 1966], pp. 75-80);
E.J. Mally (’The Gospel According to Mark’ in The Jerome Biblical
Commentary, ed. R.E. Brown, J.A. Fitzmyer, R.E. Murphy [Englewood
Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1968], p. 39); E. Schweizer (
The Good News According
3.
Critical and
57
Mark [London: SPCK, 1971], p. 159); R.P. Martin (
Mark: Evangelist and
Theologian [Exeter: Paternoster, 1972], pp.172-74); W.H. Kelber (The
Kingdom in Mark [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974], p. 61); W.L. Lane (
The
Gospel According to Mark [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974], pp. 277-78); W.
Barclay (
The Gospel of Mark [Philadelphia: Westminster,1975], pp. 175-76);
H. Anderson (
The Gospel of Mark [London: Oliphants, 1976], p. 91); W.
Harrington (
Mark Dublin: Veritas, 1979], p. 111); L. Williamson, Jr (
Mark
[Atlanta: John Knox, 1983], p. 143).
4. On the Pharisees as among ’those outside’, see J. Coutts, "Those
Outside" (Mark 4,10-12)’, StEv II (TU, 87; Berlin, 1964), pp. 155-57. On
’blindness’, i.e., willful refusal to acknowledge the presence of God, as an
identifying characteristic of ’those outside’, see Mk 4.12 and E.E. Lemcio,
to
’External Evidence for the Structure and Function of Mark iv. 1-20, vii. 13viii. 14-21’, JTS 29 (1978), p. 335. See also R. Pesch, Das
Markusevangelium, Teil 2 (Freiburg: Herder, 1977), p. 223 and M. Boucher,
The Mysterious Parable: A Literary Study (Washington, DC: Catholic
Biblical Association, 1977), pp. 60, 84.
5. Cf. Mk 15.27-32.
6. The nature and extent of Mark’s redactional and/or compositional
contribution to the present form of 2.1-12 is still a matter of debate. Some
commentators, such as R. Pesch (
Das Markusevangelium, Teil 1 [Freiburg:
Herder, 1976], pp. 151-62), J. Gnilka (
Das Evangelium nach Markus
) (Mk 18, 26) [Zurich: Neukirchener Verlag, 1978], pp. 95-98), and G.H. Boobyer
(’Mark II, 10a and the Interpretation of the Healing of the Paralytic’, HTR
47 [1954], pp. 115-20) see it as a matter only of Mark slightly modifying, or
adding to, the wording of a completely unified, traditional pre-Marcan story.
Others, such as R. Bultmann (
The History of the Synoptic Tradition [2nd
edn; Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1968], p. 15) following W. Wrede (Zur Heilung
des Gelähmten (Mc 2,1 ff.)’, ZNW 5 [1904], pp. 454-58), M. Dibelius (
From
23, and
Tradition to Gospel [London, 1934], pp. 66-68), V. Taylor (
Mark, pp. 19192), and H. Tödt (
The Son of Man in the Synoptic Tradition [London: SCM,
1963], pp. 118-21) see Mark as having inserted vv. 5b-10, a section of a
traditional, originally longer ’saying’ (apophthegm), into a traditional healing
narrative in which v. 11 originally followed v. 5a, thus giving the material
now in Mk 2.1-12 a shape it never had before it came to Mark. Still others,
such as A.E.J. Rawlinson (Mark, p. 25) and Joanna Dewey (’The Literary
Structure of the Controversy Stories in Mark 2.1-3.6’, JBL 92 [1973],
pp. 394-401) argue that a large portion, if not all, of the story is wholly a
Markan composition. That Mk 2.1-12 was in some way shaped by Mark’s
hand is, however, never doubted.
7. For the substance of the following material I am indebted to the
comprehensive discussion of ’signs’ carried out by O. Linton in his article
’The Demand for a Sign’ referred to in note 2 above.
8. References to ’signs’, ’tokens of trustworthiness’ in biblical literature
58
many and various. They are mentioned in the Pentateuch (Gen. 4.15;
Exod. 3.12; 4.8-9; Num. 14.11, 22; Deut. 13.1-12), the Writings (Judg. 6.17; 1
Sam. 2.4; 10.1; 14.10; 1 Kgs 13.3; 2 Kgs 19.29; 20.8, 9; 2 Chron. 32.24; Neh.
