The Effects of the Mongol Empire on Russia Dustin Hosseini HIST 4388 Clark-Northrup 4 May 2005 The University of Texas at Arlington Hosseini 1 Introduction The history of Russia has always been a relatively sad and tumultuous one wrought with wars, power struggles, and constant change, which often was forced upon the Russian people rather than through gradual, measured methods. Few periods of relative peace have existed for this state since its first beginnings. From an earlier time, in which we know Russia as ‘Kievan Russia’, the princes of the various cities such as Vladimir, Pskov, Suzdal, and Kiev, constantly battled and bickered for power and control of the small semi-united state. Under the reigns of St. Vladimir (980-1015) and Yaroslav the Wise (1015-1054), the Kievan state was at its highest point and attained relative peace in contrast with years past. However, as history went, once the reigning rulers died a power struggle ensued and the wars once again flared. Perhaps it was the decision of Yaroslav the Wise before his death in 1054 to assign princedoms to his sons that set in stone the future of Kievan Russia for the next two hundred years. Largely during this period, civil wars between the various princes ravaged much of the Kievan confederation, draining it of essential resources that it would later need. Only a few periods of relative stability within the land of the Rus existed during this time. As the princes incessantly fought with each other over control of Kiev and the confederation of cities, the Kievan state slowly decayed, declined, and eventually lost its former glory. Steppe tribes such as the Polovtsy (also known as the Cumans/Kumans and Kipchaks) and previously the Pechenegs had waged war against Kievan Russia for quite some time. Eventually, the Kievan state was ripe for a takeover by more powerful invaders from distant lands. Hosseini 2  Yet before such an event happened, the Rus people had a chance to change their fate. It was around 1219 when the Mongols first entered the areas nearest to Kievan Russia in a move against the Kipchaks who sent word asking for assistance from the Russian princes. A council of princes convened in Kiev and the Mongols received word of this. According to historical sources, the Mongols declared that they had not attacked the cities or people of the Rus nor attacked their lands. The Mongol envoys requested peace of the Russian princes. The princes did not trust the Mongols and suspected that the Mongol’s approach was simply to divide and conquer them. Subsequently, the Mongol emissaries were promptly killed and any chance for peace was destroyed at the hands of the princes of the fractured Kievan state. Within twenty years, Batu Khan marched from Mongolia with an army of 200,000 men. One by one, such Russian principalities as Ryazan, Moscow, Vladimir, Suzdal, and Rostov fell to the Batu and his armies. The armies looted and razed the cities, slaughtered the people, and took many as prisoners and slaves. The Mongols eventually captured, sacked, and destroyed Kiev, the symbolic center of Kievan Russia. Only outlying northwesterly principalities such as Novgorod, Pskov, and Smolensk survived the Mongol onslaught, though these cities would endure indirect subjugation and become tributaries of the Golden Horde. Perhaps a decision by the Russian princes to make peace could have averted the ensuing devastation by Batu Khan and the Mongol armies. However, that was not the case and for their miscalculations. Russia would be forever changed and impacted in several ways Hosseini 3 The Orthodox Church With the initial Mongol onslaught, many churches and monasteries were looted and destroyed while countless adherents to the church and scores of the clergy were killed; those who survived often were taken prisoner and enslaved (Dmytryshyn, 121). The mere shock of the force and number of the Mongol army was so devastating to the Russians that it was incomprehensible. The distress caused by the sudden invasion was just as political and economic in nature as it was social and spiritual. The Mongol forces claimed that they were sent by God, and the Russians believed that the Mongols were indeed sent by God as a punishment for their sins – whether it were the constant civil wars instigated by the feuding princes or the other acts and crimes worthy of sin. The Orthodox Church would become a powerful beacon during the alleged darker years of the Mongol subjugation. The Russian people would eventually turn inward, seeking solace in their faith and looking to the Orthodox Church for guidance and support. The shock of being conquered by the steppe people would plant the seeds of Russian monasticism, which would in turn play a major role in the conversion of such people as the Finno-Ugrian tribes and the Zyrianians (now known as the Komi), as well as the colonization of the northern regions of Russia (Vernadsky, 379). To understand the future significance of the Orthodox Church one must look to the historic facts. The humiliation suffered by the princes and the town assemblies caused much fragmentation of their respective political authority. This loss of political unity allowed the Orthodox Church to rise as an embodiment