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The common pain of surrealism and death: Acetaminophen reduces compensatory affirmation following meaning threats

Daniel Randles
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Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   1     Running  head:  Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance             The  common  pain  of  surrealism  and  death:   Acetaminophen  reduces  compensatory  affirmation  following  meaning  threats           Key  words:  attitudes,  brain,  meaning,  threat.   Authors’ note: This research was funded by a grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (410-2011-0409) to Heine and a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council Doctoral Fellowship to Randles. Correspondence to: Steven J. Heine or Daniel Randles, Department of Psychology, University of British Columbia, 2136 West Mall, Vancouver, B.C., V6T 1Z4, Canada. Email: heine@psych.ubc.ca or dan3791@psych.ubc.ca.   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   2     ABSTRACT     The  meaning  maintenance  model  argues  that  any  violation  of  expectations   leads  to  an  affective  experience  that  motivates  compensatory  affirmation.  We   explore  whether  the  neural  mechanism  that  responds  to  meaning  threats  can  be   inhibited  by  acetaminophen,  in  the  same  way  that  it  inhibits  physical  pain,  or  the   distress  caused  by  social  rejection.  Across  two  studies,  participants  received  either   acetaminophen  or  a  placebo,  and  were  provided  with  either  an  unsettling   experience  or  a  control  experience.  In  Study  1,  participants  either  wrote  about  their   death  or  a  control  topic.  In  Study  2,  participants  either  watched  a  surrealist  film  clip   or  a  control  film  clip.  In  both  studies,  participants  in  the  meaning  threat  condition   who  had  taken  a  placebo  showed  typical  compensatory  affirmations  by  becoming   more  punitive  towards  law-­‐breakers,  while  those  who  had  taken  acetaminophen,   and  those  in  the  control  conditions,  did  not.       Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   3     It does not take long after the opening credits of a David Lynch film for the viewer to sense that something is awry. Whether it’s the nonlinear dream imagery, the unsettling juxtaposition of the beautiful alongside the horrifying, or the surreal disconnect between the events and characters’ reactions, Lynch’s films are recognized for their ability to “disturb, offend or mystify” (Rodley, 2005, pg. 245). Insofar as it “hurts” to watch some of Lynch’s films, as it arguably does whenever we are assaulted by thoughts and experiences that are at odds with our expectations and values, we might question how this uncomfortable feeling is represented in the brain. In this paper we explore the common foundation that underlies people's reactions to various kinds of events that cause anxiety, unease, and pain.   The  meaning  maintenance  model  (MMM)  proposes  that  domain-­‐general   arousal  is  triggered  by  any  experience  that  is  surprising,  confusing,  or  in  violation  of   expectations  (Heine,  Proulx,  &  Vohs,  2006).  In  this  article,  we  extend  recent  work  on   the  common  neural  pathway  for  physical  and  social  pain,  to  suggest  that  any   unexpected  event,  not  just  those  with  a  physical  or  social  component,  produces  the   same  initial  neural  and  subjective  experience  of  distress.  Based  on  this,  we  argue   that  acetaminophen,  shown  to  reduce  both  physical  and  social  pain,  will  also   prevent  typical  meaning  maintenance  responses.     Pain  and  rejection   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   4     Both  physical  pain  and  social  rejection  share  a  neural  process  and  subjective   component  that  is  experienced  as  distress  (Eisenberger  &  Lieberman,  2004;   MacDonald,  &  Leary,  2005).  