9.10), the Prophets (Isa. 7.10,14; 37.30; 38.7,22), and the Wisdom Literature
(Pss. 78 [77].43; 105 [104].27; 135 [134].9) of the Old Testament, in the
Bell. 2.258;
Pseudepigrapha (4 Ezra 4.51; 6.11, 20; 7.25, 8.63), in Josephus (
6.258, 288; Ant. 8.347; 10.28; 20.99-97,168), in the Dead Sea Scrolls (1Q27 1
cols. 1, 5) in the Mishnah (
Baba Mesiah 59b), in the Babylonian Talmud
Exodus Rabbah 5, 13) and in the
Sanhedrin 89b, 98a, 98b), in the Midrash (
(
New Testament (Mk 13.4; 13.22; [16.17, 20]; Mt. 12.39; 16.4; 24.3,4; Lk.
2.12; 11.16,29; 21.7; Jn 2.18; 6.30; Acts 4.16; 8.16; 14.3; 1 Cor. 1.22; 2 Thess.
2.9; Rev. 13.13-14).
9. On this as the proper or appropriate designation for Theudas and
figures like him, see P.W. Barnett, ’The Jewish Sign Prophets—AD 40—70—
Their Intentions and Origin’, NTS 27 (1981), pp. 679-97. The activities and
aims of these men are discussed in more detail below.
10. The ’sign’ that Isaiah here offers to Ahaz is that a young woman whom
Isaiah had no reason to know was pregnant would shortly be found to be so
and would give birth to a boy (on this, see J.L. McKenzie, ’Behold the
Virgin’, in his The New Testament without Illusion [New York: Crossroad,
are
esp. pp. 105-106).
11. On the exact ’shape’ of these ’signs’, see below.
12. We must take seriously the fact that Mark does not exclude the Scribes
from those who marvel at what Jesus does in his healing of the Paralytic. It
is, Mark notes at Mk 2.12, specifically ’all’ (π&a cgr;ντα&sfgr;) who were present on this
occasion who ’were astounded and gave glory to God’ (&OHacgr;στϵ &eacgr;ξ&iacgr;στασ&thetas;αι
π&a cgr;ντα&sfgr; &kap a;α&iacgr; δoξ&a cgr;ζϵιν τ&oacgr;ν Θϵ&oacgr;ν). To say, with T.A. Burkill, that in Mk 2.1-12
’The impression produced [by the healing] on the hostile Scribes finds no
mention, for they would hardly be included among those who glorify God in
verse 12, and we are perhaps meant to take it for granted that they are
temporarily put to silence’ (Mysterious Revelation [Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 1963], p. 127) is to engage in special pleading.
13. See, M.D. Hooker, The Son of Man in Mark (London: SPCK, 1967),
p. 88. In support of this, it is important to note that Mark has cast Jesus’ offer
to make something happen in such a way as to call to mind the similar offer
on the part of Isaiah in the ’sign’ story of the healing of Hezekiah in 2 Kgs
20.1-11. According to Mark, Jesus, like Isaiah, points up two courses of
action that he is willing to take to meet the skepticism that he has
encountered (cp. Mk 2.9 with 2 Kgs 20.9). Also, as does Isaiah, Jesus allows
the decision as to which course of action he is to take to be made for him.
Finally, note the verbal resemblance between Jesus’ question in Mk 2.9,
’Which is easier... ’ (τ&iacgr; &eacgr;στιν ϵ&uacgr;&kap a;oπ&OHacgr;τϵρoν, &kap a;τλ.) and Hezekiah’s remark in
the LXX of 2 Kgs 20.10, ’It is easy... ’ (&kap a;α&iacgr; ϵ&iacgr;πϵν Eζϵ&kap a;&iacgr;α&sfgr;, κo&uacgr;&phis;oν, &kap a;τλ.).
14. J. Duplacy, following a suggestion first made by D.S. Sharp in ExpT 38
1982], pp. 103-13,
59
(1927), p. 428, contends that here &iacgr;να with the subjunctive ϵ&iacgr;δϵτϵ expresses a
command and therefore this verse should be translated ’Know that the Son
of Man has authority on earth to forgive sins’ (’Marc II, 10, note de syntaxe’,
in Mélanges A. Robert [Paris, 1957], pp. 424-26); see also C.J. Cadoux, ’The
hina in the New Testament’, JTS 42 (1944), pp. 165-73;
Imperatival Use of
H.G. Meecham, ’The Imperatival Use of &iacgr;να in the New Testament’,
JTS 43
(1942), p. 179; and the summary of the evidence by C.F.D. Moule in his An
Idiom-Book of New Testament Greek (2nd edn; Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1959), p. 144. If this is the case, then Jesus’ intention to
prove his authority is all the more pronounced.
It has, however, frequently been suggested that Mark did not mean 2.10a to
be seen as a statement of Jesus to the Scribes. Rather it is a parenthetical
remark addressed by the evangelist to the Christian readers of the Gospel to
explain the significance of the closing phase of the healing for them (cf. M.