of both religious and national identity while at the same time filling the gap of lost political identity (Riasanovsky, 57). The unique situation that the rulers of the Mongol Empire created Hosseini 4 for religious institutions in their conquered lands also attributed to the strengthening of the Orthodox Church in Russia; this item of law that was granted to various religions was called a iarlyk (pronounced ‘yarlīgh’), or charter of immunity. With the reign of Mönke-Temür, a iarlyk was issued to Metropolitan Kirill for the Orthodox Church in 1267. While the church had been under the de facto protection of the Mongols ten years earlier from when the first census was conducted in 1257 under Khan Berke, this iarlyk formally decreed the protection of the Orthodox Church and more importantly officially exempted it from any form of taxation by Mongol or Russian authorities (Ostrowski, 19). Moreover, this charter of immunity permitted that clergymen not be registered during censuses and that they were furthermore not liable for forced labor or military service of any kind (Hosking, 57). As expected, the result of the iarlyk issued to the Orthodox Church was profound. For once, the church would become less dependent on the princely powers than any other period in Russian history. The Orthodox Church was able to acquire and consolidate land at a considerable rate, one that would put the church in an extremely powerful position in the centuries following the Mongol takeover of Kievan Russia. The charter of immunity strictly forbade tax agents from both the Mongols and Russians from seizing church lands or demanding any services from the Orthodox Church. The penalty for disobeying the iarlyk was simple – death (Vernadsky, 377). The rapid expansion that ensued allowed for heightened urban development within the periphery of church properties throughout the land. Another prominent reason the church developed so quickly laid in its mission – to spread Christianity and convert those still practicing paganism in the countryside. To strengthen the internal structure of the Hosseini 5 Orthodox Church, metropolitans traveled extensively throughout the land to alleviate deficiencies within the administration of the church and to oversee the activities of the bishops and priests. Moreover as hermitages were established by monks, as mentioned before, such settlements lured peasants from the countryside and villages were established. Once the humble hermitage grew into large, wealthy, and crowded monasteries surrounded by villages, the original hermits of the monastery would move further out into the wilderness to establish a new hermitage, far from the atmosphere ruined by the effects of civilization. This system of founding religious settlements continued for quite some time and attributed to the augmentation of the Orthodox Church (Vernadsky, 377-8). One last significant change that occurred was the location of center of the Orthodox Church. Before the Mongols invaded Russian lands, Kiev was the ecclesiastical center of the Orthodox Church. Following the destruction of Kiev, the southern lands and Kiev itself proceeded to decline significantly. Under Metropolitan Maxim, the holy see of the Orthodox Church moved to Vladimir in 1299. However, this location remained suitable for only a few years, as Vladimir faced decline with the constant rivalry between Moscow and Tver. Less than 25 years passed when a new Metropolitan, Petr, decided to move the center of the Orthodox Church to Moscow in 1322 (Hosking, 72). This mere fact helped bolster significantly the importance of Moscow. Unfortunately, there were some negative effects resulting from the shift of power and importance from the princes and town assemblies to the Orthodox Church. These problems would begin to show up in the latter years of Mongol rule; such problems Hosseini 6 included the rise of serfdom due to the land policies of the Orthodox Church. Such problems will not be discussed within this paper, however, as they are outside the scope of the general topic. Art While the arts in Russia first suffered the mass deportations of its artisans to other lands within the Mongol Empire, the monastic revival and focus of attention that turned toward the Orthodox Church led to an artistic revival. Noteworthy artists such as Feofan (Theophanes) the Greek and Andrei Rublev would help in this revival of culture. Iconography came to Russia from Byzantium in the tenth century, but the Mongol invasion in the thirteenth century cut off Russia from Byzantium. What defined the Russians – at this crucial moment when they were without a state – was their Christianity and ability to express their devout beliefs. During this times of troubles, such great artists as Theophanes the Greek and Rublev came into play (Figes, 299- 300). It was during the second half of the Mongol rule in the mid-fourteenth century that Russian iconography and fresco painting began once again to flourish. Feofan the Greek arrived in the late 1300s. He decorated and worked on various churches throughout the land, especially in Novgorod and Nizhniy Novgorod. In Moscow, he painted the iconostasis for the Church of the Annunciation as well as worked on the