While  there  are  experiences  unique  to  each  event,  such   as  the  sensory  awareness  of  specific  pain,  there  are  many  subjective  and   neurological  similarities  that  lead  to  the  same  general  felt  unpleasantness  (Price,   2000).  For  instance,  there  is  evidence  that  experiencing  more  or  less  of  one  type  of   pain,  influences  sensitivity  to  the  other  (Asmundson,  Norton,  &  Jacobson,  1996;   MacDonald,  Kingsbury,  &  Shaw,  2005).  Likewise,  social  support  has  been  found  to   reduce  physical  pain  (Hoogendoorn,  van  Poppel,  Bongers,  Koes,  &  Bouter,  2000),   and  a  number  of  drugs  (including  opiate-­‐based  drugs,  anti-­‐depressants,  and   acetaminophen)  have  been  shown  to  reduce  both  physical  and  social  pain  (e.g.,   DeWall,  et  al.,  2010;  Panksepp,  2004).     One  brain  region  that  responds  to  both  events  is  the  dorsal  anterior  cingulate   cortex  (dACC).  The  dACC  responds  to  physical  and  social  pain  (Eisenberger,   Lieberman,  &  Williams,  2003)  and  its  activation  is  correlated  with  subjective  reports   of  felt  unpleasantness  after  physical  pain  (Tölle  et  al.,  1999)  and  exclusion   (Eisenberger,  et  al.,  2003).  However,  there  is  evidence  that  the  dACC  reacts  to  all   conflicts  and  errors  in  general  (Botvinick,  Cohen,  &  Carter,  2004).  The  dACC  has   been  described  as  a  cortical  alarm  system,  sensitive  to  any  discrepancy  in  the   environment,  not  just  to  those  that  relate  directly  to  physical  damage  or  social   rejection  (Eisenberger  &  Lieberman,  2004;  Inzlicht,  McGregor,  Hirsh,  &  Nash,  2009;   Shackman  et  al.,  2011).  While  it  is  true  then,  that  an  individual  will  likely  not  confuse   a  stubbed  toe  with  being  picked  last  for  a  soccer  team,  we  suggest  that  the  early-­‐ Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   5   stage  neural  mechanisms  for  both  these  events,  or  for  any  perceived  anomaly,  share   much  in  common  and  require  additional  context  to  give  them  specificity.   The  Meaning  Maintenance  Model     The  MMM  focuses  on  people’s  compensatory  responses  to  violations  of   expectations,  termed  meaning  threats.  The  model  argues  that  any  perceived   meaning  threat  produces  unpleasant  arousal  that  often  lies  outside  of  awareness,   and  is  non-­‐specific  to  the  causal  stimulus.  This  arousal  arguably  serves  to  prompt   people  to  identify  the  source  of  the  perceived  discrepancy  and,  if  time  and  cognitive   resources  are  sufficiently  available,  accommodate  to  the  unexpected  event.  For   example,  upon  observing  oneself  freely  choose  to  write  an  essay  in  favor  of  a  tuition   increase  at  one’s  university,  a  participant  might  accommodate  to  this  by  changing   their  attitudes  towards  tuition  increases.  In  many  cases,  however,  it  is  not  possible   to  resolve  the  violation,  either  because  the  problem  is  too  complex,  or  the  person   has  failed  to  correctly  identify  the  source  of  their  arousal.  When  this  occurs,  people   may  respond  to  the  arousal  by  affirming  any  available  unrelated  schema  to  which   they  are  committed.  These  affirmations  of  intact  meaning  frameworks  serve  to   dispel  the  unpleasant  sense  that  something  is  wrong.  Consequently,  disturbing   experiences  that  are  as  explicit  and  complex  as  writing  about  one’s  own  death   (Burke,  Martens,  &  Faucher,  2010)  or  dealing  with  social  rejection  (Nash,  McGregor,   &  Prentice,  2011),  down  to  experiences  that  are  relatively  implicit  and  benign,  such   as  subliminally  seeing  incoherent  word-­‐pairs  (e.g.,  “quickly-­‐blueberry”;  Randles,   Proulx,  &  Heine,  2011)  or  being  presented  with  a  change-­‐blindness  manipulation   (Proulx  &  Heine,  2008),  all  lead  to  increased  motivation  to  affirm  unrelated  beliefs.   