Dibelius, From Tradition to Gospel, p. 67; G.H. Boobyer, ’Mark II, 10a’,
pp. 115-20; C.P. Ceroke, ’Is Mk 2, 10a Saying of Jesus?’ CBQ 22 (1960),
pp. 369-90; Cranfield, Mark, p.100; J. Murphy-O’Connor, ’Péché et
communauté dans le Nouveau Testament’, RB 74 [1967], pp. 181-85; L.S.
Hay, ’The Son of Man in Mk 2.10 and 2.28’, JBL 89 [1970], pp. 71-73;
N. Perrin, ’The Christology of Mark: A Study in Methodology’, in A Modern
Pilgrimage in New Testament Christology [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974],
pp. 112, 116 n. 24; Lane, Mark, p. 98; and R.M. Fowler, Loaves and Fishes
[Chico: Scholars Press, 1981], pp. 161-62). I do not find this conjecture
convincing, it is based primarily on a questionable assumption, namely that
the title ’Son of Man’ is here a designation of transcendent dignity which
Mark would not have Jesus publicly apply to himself so early in his ministry.
For trenchant criticisms of this assumption, see M. Hooker, The Son of Man
in Mark, pp. 84-85; C. Tuckett ’The Present Son JSNT
of Man’, 14 (1982),
and
The
pp. 58-81
J.D. Kingsbury,
Christology of Mark (Philadelphia:
Fortress, 1983), pp. 83-84.
15. As does, for instance, Anderson, Mark, p. 101.
16. ’The stated purpose of the healing was a demonstration that Jesus had
the power to forgive sins. There is no escaping the language and intention of
the text’ (Walter Wink, ’Mark 2.1-12’, Interpretation 38 [1984], p. 61).
17. It should be noted that both Mk 1.21-28 and 3.1-6 also provide
evidence for this conclusion. In 1.21-28 Mark presents Jesus as healing a
demoniac to demonstrate, in the face of mild skepticism to the contrary (cf.
v. 22), that he is in rightful possession of the authority with which he speaks
(cf. D. Hill, ’Jesus and Josephus’ "messianic" prophets’, in Text and
Interpretation: Studies in the New Testament Presented to Matthew Black, ed.
E. Best & R.McL. Wilson [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979],
p. 150). In 3.1-6 Mark has Jesus propose, and then carry out, a healing of a
man with a withered hand in order to show that, contrary to the opinion of
Pharisees and Herodians (cf. v. 6, v. 2), his actions of ’doing good’ and
60
’saving life’ prior to this occasion (i.e., the actions described in 1.16-2.27) are
authorized by God even though they sometimes fly in the face of the Mosaic
Law.
18.
See, for instance, Rengstorff, ’σημϵ&iacgr;oν’, p. 235, Lane, Mark, p. 275
18; F. Hahn, The Titles of Jesus in Christology (London: Lutterworth,
1969), p. 378; J. Gnilka, Das Evangelium nach Markus, vol. I, p. 306; J.
Sweetnam, ’No Sign of Jonah’, Biblica 66 (1985), p. 126.
n.
19. Cf. Mt. 12.38 where a group of Pharisees (and Scribes) is portrayed in
this way and their demand is only Διδ&a cgr;σ&kap a;αλϵ, &thetas;&eacgr;λoμϵν &a cgr;π&oacgr; σo&uacgr;
& s i g m a ; & e t a ; & m u ; & e p s i v ; & i a c g r ; o & n u ; iδϵ&iacgr;ν.
20. Cf. Mk 1.11; 11.30, 31.
21. See H. Traub, ’o&uacgr;ρανo&sfgr;’, TDNT V (1967), p. 509. On &a cgr;π&oacgr; with the
genitive as an appelative, see F. Blass, A. Debrunner & R.W. Funk, A Greek
Grammar of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature, §209
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961), p. 113.
22. E.g., Cranfield, Mark, p. 258; G.R. Beasley-Murray, Jesus and the
Kingdom of God (Exeter: Paternoster, 1986), p. 254.
23. Cf. Mk 1.11; 6.41; 7.34; 10.21; 11.25, 26, 30, 31; 12.25; 13.27, 31;
14.62.
24. Mk 4.32
Dan. 4.12; Mk 13.25
Isa. 34.4.
25. For the historical event referred to in this verse, see J. Goldstein, II
Maccabees (Garden City: Doubleday, 1983), pp. 331-34.
26. In support of this, it is important to note that in two of the three times
in the LXX (the exception being Job 7.9) and in each of the four times in the
New Testament where &a cgr;π&oacgr; τo&uacgr; o&uacgr;ρανo&uacgr; is used adverbially the phrase is
also linked with events or phenomena embodying some aspect of salvation.