Church of the Archangel Michael (Martin, 233). A few decades after Feofan the Greek’s arrival, Rublev would become one of his most aspiring and important students. Hosseini 7  Unfortunately, little detailed information about the life of Rublev exists. He was born around 1370 and he spent his youth as a monk at the Holy Trinity Monastery; later he was affiliated with the Andronikov Monastery. By the early fifteenth century, Rublev, a student of Theophanes the Greek, assisted the great artist with various works throughout the realm – from painting iconostases to marvelous frescos. There is evidence that confirms that Rublev assisted Feofan the Greek in decorating the Annunciation Cathedral in the Kremlin in 1405. Later in 1408, with the help of a dear friend, Daniel Chernyl, Rublev traveled to Vladimir to redecorate the Dormition Cathedral (Dmytryshyn, 232). Perhaps the most important fact about Rublev’s own works was that it signified the transition of the center of the Orthodox Church from Kiev to both Moscow and Vladimir. Rublev’s focus on the iconostases and frescos of the churches in and around Moscow greatly promoted the idea among the princes of Moscow that they were the true heirs of the Kievan grand prince (Martin, 234). One example of Andrei Rublev’s works, The Trinity can be found in Appendix A. Language While the linguistic effects may seem at first trivial, such impacts on language help us to determine and understand to what extent one empire had on another people or group of people – in terms of administration, military, trade – as well as to what geographical extent the impact included. The size of the Mongol Empire at its height and the extent to which the empire covered allowed the mingling of hundreds of tribes and peoples and their respective languages. With over 200 years of Mongol dominance of the bulk of the Russian lands alone, it is only natural that the Mongol Empire during Hosseini 8 this period would leave a multitude of significant linguistic and even socio-linguistic impacts on the people who inhabited the lands of the Rus. Indeed, the Russians borrowed thousands of words, phrases, other significant linguistic features from the Mongol and Turkic languages and vocabularies (Dmytryshyn, 123) that are still in use today. Listed the below are just a few examples of some of the most significant impacts that have survived. For the sake of simplicity, there will be no division as to the exact origins of the following words; one may simply assume that they are of Mongol/Tatar/Turkic origin. 1. амбар ambar barn 2. базар bazar bazaar 3. деньга den'ga coin1 4. деньги den’gi money 5. лошадь loshad ‘ horse 6. сундук sunduk truck, chest 7. таможня tamozhnya customs 8. улус ulus district/region2 One highly important colloquial feature of the Russian language of Turkic origin is the use of the word давай (pronounced ‘davai’) with a verbal infinitive to express the idea of ‘Let’s…’ or ‘Come on, let’s...’ (Figes, 370-1). Listed below are a few common and extremely useful examples, especially as they are used in everyday language. 1. Давай чай попьём! Davai chai popyom! ‘Let’s drink some tea.’ 2. Давай выпьём! Davai vypyim! ‘Come on, let’s get drunk!’ 3. Давай пойдём! Davai poidyom! ‘Come on, let’s go!’ 4. Давай посидим! Davai posidim! ‘Let’s sit down.’ In addition to the many words adopted into Russian are the dozens of place names of Tatar/Turkic origin in southern Russia and the lands of the Volga River that stand out on maps of these areas. Such names of cities and towns such as Penza, 1 This word is archaic. 2 In the Mongol Empire, an ulus was a region; the Republic of Sakha in Russia still uses ulus as a name for a district. Hosseini 9 Alatyr, and Kazan’ as well as names of regions such as Chuvashia and Bashkortostan are just a few examples that may be found on the map located in Appendix B. Administration and Institutions The direct and indirect effects on administration and governmental institutions of the Mongol Empire on Russia merit attention and interest. As expected, both positive and negative impacts on Russia occurred. Such institutions as the yam (ям), and the darugа (даруга), and basqaq (баскак) brought to Russia by the Mongols. Respectively, these are the system of posts, the civilian governor, and the military governor. Some of these institutions would transform to meet Russian demands over time and would last for many centuries after the Golden Horde ceased to exist and would greatly augment the development of an intricate bureaucracy and expansion of a later, imperial Russia. However, the significance of one such native institution from Kievan Russia, the veche (вече), would suffer severe curtailment with the Mongol onslaught and eventually would vanish from existence with the fall of Novgorod to Moscow during the latter’s zealous rise to power. Images of totalitarianism spring to mind when one at first ponders, that which is Russia: from the current times of Vladimir Putin’s presidency, to several years back when the Soviet Union was still a nation, and yet even before that when Imperial Russia was in existence. The thought of democracy or even vaguely democratic institutions does not normally come to mind. However, there