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   6   These  kinds  of  affirmation  responses  have  been  identified  in  a  number  of  different   research  paradigms,  such  as  terror  management  theory,  self-­‐affirmation,  and   uncertainty  management  (for  reviews  see  Heine  et  al.,  2006;  Proulx,  Inzlicht,  &   Harmon-­‐Jones,  2012).   The  dACC  has  been  theorized  to  be  the  source  of  the  unpleasant  arousal   associated  with  uncertainty  and  violations  of  expectations  (McGregor,  Nash,  Mann,   &  Phills,  2010),  and  strong  adherence  to  belief  systems  that  serve  as  affirmations,   such  as  religion  and  political  conservatism,  inhibit  activity  throughout  the  ACC   (Amodio,  Jost,  Master,  &  Yee,  2007;  Inzlicht,  et  al.,  2009).  The  arousal  caused  by   meaning  threats  is  not  always  consciously  accessible,  which  is  a  clear  departure   from  pain  or  social  distress.  However,  when  participants  are  given  an  explanation   for  their  unpleasant  arousal  (e.g.,  being  told  that  it  is  due  to  a  supplement  they  have   taken)  they  attribute  their  distress  to  this  other  source  and  fail  to  show   compensatory  responses  (Kay,  Moscovitch,  &  Laurin,  2010;  Proulx  &  Heine,  2008;   Zanna  &  Cooper,  1974),  suggesting  that  they  are  in  fact  experiencing  some  form  of   distress  or  negative  affect.  Given  that  many  types  of  anomalous  experiences  can   elicit  the  same  affirmation  response,  and  that  the  resultant  arousal  can  be   misattributed,  it  suggests  that  the  distress  is  general  enough  that  the  source  of   arousal  can  be  confounded  in  the  person’s  mind.     The  present  research  is  predicated  on  four  key  findings  of  the  literature:  1)   both  physical  and  social  pain  are  associated  with  activation  in  the  dACC  (e.g.,   Eisenberger  et  al.,  2003);  2)  the  dACC  is  activated  in  response  to  anomalies  (e.g.,   Botvinick  et  al.,  2004);  3)  social  rejection  can  produce  the  same  compensatory   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   7   affirmation  as  other  meaning  threats  (e.g.,  Nash  et  al.,  2011);  and,  4)  acetaminophen   has  been  shown  to  reduce  physical  and  social  pain  and  activation  in  the  dACC,   (DeWall  et  al.,  2010).  These  findings  led  us  to  predict  that  acetaminophen  may  also   inhibit  compensatory  affirmation  following  meaning  threats.  We  reasoned  that   participants  who  experienced  a  meaning  threat  after  having  consumed   acetaminophen  would  fail  to  detect  any  increase  in  arousal  and  thus  not  show  the   kinds  of  compensatory  affirmation  identified  in  previous  research.  Towards  this  end   we  conducted  two  studies  with  different  meaning  threats  and  affirmations.     METHOD   Participants  and  procedure     We  recruited  121  participants  (81  women).  The  sample  was  predominantly   of  East  Asian  (45%),  European  (29%),  and  South  Asian  (12%)  descent.  Participants   were  offered  $15  through  flyers  posted  on  campus,  or  partial  course  credit  in   psychology  classes.  The  study  was  advertised  as  a  general  assessment  of  the   cognitive  and  emotional  impacts  of  acetaminophen.       In  contrast  to  the  procedure  of  DeWall  et  al.  (2010;  in  which  participants   took  acetaminophen  multiple  times  a  day  for  three  weeks),  participants  in  the   present  study  received  a  single  acute  dose  of  acetaminophen,  which  was  active  in   their  system  while  they  experienced  the  threat.  Participants  were  randomly   assigned  to  receive  either  1000mg  of  Tylenol  brand  acetaminophen  (Rapid   ReleaseTM  formula)  or  1000mg  of  sugar  (a  placebo),  packed  in  two  opaque  gel   capsules.  The  researcher  was  blind  to  both  the  type  of  capsules  administered  (using   coded  bottles)  and  the  version  of  the  materials  that  participants  completed.     Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   8     The  effects  of  acetaminophen  are  difficult  to  detect  if  one  is  not  already  in   pain,  making  it  hard  to  identify  if  one  has  taken  a  drug  or  placebo.  