In Wis. 16.20 it is recalled that Israel was saved from perishing in the
wilderness by bread sent by God &aacgr;π’ o&uacgr;ρανoυ (&kap a;α&iacgr; &eacgr;τoιμoν &aacgr;ρτoν α&uacgr;τo&iacgr;&sfgr; &aacgr;π’
o&uacgr;ρανo&uacgr; &eacgr;π&eacgr;μψα&sfgr;). According to Sir. 46.17 the phenomenon that destroyed
the Philistines and Tyrians besetting Samuel was God’s thundering &aacgr;π’
o&uacgr;ρανo&uacgr; (&kap a;α&iacgr; &eacgr;βρ&oacgr;ντϵσϵν &aacgr;π’ o&uacgr;ρανo&uacgr; K&uacgr;ριo&sfgr;). The author of Hebrews
states that the Israelites who were punished for disobedience were those who
were being warned &aacgr;π’ o&uacgr;ραν&OHacgr;ν of the loss of their salvation (oi τ&OHacgr;ν &aacgr;π’
o&uacgr;ρανo&uacgr; &a cgr;πoστρϵ&phis;&oacgr;μϵνoι, Heb. 12.25). It was, according to 1 Pet. 1.12, the
phenomenon of the Holy Spirit being sent &aacgr;π’ o&uacgr;ρανo&uacgr; (&eacgr;ν πνϵ&uacgr;ματι &a cgr;&gam a;ι&OHacgr;
&aacgr;πoστλ&eacgr;ντι &aacgr;π’ o&uacgr;ρανo&uacgr;) that stood behind the experience of salvation
(σωτηρ&iacgr;α&sfgr;, cf. v. 10) kindled in the readers of the epistle by the words of the
early Christian evangelists. In 1 Thess. 4.16 it is the event of Jesus’ coming
&a cgr;π’ o&uacgr;ρανo&uacgr; (&oacgr; K&uacgr;ριo&sfgr;... &kap a;αταβ&e acgr;σϵται &aacgr;π’ o&uacgr;ρανo&uacgr;) that heralds the
resurrection of the saints. And in Mt. 24.29 the arrival of the Son of Man for
judgment is accompanied by stars that fall &a cgr;π&oacgr; τo&uacgr; o&uacgr;ρανo&uacgr; (&kap a;α&iacgr; o&iacgr; &a cgr;στ&eacgr;ρϵ&sfgr;
πϵσo&uacgr;νται &a cgr;π&oacgr; τo&uacgr; o&uacgr;ρανo&uacgr;.
27. On this, see M. Meinertz, ’Dieses Geschlecht im Neuen Testament’,
BZ 1 (1957), pp. 283-89.
exactly
=
=
61
28. This is sufficiently clear from the fact that Mark has these particular
people—passers—by, chief priests, and Scribes—mock Jesus and hurl insults
at him. But Mark underscores this point in several other ways. First, he
portrays those here demanding a ‘sign’ specifically in terms of the wicked
who in Pss. 22, 109, Wis. 2, and Lam. 2 heap derision on God’s elect (on this,
see Lane, Mark, p. 569; Taylor, Mark, pp. 591-92). Second, at 15.32 Mark
has the mockers contemptuously appeal to Jesus for help in ’seeing’ when
they obviously have no intention to do so. In this, Mark recalls Jesus’
declaration at 4.11-12 that the behavior especially characteristic of ’this
generation’ is a refusal to engage in the ’seeing’ that would lead to belief (On
the emphasis in 15.32 on ’seeing’ in order to believe as a reference to 4.12, see
F.J. Matera, The Kingship of Jesus [Chico: Scholars Press, 1982], p. 28). And
finally, at 15.29 Mark identifies the mockery engaged in by those who here
demand a ’sign’ as blasphemy, i.e. willful and perverse rejection of the
revelation of God. According to Mark, blaspheming is an identifying mark of
’this generation’ (cf. Mk 3.28-30; 7.6-9).
29. This is the implication of the mocking charge ’... You who would
destroy the Temple and rebuild it in three days... ’ (Mk 15.29b). See D.
Senior, The Passion of Jesus in the Gospel of Mark (Wilmington: Michael
Glazier, 1984), p. 119; F.J. Matera, Passion Narratives and Gospel Theologies
(Mahwah: Paulist Press), p. 44.
30. Cf. Mk 8.34-38.
31. Cf. Mk 10.42-45. That Mark intended to have these verses seen as a
continuation of Jesus’ teaching at 8.34-38 on the nature of ’cross bearing’
seems abundantly clear if only from the fact that, as with 8.34-38, Mark has
prefaced 10.42 with a ’passion prediction’ of Jesus and a story of the disciples
failing or refusing to understand this prediction (cf. 8.31-33; cp. 10.32-41).