was a time under Kievan Russia that a vague form of democracy did exist. Comprised of all free male citizens, the veche was a town assembly that met to discuss such matters as war and peace, law, and Hosseini 10 invitation or expulsion of princes to the veche’s respective town; all cities in Kievan Russia had a veche. It was essentially a forum for civic affairs to discuss and resolve problems. Ringing church bells often called the assembly together in the central town square. In Novgorod, a special veche bell was created for calling the townspeople together for an assembly, and in theory, anyone could ring it. By far the most influential of the assemblies were both in Novgorod and Kiev. In the times after the Mongols had conquered the majority of Kievan Russia, the grand majority of veches ceased to exist in all cities except Novgorod, Pskov, and other cities in the northwestern regions that went virtually untouched by the Mongols. Veches in those cities continued to function and develop until Moscow subjugated those areas in the late fifteenth century, from whence the institution of the veche would vanish from existence. However, today the spirit of the veche as a public forum has been revived in several cities across Russia, especially in Novgorod, or Great Novgorod, as it is known today. Of great importance to the Mongol overlords was census tabulation, which allowed for the collection of taxes. To support the utilization of the census, a means for extracting tribute or taxes, the Mongols imposed a special dual system of administration headed by both a military governor, the basqaqi, and a civilian governor, the daruga. Essentially, the basqaqi were given the responsibility of directing the activities of rulers in the areas that were resistant or had challenged Mongol authority. The darugi were a ‘civilian’ governor of sorts that oversaw those regions of the empire that had submitted without a fight or that were considered already pacified to Mongol forces (Ostrowski, Hosseini 11 273 – The “tamma”…). However, the offices of the basqaqi and the darugi while overlapping in authority and purpose did not necessarily rule at the same time. As we know from history, the ruling princes of Kievan Russia did not trust the Mongolian ambassadors that came to discuss peace with them in the early 1200s; the princes regrettably put the ambassadors of Genghis Khan to the sword and before long paid dearly for this misjudgment. Thus, in the thirteenth century the basqaqi were stationed in the conquered lands to subjugate the people and authorize day-to-day activities of the princes. Furthermore, in addition to ensuring the taking of the census, which allowed for the extraction of tribute/taxes, the basqaqi oversaw conscription of the local populace (Martin, 150). From existing sources and research, the basqaqi left most of the Rus’ lands somewhere between the early to mid-fourteenth century since the people of the territories of the Rus’ had more or less accepted the Mongol overlords. As the basqaqi left, the darugi or civilian governors replaced them. However, unlike the basqaqi the darugi were not stationed within the confines of the lands of the Rus; in fact, they remained in Sarai, the old capital of the Golden Horde located not far from present-day Volgograd. The purpose of the darugi was similar to that of the basqaqi; they functioned mainly as experts on the lands of the Rus’ and advised the khan accordingly. While the responsibility of collecting and delivering tribute and conscripts belonged to the basqaqi, with the transition from the basqaqi to the darugi came a transfer of increasing responsibility of the aforementioned duties to the princes themselves, especially the grand prince of Vladimir when the khan saw that the princes could complete such tasks (Martin, 151). Hosseini 12  The first census taken by the Mongols occurred soon after their conquest of Rus’ lands after 1240, more specifically in 1257. The population was divided into tens and multiples of ten, a system that had been employed by the Chinese and later adopted by the Mongols who extended its use over the entirety of their empire; the census served as the primary purpose for conscripting eligible local people as well as for taxation of the people. The practice of census taking for taxation purposes lasted throughout the time of the Mongol rule as well as even after a prominent Moscow stopped acknowledging the Horde in 1480. The prince of Moscow continued this practice and it fascinated foreign visitors to Russia. One such visitor, Sigismund von Herberstein from Hapsburg made note of the fact that every two or three years, the prince conducted a census throughout the land (Wittfogel, 638). One significant observation that we must make is that the extent to which the Russians so thoroughly conducted the census was not achieved elsewhere in Europe for another 120 years or so, during the Age of Absolutism. The impact of the Mongol Empire at least in this area was obviously deep and effective and helped to create a strong central government for Russia. One important institution that the basqaqi oversaw and maintained was the yam, or system of posts, which was constructed to provide