When  taken   orally,  Tylenol’s  expected  time  to  reach  peak  absorption  is  45-­‐60  minutes,  and  its   ceiling  effectiveness  in  adults  occurs  at  1000mg  (Bertolini  et  al.,  2006;  Gibb  &   Anderson,  2008);  this  is  also  the  maximum  recommended  single  dose.       After  receiving  the  capsules  to  ingest,  participants  were  given  free  time  for   30  minutes  prior  to  working  on  filler  tasks,  which  took  approximately  25  minutes  to   complete.    They  then  completed  the  mortality  salience  or  dental  pain  paragraphs,   followed  by  the  Positive  and  Negative  Affect  Schedule  (PANAS)  and  the  prostitution   bond  scenario  (all  materials  described  below).  Our  expectation  was  that   participants  in  the  placebo  condition  who  received  the  mortality  salience   manipulation  would  show  typical  compensatory  affirmation,  while  those  who  had   taken  Tylenol  would  not  show  this  reaction.     Materials   Filler  tasks.  We  asked  participants  to  complete  a  number  of  materials  not  relevant  to   the  task,  to  mask  our  specific  hypothesis  of  interest.  These  included  a  page  of   Sudoku  puzzles,  a  memory  task  matching  faces  of  individuals  to  their  biographies   and  a  series  of  personality  questionnaires  that  were  not  analyzed  as  part  of  the   study.   Mortality  salience  manipulation.  Participants  completed  the  standard  mortality   salience  manipulation:  they  either  wrote  two  paragraphs  about  what  will  happen  to   their  body  after  they  die  and  how  they  feel  about  it,  or  two  paragraphs  about  dental   pain  (Burke  et  al.,  2010).  Terror  management  theorists  have  argued  that  thoughts   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   9   about  death  produced  a  unique  type  of  anxiety  (Greenberg,  Solomon,  &  Pyszczynski,   1997).  Recently  however,  a  number  of  other  theorists  have  argued  that  thinking   about  death  is  incompatible  with  everyday  thoughts  about  relationships,  plans,  and   ambitions  (Heine  et  al.,  2006;  McGregor,  Zanna,  Holmes,  &  Spencer,  2001;  Proulx  et   al.,  2012),  and  that  it  leads  to  the  same  anxiety  associated  with  other  violations  of   expectations,  such  as  frustrated  social  interactions,  or  perceived  incongruities.   These  arguments  have  been  supported  empirically,  where  mortality  salience  has   been  shown  to  lead  to  the  same  compensatory  affirmation  as  viewing  surreal  art   (Proulx,  Heine,  &  Vohs,  2010),  perceiving  a  visual  anomaly  (Proulx  &  Heine,  2008)   or  viewing  subliminally-­‐presented  incongruous  word-­‐pairs  (e.g.  role-­‐fork;  Randles   et  al.,  2011).       The  rationale  behind  using  dental  pain  as  a  control  was  that  it  should  be   aversive,  but  should  not  create  an  experience  of  violated  expectations  or   uncertainty,  and  thus  should  not  lead  to  affirmation  responses  (McGregor,  et  al.,   1998).  This  control  condition  thus  helps  to  rule  out  negative  mood  as  an  explanation   for  the  compensatory  affirmation,  which  is  why  it  is  used  as  a  standard  control   group  in  mortality  salience  paradigms  (Burke  et  al.,  2010).   Positive  and  Negative  Affect  Schedule.  This  measure  identifies  the  state  of  affect  an   individual  is  experiencing,  based  on  twenty  different  affect  descriptors.  Participants   are  asked  how  they  are  feeling  at  the  moment  (Watson,  Clark,  &  Tellegen,  1988).   This  scale  is  often  used  as  a  delay  between  the  mortality  salience  manipulation  and   the  dependent  variable,  and  typically  reveals  that  the  manipulation  does  not   influence  either  positive  or  negative  affect  (Burke  et  al.,  2010).   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   10   Social  judgment  survey.  