32. Cf. Mk 15.24-25.
33. Cf. Matera, Passion Narratives, p. 44; Senior, Passion of Jesus, pp. 11921 ; J. Blackwell, The Passion as Story: The Plot of Mark (Philadelphia:
Fortress, 1986),
pp. 72-73.
34. It should be pointed out that in the New Testament this connection
between ’this generation’ and ’signs’ of this type is not Mark’s alone. Paul
also knows it to be the case, as is apparent from 1 Cor. 1.22 where he
attributes the rejection of a crucified Christ by Jews who are among ’the
foolish’ and ’those who are perishing’ (Pauline equivalents for ’this
generation’) to a desire for ’signs’ (σημϵ&iacgr;α). The author of the Gospel of John
makes reference to it when he has Jesus complain that belief does not arise in
his contemporaries unless they ’see signs and wonders’ (&eacgr;&a cgr;ν μ&e acgr; σημϵ&iacgr;α &kap a;α&iacgr;
τ&eacgr;ρατα &iacgr;δητϵ, o&uacgr; μ&e acgr; πιστϵ&uacgr;σητϵ, Jn 4.48). On this, see RE. Brown, The
Gospel according to John I-XII (Garden City: Doubleday, 1966), pp. 195-96.
On the meaning of the term σημϵ&iacgr;α &kap a;α&iacgr; τ&eacgr;ρατα, see below.
35. D Θ §13 the Diatessaron a (Origen) Victor of Antioch and certain
other witnesses describe these σημϵ&iacgr;α as those which will be ’shown’ or
62
’performed’ (πoιϵω), rather than ’given’ (διδ&OHacgr;μι). On δoσo&uacgr;σιν σημϵ&iacgr;α, &kap a;τλ.
rather than πoι&e acgr;σoυσιν σημϵ&iacgr;α, &kap a;τλ. as the preferred reading for Mk 13.22,
see C.H. Turner, ’Western Readings in the Second Half of St. Mark’s
Gospel’, JTS (1928), pp. 9-10; Taylor, Mark, p. 516; B.M. Metzger, A
Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament (New York: UBS, 1971),
p. 112.
36. See Lane, Mark, p. 473; G.R. Beasley-Murray,
A Commentary on
Mark Thirteen (London: Macmillan, 1957), p. 83).
37. Cf. Mk 1.2-8, where John the Baptizer, who is, according to Mark, the
embodiment of the prophet Elijah, does precisely this.
38. He is not only called this by others at Mk 6.15and 8.28, but, according
Mark, he refers to himself as such at 6.4. Moreover, Mark underscores the
idea of Jesus as prophet by portraying Jesus as following in the footsteps of
John the Baptizer. The idea of Jesus as prophet is also possibly intimated in
Mark’s designation of Jesus as &oacgr; &eacgr;ρχ&oacgr;μϵνo&sfgr; (on this, see Hahn, Titles,
p. 380).
39. This is the import of such stories as the Calling of Levi (Mk 2.13-17)
and the Healing of the Syro-Phoenician Woman’s Daughter (Mk 7.24-30) as
well as of Jesus’ teaching on the tradition of the elders (Mk 7.1-23).
40. This is most apparent in Jesus’ teaching to the Twelve (i.e., the New
Israel) in Mk 9.33-36 and 10.42-45. But it is also the special import of Jesus’
prophetic-symbolic act of’cleansing’ the Temple (11.15-19, cf. esp. v. 17). On
this, see D. Hill, ’Jesus and Josephus’ "Messianic" Prophets’, p. 150; G.W.
Buchanan, ’Mark 11, 15-19: Brigands in the Temple’, HUCA 30 (1959),
pp. 169-77; C. Roth, ’The Cleansing of the Temple and Zechariah 14.21’,
Nov Test 4 (1960), pp. 174-81; W.W. Waty, ’Jesus and the Temple—
Cleansing or Cursing?’, ExpT 93 (1981-82), pp. 235-39.
41. This is clear from the fact that Mark describes both groups in identical
terms. They both ’lead astray’ (cf. Mk 13.22; cp. vv. 5, 6).
42. Cf. H. Bientenhard, ’öνoμα’, TDNT, V (1967), p. 271; Cranfield,
Mark, p. 359.
43. Cranfield, Mark, p. 359; W. Heitmuller, ’Im Namen Jesu’ (Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1903), p.63; G.R Beasley-Murray, Mark
Thirteen, pp. 32-33; M. Hooker, ’Trial and Tribulation in Mark XIII’, BJRL
64 (1982), p. 85.