food, bedding, horses, and either coaches or sledges, according to the season (Hosking, 89). At first constructed by the Mongols, the yam allowed relatively rapid movement of important communiqués between the khans and their local leaders, as well as a method of quickly dispatching envoys, local or foreign, between the various principalities across the vast the empire. Each post had horses ready for use by authorized persons as well as to replace other horses from especially long journeys and was usually located about a day apart by Hosseini 13 horse from the nearest post. The local people were obliged to maintain the posts as well as feed the horses; they also had to meet the needs of emissaries traveling through their posts. Important routes of the yam system that merit attention included those as Moscow to Pskov and Novgorod; the Moscow to Novgorod route was a distance of approximately 500 kilometers (or about 300 miles). Another report by emissary Sigismund von Herberstein of the Hapsburgs stated that the yam system allowed him to travel such a distance of 500 kilometers from Novgorod to Moscow within 72 hours – much faster than anywhere in Europe (Wittfogel, 639-40). The yam system helped the Mongols to maintain tight control over their empire. During the twilight years of the Mongol’s hold on Russia in the late fifteenth century, Prince Ivan III decided to continue the use of the idea of the system of the yam in order to keep an established system of communication and intelligence. The idea of a postal system as we know it today would not come into existence until after the death of Peter the Great in the early 1700s. The Rise of Moscow Founded in 1147, Moscow remained an insignificant town for more than a hundred years. At that time, the location lay at the crossroads of three major roads, one of which connected Moscow to Kiev. The geographic location of Moscow merits attention, as it sits on a bend of the Moscow River, which connects to the Oka and Volga River. Via the Volga River, that allows access to the Dniepr and Don Rivers, as well as the Black and Caspian Seas, huge opportunities for trade and commerce with distant lands have always existed. With the Mongol onslaught, droves of refugees began to arrive from the devastated southern portion of the lands of the Rus, namely Hosseini 14 Kiev (Riasanovsky, 109). Moreover, the actions of the Muscovite princes helped in Moscow’s rise as the center of power. Leading up to the point where upon the Mongols granted Moscow the iarlyk, Tver and Moscow were constantly in a struggle for power amongst themselves. The major turning point surfaced in 1327 when the populace of Tver started to rise in rebellion. Seeing this as an opportunity to please the khan of his Mongol overlords, Prince Ivan I of Moscow took a huge Tatar contingent and quashed the rebellion in Tver, thereby restoring order in that city and thus winning the recognition of the khan. For his show of loyalty, Ivan I was also granted the iarlyk and with this Moscow took yet another step towards becoming more powerful, and prominent within the lands of the Rus. Soon the princes of Moscow took over the responsibilities of collecting taxes throughout the land (and in doing so, taking part of these taxes for themselves) and eventually the Mongols gave this responsibility solely to Moscow and ended the practice of sending their own tax collectors. Yet Ivan I was more than a shrewd politician and exchequer of good judgment: he was perhaps the first prince to implement the vertical line of succession rather than the traditional method, the lateral line of succession though this would not be fully achieved until the second Prince Vasilii’s reign in the mid-1400s (Hosking, 71-2). This change brought more stability to Moscow and thus strengthened her position within the realm. As Moscow grew wealthier through being the main tax collector of the lands, its authority over several principalities became greater and more consolidated. The lands that Moscow gained equated with more taxes and more access to the forests and lakes in these lands. Hosseini 15  During the time that Moscow grew wealthier and more powerful, the Golden Horde was in a state of general decay, wrought with rebellions and coups. Prince Dmitrii decided to attack the Kazan khanate in 1376 and was successful. Not long after one of the Mongol generals, Mamai, sought to create his own horde of sorts in the steppes west of the Volga River (Hosking, 79) and he decided to challenge the authority of Prince Dmitrii on the banks of the Vokha River; Dmitrii defeated Mamai and this overwhelmingly excited the Muscovites and naturally angered the Mongols. However, Mamai chose to fight again and organized a contingent of 150,000 men; Dmitrii matched this number and their two armies met near the River Don at Kulikovo Pole (Kulikovo Field) in early September of 1380 (Dmytryshyn, 140). Dmitrii’s army, though suffering losses of some 100,000 men, defeated Mamai and claimed victory; Tokhtamysh, one of Tamerlane’s generals, soon captured and executed Mamai. Prince Dmitrii became known as Dmitrii Donskoi (Donskoi meaning of the Don) for his victory over Mamai near the River Don. Naturally, this was a spike in power