Participants  read  a  hypothetical  arrest  report  about  a   prostitute  and  were  asked  to  set  the  amount  of  the  bail  (from  $0-­‐$999).  This   measure  has  been  used  in  a  number  of  other  meaning-­‐threat  studies  (Proulx  &   Heine,  2008;  Proulx  et  al., 2010; Randles  et  al.,  2011;  Rosenblatt,  Greenberg,   Solomon,  Pyszczynski  &  Lyon,  1989).  Participants  are  expected  to  increase  the  bond   value  after  a  threat,  because  trading  sex  for  money  is  both  at  odds  with  commonly   held  cultural  views  of  relationships,  as  well  as  being  against  the  law.  Increasing  the   bond  assessment  provides  participants  an  opportunity  to  affirm  their  belief  that   prostitution  is  wrong.   RESULTS     During  the  debriefing,  participants  were  asked  to  guess  which  capsules  they   had  consumed.  Fifty-­‐five  percent  claimed  they  had  no  idea;  of  those  who  guessed,   57%  were  correct  (not  different  from  chance;  p=.17).  Five  participants  were   removed  for  not  completing  the  materials.       Planned  orthogonal  contrasts  were  used  to  test  our  hypothesis.  We  chose   this  analysis  because  we  were  expecting  one  particular  pattern  of  effects:  namely   that  the  threatened  group  that  received  a  placebo  would  show  higher  compensatory   affirmation  compared  to  the  other  three  groups.  As  predicted,  only  participants  who   had  experienced  a  meaning  threat  and  had  taken  the  placebo  showed  evidence  of   increased  affirmation.  Participants  in  the  threat/placebo  group  punished  the  norm   violator  by  a  significantly  larger  amount  than  the  other  three  groups,  t112=2.33,   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   11   p=.02,  d=.52  ±  .44  CI.975  (See  Figure  1)1.  Participants  in  the  threat/acetaminophen   group  showed  no  compensatory  affirmation  compared  to  the  two  control  groups,   t112<1,  d=.09  ±  .45  CI.975.  The  two  control  groups  did  not  differ,  t112<1,  d=.09  ±  .50   CI.975.    As  with  previous  meaning  threat  studies,  no  differences  between  conditions   emerged  for  self-­‐reported  positive  or  negative  affect  (all  ts<1).     These  results  suggests  that  a  drug  that  can  alleviate  mild  pain,  headaches,  or   hurt  feelings  (DeWall  et  al.,  2010)  can  also  alleviate  the  affirmation  responses  that   are  incurred  when  people  consider  their  own  mortality,  which  some  have  argued   threatens  meaning  (Heine  et  al.,  2006;  Proulx  et  al.,  2012).   STUDY  2     In  Study  1,  we  employed  the  most  commonly  used  manipulation  of   existential  anxiety,  mortality  salience.  To  test  whether  acetaminophen  affects   uncertainty  more  broadly  defined,  we  turned  to  a  very  different  and  novel   manipulation  in  Study  2.  We  turned  to  an  artistic  tradition  which  is  known  precisely   for  its  ability  to  provoke  feelings  of  discomfort  and  unease:  surrealism.  The   surrealist  tradition  involves  the  juxtaposition  of  unfamiliar  elements  in  familiar   settings.  Past  research  has  found  that  surrealist  art  forms,  including  literature,   paintings,  and  humor,  lead  to  compensatory  responses  (Proulx  &  Heine,  2009;   Proulx  et  al.,  2010).  The  work  of  surrealist  filmmaker  David  Lynch  seemed   especially  apt  for  our  needs.  As  his  biographer  Rodley  (2005;  p.  x)  noted,  “the                                                                                                                   1  Point  and  interval  estimates  for  Cohen’s  d  are  based  on  recommendations  in  Robey   (2004).   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   12   indefinable  ‘mood’  or  ‘feeling’  Lynch  seeks  to  convey  is  linked  to  a  form  of   intellectual  uncertainty  –  what  he  calls  being  ‘lost  in  darkness  and  confusion.’”     METHODS     Students  were  recruited  through  the  same  methods  as  Study  1.  