44. Cf. E. Klostermann, Das Markusevangelium (Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck,
to
1950), pp. 133.
45. Cf. J.V. Bartlet, St. Mark (Edinburgh, 1922), p. 352; C.H. Turner, The
Gospel according to St. Mark (London, 1928), p. 63; W. Grundmann, Das
Evangelium nach Markus (Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt,1965), p. 263;
T.J. Weeden, Mark—Traditions in Conflict (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971),
pp. 88-89; W.H. Kelber, The Kingdom in Mark: A New Time and a New
Place (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974), p. 115.
46. This is, at least at first glance, a plausible position to take in this regard
63
since the pronoun μoυ must refer to the speaker of the phrase &eacgr;π&iacgr; τ&OHacgr; &oacgr;ν&oacgr;ματι
μoυ, who is in this case Jesus (cf. Mk 13.5). But whether or not it is actually
the case turns on knowing what persona it is in which here Mark has Jesus
speaking. Is it as the carpenter from Nazareth, the son of Mary, or is it more
officially as God’s anointed? On this, see below.
47. Contra J. Wellhausen, Das Evangelium Marci (Berlin: George Reimer,
1909), p. 101; W. Manson, ’EGO EIMI of the Messianic Presence in the New
JTS 48 (1947), p. 139, and all of the authors cited above in note
Testament’,
45.
48. Indeed, this is why they are seduced by the ’many’. See Hooker, ’Trial
and Tribulation’, p. 85.
49. Cf. E. Best, Mark: The Gospel as Story (Edinburgh: T & T Clark,
1983), p. 48; Beasley-Murray, Mark Thirteen, p. 31; Hooker, ’Trial and
Tribulation’, p. 85. In line with this, we should also note that there is no
independent evidence (Acts 20.29 and 1 Jn 2.18 notwithstanding) of the
existence of such Christians in the Early Church.
50. E.P. Gould, Mark, p. 243; Swete, Mark, p. 298; Cranfield, Mark,
p. 395; Beasley-Murray, Jesus and the Kingdom of God, p. 325; J. Schniewind,
Das Evangelium nach Markus (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1944),
p. 167; R. Pesch, Naherwartungen: Tradition und Redaktion in Mk 13
(Düsseldorf: Patmos, 1968), p. 111.
51. Der Weiderkunftsgedanke Jesu (Leipzig, 1873),
p. 169.
52. Cf. E. Klostermann, Das Markusevangelium, p. 133; Beasley-Murray,
Mark Thirteen, p. 32.
53. Cf. Mk 9.37, 39, 40.
54. Blunt, Mark, p. 239; Hooker, ’Trial and Tribulation’, p. 85; BeasleyMurray, Jesus and the Kingdom of God, p. 325.
55. Gould, Mark, p. 243; Swete, Mark, p. 243; Branscomb, Mark, p. 235;
Rawlinson, St. Mark, p. 184; Blunt, Mark, p. 239; Klostermann, Markus-
evangelium, p. 133; Beasley-Murray, Mark Thirteen, p. 31; idem, Jesus and
the Kingdom of God, p. 325; Cranfield, Mark, p. 395; Lane, Mark, pp. 45457 ; M.J. Lagrange, Evangile selon Saint Marc (Paris: Gabalda, 1929), p. 336;
H. Conzelmann, ’Geschichte und Eschaton nach Mc xiii’, ZNW 50 (1959),
p. 218; S.E. Johnson, The Gospel According to St Mark (London: A. & C.
Black, 1960), p. 213; C.S. Mann, Mark (Garden City: Doubleday, 1986),
p. 524.
56. ’The "I AM" of the Messianic
Presence’, in
The New Testament and
Rabbinic Judaism (London: Athlone, 1956), pp. 325-29.
57. Cf. Klostermann, Markusevangelium, p. 136; Beasley-Murray, Jesus
and the Kingdom of God, pp. 325-26; Pesch, Naherwartungen, pp. 110-11.
Notably, this is exactly how Luke understands this phrase. He renders it not
as a statement of identity or a claim to dignity, but as the specific
announcement &oacgr; &kap a;α&iacgr;ρo&sfgr; &e acgr;&gam a;&gam a;ι&kap a;ϵν (Lk. 21.8).