for Moscow, which soon was sacked by the general Tokhtamysh for daring to fight against the Mongols and once again had to pay tribute to the Mongols. Yet the great battle of Kulikovo Pole in 1380 was a symbolic turning point that marked the slow 100-year decline of Mongol control over the lands of the Rus. Even though Moscow suffered retribution for attacking Mongol armies, the power that Moscow welded would continue to grow and its influence over other Russian principalities would continue to expand. In 1472, Prince Ivan III took Zoë (Sophia) Paleologue, the niece of the last Byzantine emperor, as his wife as another step that displayed Moscow’s centralization of power. One interesting fact is that Ivan III adopted Hosseini 16 the double-headed eagle from the Byzantine Empire after marrying Sophia (Riasanovsky, 107). By the end of the reign of Prince Ivan III, Novgorod finally succumbed to Moscow in 1478, and Moscow soon shed any sort of allegiance to the Mongol and Tatar overlords thus ending over 250 years of Mongol control. Conclusion As the evidence stands, the effects of the Mongol invasion yielded a multitude of interesting facts and deep impacts across the political, social, and religious facets of Russia. While some of those effects, such as the growth and the spreading of the Orthodox Church generally had a relatively positive effect on the lands of the Rus, other results, such as the loss of the veche system and centralization of power assisted in halting the spread of traditional democracy and self-government for the various principalities. From the influences on the language and the form of government, as well as perhaps the way Russians think and act today, the very impacts of the more than 250 years that the Mongols controlled the land of the Rus is still evident today. Perhaps given the chance to experience the Renaissance, as did other western European cultures, the political, religious, and social thought of Russia would greatly differ from that of the reality of today. The Russians, through the control of the Mongols who had adopted many ideas of government and economics from the Chinese, became perhaps more of an Asiatic nation in terms of government and control of the populace, while the deep Christian roots of the Russians established and helped maintain a link with Europe. Overall, the effects of the Mongol Empire on Russia did create, in the words of Churchill, “a riddle, wrapped in a mystery, inside an enigma.” Hosseini 17  Appendix A The Trinity. Andrei Rublev circa 1410. Hosseini 18  Appendix B Cities with names of Tatar/Turkic origin: Penza, Alatyr, Kazan’, among others. Hosseini 19  Bibliography Baiburov, R. “Russkie v dopetrovskuiu epokhu”, Nauka i Zhizn’. http://nauka.relis.ru/cgi/nauka.pl?11+0005+11005050+HTML. Accessed February, 2005. Chronicle of Novgorod 1016 – 1471, The. Trans. Nevill Forbes and Robert Mitchell. Hattiesburg: Academic International/Orbis Academicus, 1970. Crummey, Robert O. The Formation of Muscovy: 1304 – 1613. New York: Longman Inc., 1987. Dmytryshyn, Basil. A History of Russia. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1977. Fennell, John. The Crisis of Medieval Russia: 1200 – 1304. New York: Longman Inc., 1983. Halperin, Charles J. “George Vernadsky, Eurasianism, the Mongols, and Russia”, Slavic Review, Vol. 41, No. 3, Autumn, 1982: 477-493. Halperin, Charles J. Russia and the Golden Horde: The Mongol Impact on Medieval Russian History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985. Halperin, Charles J. “Russia in The Mongol Empire in Comparative Perspective”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, V. 43, No. 1, June 1983: 239-261. Hosking, Geoffrey. Russia and the Russians: A History. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2001. Kadyrbaev, A. Sh. «Золотая орда как предтеча российской империи», Центральная Азия и Кавказ. http://www.ca-c.org/datarus/kadirbaev.shtml. Accessed February, 2005. Hosseini 20 Kargalov, V. V. Vneshne-Politicheskie Faktory Razvitiia Feodal’noi Rusi. Moscow: Izdatel’stvo “Vysshaia shkola”, 1967. Martin, Janet. Medieval Russia, 980—1584. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Morgan, David. The Mongols. New York: Basil Blackwell Inc., 1987. Nasonov, A. N. Mongoly i Rus’ (istoriia tatarskoi politiki na rusi). Moscow: Izdatel’stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1940. Ed. C. H. Van Schooneveld. The Hague: Mouton, 1969. Ostrowski, Donald. Muscovy and the Mongols: Cross-Cultural Influences on the Steppe Frontier, 1304 – 1589. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Ostrowski, Donald. “The “tamma” and the Dual-Administrative Structure of the Mongol Empire”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 61, No. 2, 1998: 262-277. Rempel, Gerhard. Lecture: “The Tartar Yoke”, http://mars.acnet.wnec.edu/~grempel/courses/russia/lectures/07tartar.html. Accessed January 2005. Riasanovsky, Nicholas V. A History of Russia. Sixth ed. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc. 2000. Shirokorad, A. B. Rus’ i Orda. Moscow: Izdatel’stskii dom “Veche”, 2004. Wittfogel, Karl A. “Russia and the East: A Comparison and Contrast”, Slavic Review, Vol. 22, No. 4, December 1963: 627-643. Hosseini 21