Of  the  236   recruited,  8  failed  to  complete  the  study  because  of  technical  problems,  and  the  data   from  21  participants  were  removed  because  they  reported  during  an  open-­‐ended   debriefing  that  they  had  participated  in  previous  MMM  experiments  or  guessed  that   we  were  interested  in  their  responses  to  the  Lynch  film.  The  key  effects  still  remain   significant  if  these  21  participants  are  included  in  the  analyses.  This  left  207   participants  (124  women),  who  were  predominantly  of  European  (52%),  East  Asian   (25%),  and  South  Asian  (7%)  descent.       The  paradigm  was  identical  to  Study  1,  with  two  differences.  First,  the   meaning  threat  was  changed.  Participants  in  the  meaning  threat  condition  watched   3  films.  First,  was  a  2-­‐minute  clip  from  a  Donald  Duck  cartoon,  designed  to  ease   participants  into  the  task.  They  then  watched  a  4-­‐minute  clip  from  the  short  film,   Rabbits,  created  by  David  Lynch.  The  film,  which  at  first  resembles  a  sit-­‐com,   consists  of  a  series  of  non-­‐sequiturs,  seemingly  random  laugh  and  applause  tracks   separated  by  long  portentous  pauses,  an  eerie  soundscape,  a  complete  absence  of  a   narrative,  and  characters  inexplicably  dressed  in  rabbit  costumes.  The  clip  is   ominous,  although  it  contains  no  reference  to  disturbing  or  unpleasant  topics.     After  the  Rabbits  clip,  participants  then  watched  a  2-­‐minute  clip  from  Snoopy,   designed  to  serve  as  a  distraction/delay,  followed  by  the  PANAS.  As  we  were   concerned  that  participants  would  identify  Rabbits  as  critical  to  the  study,  adding  an   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   13   additional  distractor  beyond  the  PANAS  was  expected  to  help  reduce  suspicion.   Participants  in  the  control  condition  saw  the  same  videos  except  the  Rabbits  clip   was  replaced  with  a  4-­‐minute  clip  from  a  Simpsons  episode  (all  clips  available  upon   request).     We  also  changed  the  dependent  affirmation  measure.  This  study  was   conducted  3-­‐6  months  after  a  well-­‐publicized  local  riot  that  followed  the  loss  of  the   Vancouver  Canucks  bid  for  the  Stanley  Cup,  and  we  expected  that  most  students   held  a  negative  view  of  this  event.  Thus,  after  a  threat,  participants  should  affirm   this  view  by  calling  for  stronger  punishment  for  the  rioters.  Participants  were   informed  that  people  were  debating  whether  the  rioters  should  be  given  more   lenient  sentences  than  comparable  individual  acts  of  vandalism,  because  they  acted   impulsively,  or  stiffer  sentences  because  they  took  advantage  of  the  city  while  it  was   vulnerable.  Participants  then  marked  a  spot  on  a  line  connecting  the  endpoints,   indicating  that  rioters  should  not  be  fined  or  jailed  (0%)  to  a  doubled  fine  or   sentence  (200%),  with  a  normal  fine  or  sentence  (100%)  lying  at  the  midpoint.  (See   Appendix  A  in  the  Supplementary  Materials  online  for  measure).     RESULTS     Participants  were  unable  to  correctly  identify  whether  they  had  taken   acetaminophen  or  a  placebo:  53%  claimed  they  had  no  idea;  of  those  who  guessed,   45%  were  correct  (not  different  from  chance,  p=.29).  Participants  in  all  conditions   set  the  fine  for  the  rioter  at  a  higher  value  then  the  court  would  normally  set  (all   ps<.001),  which  confirms  our  expectations  that  most  students  in  our  sample  found   the  behaviors  unacceptable.   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   14     As  in  Study  1  we  used  planned  orthogonal  contrasts  to  test  whether  the   placebo-­‐threat  condition  showed  more  compensatory  affirmation  than  the  other   conditions.  Again,  only  participants  who  had  experienced  a  meaning  threat  and  had   taken  the  placebo  showed  evidence  of  increased  affirmation.  