58. Theudas appeared during the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus (44-48
64
CE), the ’Egyptian’ and a
procurator (52-60 CE), and
(60-62 CE).
group of Goetes when Antonius Felix was
unnamed Goes when Porcius Festus ruled
an
59. The claim of Theudas in this regard is inherent in his declaring himself
be πρo&phis;ητ&e acgr;&sfgr; (Ant. 20.97), that is, one like Moses (cf. R Meyer, ’πρo&phis;ητ&e acgr;&sfgr;,
TDNT, VI [1968], pp. 812-28, esp. p. 826; J. Jeremias, ’Mω&uacgr;ση&sfgr;, TDNT, IV
[1967], pp. 848-73, esp. p. 862) and Joshua redivivus (cf. Ant. 20.97), and in
that, as Gamaliel is recorded as noting in Acts 5.36, he ’gave himself out to
be somebody’ (λ&eacgr;&gam a;ων ϵ&iacgr;ναι τινα &eacgr;αυτ&oacgr;ν, that is, God’s instrument for
salvation (on this, see O. Betz, ’Miracles in the Writings of Josephus’, in
Josephus, Judaism, and Christianity, ed. L.H. Feldman and G. Hata [Detroit:
Wayne State University Press, 1987], pp. 212-35, esp. p. 229). It also stands
behind the fact that Cuspius Fadus felt constrained to send his troops against
Theudas when Theudas’ claim became known. In the case of the ’Egyptian’,
this is clear from the fact that he, too, used the title &oacgr; πρo&phis;ητ&e acgr;&sfgr; and
presented himself as a new Joshua (
Ant. 20.169-70) and that he proclaimed
himself destined not only to overthrow the Roman garrison in Jerusalem but
to be τo&uacgr; δ&e acgr;μo&uacgr; τυρ&a cgr;ννϵιν (the King of the People, Bell. 2.262). It also is
implied by the fact that the Roman governor of Judea arrested him as a rebel
against Rome (Bell. 2.262). The claim to this commission on the part of the
Goetes active during Felix’s procuratorship is implied by the fact that they
presented themselves as capable of securing the blessings that Moses had
from God for Israel (cf. Ant. 20.167-68; cp. 2.327) and in that, as Josephus
reports things, they declared their activities to be ’in accord with God’s plan
of salvation’ (&kap a;ατ&a cgr; τ&e acgr;ν τo&uacgr; &thetas;ϵo&uacgr; πρoνo&iacgr;αν &gam a;ιν&oacgr;μϵνα). It is also implied by
the fact that Felix regarded their posturing and promises as tantamount to a
encouraging revolt (Bell. 2.261). In the case of the unnamed goes, this is clear
from the fact that he declared that he was capable of bringing to Israel
’salvation’ (σωτηρ&iacgr;α&sfgr;) and ’rest from troubles’ (πα&uacgr;λαν &kap a;&a cgr;&kap a;oν, Ant. 20.188).
On all of this, see Hill, ’Jesus and Josephus’ "Messianic Prophets"’, pp. 14748 ; Jeremias, ’Mω&uacgr;ση&sfgr;’, p. 862; Betz, ’Miracles’, pp. 226-31.
60. Cf. Ant. 20.99-97, 167-68, 169, 188; Bell. 2.258-59, 261; 6.284-86.
61. Besides the passages from Josephus and Acts that I have already noted,
references to the Judean ’Sign-Prophets’ can also be found in Acts 21.38;
Eusebius, History of the Church 2.21; b. Sanhedrin 67a, and possibly Mt.
24.11-12, 24-26.
62. Cf. Meyer, ’πρo&phis;ητ&e acgr;&sfgr;’, p. 826; Jeremias, ’Mω&uacgr;ση&sfgr;’, p. 862; Barnett,
’Jewish Sign Prophets’, p. 681; Betz, ’Miracles’, p. 228.
63. According to Josephus, the first of these ’signs’ were ’signs of freedom’
(σημϵ&iacgr;α &eacgr;λϵυ&thetas;ϵρ&iacgr;α&sfgr;). Notably, this is a term which Josephus employs in his
Exodus narrative for the plagues that foreshadowed the coming ’liberation’
of God’s people (cf. Ant. 2.327, τ&oacgr;ν... τ&e acgr;ν &eacgr;λϵυ&thetas;ϵρ&iacgr;αν α&uacgr;τo&iacgr;&sfgr; σημϵ&iacgr;oν).The
second of these were ’wonders and signs’ (τ&eacgr;ρατα &kap a;α&iacgr; σημϵ&iacgr;α) which were to
’accord with God’s plan’ (&kap a;ατ&a cgr; τ&e acgr;ν τo&uacgr; Θϵ&ogr;&uacgr; πρoνo&iacgr;αν &gam a;ιν&oacgr;μϵνα). This is a
to
65
term which Josephus specifically applied to the σημϵ&iacgr;α wrought by Moses
when he confronted Pharaoh’s court magicians (cf. Ant. 2.286). On this, see
Rengstorff, ’σημϵ&iacgr;oν’, p. 225.
64. On this, see Barnett, ’Jewish Sign Prophets’, p. 685.
65. He promised that upon his command (&OHacgr;&sfgr; &kap a;ϵλϵ&uacgr;σαντo&sfgr; α&uacgr;τo&uacgr;) the
walls of Jerusalem would collapse (Ant. 20.169). On the correspondence in
the mind of the ’Egyptian’ between Jerusalem and Jericho, see Barnett,
’Jewish Sign Prophets’, p. 683; Betz, ’Miracles’, p. 229.
66. Cf. Rengstorf, ’σημϵ&iacgr;oν’, pp. 206-207; M. Whittaker, ’"Signs and
Wonders": The Pagan Background’, Studia Evangelica 5 (1965), pp. 15558.
67. ’Signs and Wonders’,
JBL 76 (1957), pp. 149-52.
68. ’Signs and Wonders’, p. 150.
69. ’Signs and Wonders’, p. 151; see Rengstorff, ’σημϵ&iacgr;oν’, p. 241.
70. Cf. V.K. Robbins, ’Dynameis and Semeia in Mark’, Biblical Research
18 (1973), pp. 5-20, esp. pp. 17-20.
71. Cf. Rengstorf, ’σημϵ&iacgr;oν’, p. 221. That Mark is alluding in Mk 13.22 to
Deut. 13.1-3, see Swete, Mark, p. 310; Beasley-Murray, Mark Thirteen,
pp. 83-84; Lane, Mark, p. 473.
72. Cf. Mk 13.14-21.
73. On this see, Lane, Mark, pp. 466-72.
74. Cf. Lane, Mark, p. 466; D. Daube, ’The Abomination of Desolation’,
in The New Testament and Rabbinic Judaism, pp.418-37; B. Rigaux,
BΔEΛϒΓMA THΣ EΠHMΩΣEΩΣ (Mc 13, 14; Mt 24,15)’, 40 (1959), pp.
675-83.
75. Cf. Mk 13.14a-19. On this, see Daube, ’Abomination’, pp. 422-23;
Beasley-Murray, Mark Thirteen, pp. 57-58.
76. That Mark is here referring to this event is, of course, denied by the
scholars lited in notes 45 and 47 above. Notably, however, the truth of my
argument here does not rest upon Mark having the event recorded by
Josephus in view at Mk 13.22, though in my mind he does.
77. Josephus gives the total number as 6000, including the women
children, and the elderly who had accompanied the last remnants of the
Jewish army into the Temple.
78. Cf. Rengstorf, ’σημϵ&iacgr;oν’, pp. 223-25; Barnett, ’Jewish Sign Prophets’,
686; Betz, ’Miracles’, p. 227.
79. Cf. Barnett, ’Jewish Sign Prophets’, p. 688; Betz, ’Miracles’, pp. 22731.
80. This is especially clear in Mk 8.27-9.1 (cf. e.g. J.L. Mays, ’An
Exposition of Mk 8.27-9.1’, Interpretation 30 [1976], pp. 174-78), but it is a
theme which permeates Mark’s Gospel.
81. Mk 8.11. The participle πϵιρ&a cgr;ζoντϵ&sfgr; should, I think, be taken as an
editorial comment concerning what the Pharisees’ demand does to Jesus
rather than an unveiling of the Pharisees’ intentions in making the demand.
66
On this, see C.G. Montefiore, The Synoptic Gospels, I (London: Macmillan,
1927), p. 174.
82. Cf. R.P. Martin, Mark: Evangelist and Theologian, pp. 168-69. Mk
10.2 may seem at first glance to be an exception to this. I hope to show
elsewhere that this is not the case.
83. Cf. F.C. Burkitt, ’Mark viii. 12 and
ei in Hellenistic Greek’, JTS 28
R.E.
Edwards, The Sign of Jonah (London: SCM,
(1926-27), pp. 274-76;
1971), p. 75; Lane, Mark, p. 276.
On the Hebrew
oath,
see
E.
Kautzsch, ed.,
Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar (1910), p. 471 and G.W. Buchanan, ’Some Vow
and Oath Formulas in the New Testament’, HTR 58 (1965), pp. 319-26, esp.
pp. 324-25.
84. Cf. Edwards, Sign of Jonah, p. 75; Taylor, Mark, pp. 362-63; Lane,
Mark, p. 278; Buchanan, ’Some Vow and Oath Formulas’, pp. 324-25.
85. J.B. Gibson, ’Mk 8.12a. Why Does Jesus "Sigh Deeply"?’, Technical
Papers for the Bible
Translator 38
(1987), pp.
122-25.