Participants  in  the   threat/placebo  group  punished  the  norm  violator  by  a  significantly  larger  amount   than  the  other  three  groups,  t203=2.64  p<.01,  d=.43  ±  .32  CI.975  (See  Figure  2).   Participants  in  the  threat/acetaminophen  group  showed  no  compensatory   affirmation  compared  to  the  two  control  groups,  t203<1,  d=.05  ±  .34  CI.975.  There  was   no  difference  between  the  acetaminophen  and  placebo  groups  for  the  control   manipulation,  t203<1,  d=.09  ±  .35.  Again,  there  was  no  difference  between  the  groups   in  self-­‐reported  positive  or  negative  affect  (all  ts<1.2,  ps>.23).   DISCUSSION       Two  studies  show  that  acetaminophen  interrupts  the  typical  compensatory   responses  to  meaning  threats.  In  the  first  study,  we  identified  a  typical  mortality   salience  reaction  in  the  placebo  group,  but  those  who  had  taken  acetaminophen   responded  in  ways  similar  to  those  who  did  not  contemplate  their  mortality.  In  the   second  study,  these  findings  were  replicated  using  a  surreal  video  clip  and  a  novel   dependent  measure,  showing  that  participants  who  watched  the  David  Lynch  clip   and  took  a  placebo  were  more  punitive  than  those  who  had  consumed   acetaminophen  or  who  had  watched  the  control  video.  In  neither  study  were  there   any  differences  in  self-­‐reported  positive  or  negative  affect,  which  renders  it  unlikely   that  the  effects  were  simply  a  function  of  people  becoming  more  punitive  because   they  were  in  a  bad  mood.  Rather  we  argue  that  a  particular  type  of  distress   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   15   associated  with  expectancy  violation  (originating  from  the  dACC)  and  a  failure  to   correctly  identify  or  be  able  to  accommodate  to  the  source  of  that  distress  lead  to   this  affirmation.     These  results  are  consistent  with  the  notion  of  a  domain-­‐general  process  for   expectancy  violation.  Although  there  is  some  evidence  that  domain-­‐specific   responses  to  certain  types  of  uncertainty  or  threat  can  occur  (e.g.  Burke  et  al.,  2010;   Rutjens  &  Loseman,  2010),  a  recent  review  of  the  threat  compensation  literature   underscored  how  similar  psychological  processes  are  implicated  across  different   threats  (Proulx  et  al.,  2012).       Our  findings  imply  that  the  similarities  between  physical  pain  and   belongingness  threats  may  not  be  specifically  due  to  them  both  triggering   something  akin  to  pain,  but  rather  that  they  both  typically  involve  a  violation  of   expectations.  This  is  not  to  say  that  uncertainty  is  a  necessary  feature  of  pain,  but   that  pain  (as  with  social  failures)  is  often  brought  about  by  unexpected   consequences  to  behaviors  or  actions.  In  reviewing  the  literature  on  the  ACC,   Shackman  et  al.  (2011)  argue  that  the  “the  core  function  common  to  negative  affect,   pain  and  cognitive  control  is  the  need  to  determine  an  optimal  course  of  action  in   the  face  of  uncertainty”  (p.  160).   However,  one  disconnect  between  the  present  findings  and  current  data  on   the  dACC  is  that  our  results,  and  many  manipulations  of  uncertainty  or  existential   anxiety  (e.g.,  Burke  et  al.,  2010),  do  not  lead  to  changes  in  self-­‐reported  affect  as   measured  by  the  PANAS.  Studies  that  have  measured  dACC  activation  following   physical  pain,  social  pain,  and  frustration  have  produced  self-­‐reported  negative   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   16   affect  (e.g.  DeWall  et  al.  2010;  Eisenberger  &  Lieberman  2004;  Spunt,  Lieberman,   Cohen  &  Eisenberger,  2012),  and  a  recent  meta-­‐analysis  of  brain  imaging  studies   found  that  the  dACC  was  activated  in  response  to  manipulations  that  induced  fear,   anger,  or  disgust  (Shackman  et  al.,  2011).  There  are  multiple  possibilities  for  this   disconnect.  It  could  be  that  a)  the  PANAS  does  not  tap  into  the  kinds  of  negative   affect  associated  with  expectancy  violations,  b)  asking  participants  about  how  they   feel  right  now  is  less  effective  than  asking  how  they  felt  about  the  threat  (as  Spunt  et   al.  (2012)  did),  or  c)  people  might  not  always  have  conscious  access  to  the  arousal   elicited  from  expectancy  violations.     These  studies  have  a  number  of  limitations  and  suggest  several  future   research  directions.  First,  it  is  unclear  how  well  our  findings  would  generalize  to   other  samples.  Research  on  terror  management  theory  finds  effects  of  the  same   direction  across  a  broad  array  of  samples,  although  Americans  and  college  students   show  stronger  effects  than  other  samples  (Burke  et  al.,  2010).  We  therefore   anticipate  that  the  findings  obtained  here  would  also  be  of  the  same  direction  yet   weaker  in  magnitude  in  other  samples.  A  second  limitation  is  that  acetaminophen   affects  a  number  of  brain  regions,  some  not  directly  related  to  physical  or  social   distress  (Toussaint  et  al.,  2010).  Thus,  there  are  several  possible  explanations  for   our  findings.  First,  acetaminophen  might  reduce  felt  arousal  upon  witnessing   violations.  Second,  participants  may  experience  the  same  arousal,  but  the  trigger  for   the  affirmational  response  may  be  interrupted  by  the  drug.  Third,  the  presence  of   the  drug  may  make  participants  less  attentive  so  they  never  notice  the  violation  to   begin  with.  Fourth,  acetaminophen  could  potentially  affect  some  of  the  cognitive   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   17   processes  involved  in  completing  the  dependent  measures.  Although  our  studies   were  inspired  by  the  neurological  link  between  physical  pain,  social  pain,  and   expectancy  violation,  further  work  will  be  needed  to  confirm  that  overlapping   neurological  structures  are  involved.   We  also  do  not  know  whether  other  pain-­‐relievers  would  have  the  same   kinds  of  inhibiting  effects.  Given  the  past  work  that  inspired  this  research  (see   introduction)  it  seems  possible  that  any  drug  that  inhibits  pain  via  the  central   nervous  system  might  be  effective,  but  this  has  yet  to  be  tested  (two  exceptions   being  that  marijuana  has  also  been  found  to  reduce  both  physical  pain  and  social   pain;  Deckman,  DeWall,  Way,  Gilman,  &  Richman,  2012,  and  that  the  tranquilizer   phenobarbital  reduces  attitude  change  following  induced  compliance;  Cooper,   Zanna,  &  Taves,  1978).     An  additional  hypothesis  that  emerges  from  these  findings  is  that   acetaminophen  may  not  only  reduce  felt  uncertainty  during  unexpected  negative   events,  but  also  positive  ones  (such  as  receiving  a  surprise  promotion  at  work).   Consistent  with  this  hypothesis  are  findings  that  fluid  compensation  also  emerges   from  positive  expectancy  violations,  such  as  participants  seeing  a  doctored  photo  of   themselves  that  makes  them  look  more  attractive  (Proulx  &  Randles,  2010)  and   evidence  that  the  ACC  does  respond  to  positive  feedback,  if  negative  feedback  was   expected  (Oliveira,  McDonald  &  Goodman,  2007)   The  findings  raise  several  questions,  and  a  fuller  understanding  could  be   achieved  through  employing  alternative  measures  of  distress  (e.g.,   psychophysiological  measures,  fMRI),  painkillers  (e.g.,  acetylsalicylic  acid),  kinds  of   Acetaminophen  reduces  meaning  maintenance   18   meaning  violations  (e.g.,  cognitive  dissonance),  compensatory  measures  (e.g.,   pattern  learning,  increased  beliefs  in  God),  and  samples  (e.g.,  young  children).   Despite  the  many  questions  that  these  findings 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