A. Rustoiu, The Celts and Idigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin. Intercommunity Communication Strategies

IRON AGE RITES AND RITUALS IN THE CARPATHIAN BASIN PROCEEDINGS OF THE INTERNATIONAL COLLOQUIUM FROM TÂRGU MUREȘ 7–9 October 2011 Edited by Sándor BERECKI Editura MEGA Târgu Mureș 2012  Content Preface....................................................................................................................................................................... 7 Hrvoje POTREBICA Religious Phenomena of the Hallstatt Communities of Southern Pannonia............................................. 9 Marcella NAGY–Pál SÜMEGI–Gergő PERSAITS–Sándor GULYÁS–Tünde TÖRŐCSIK Iron Age Hoard Found at Ikervár (Vas County, Hungary) in the Western Region of the Carpathian Basin. A Study in the Reconstruction of the Cultic Life of the Hallstatt Period in the Light of Archaeological and Scientific Analyses................................................................................ 31 Zoltán CZAJLIK–Géza KIRÁLY–Attila CZÖVEK–Sándor PUSZTA–Balázs HOLL–Gábor BROLLY The Application of Remote Sensing Technology and Geophysical Methods in the Topographic Survey of Early Iron Age Burial Tumuli in Transdanubia.................................................... 65 Robert SCHOLTZ Scythian Age Burials at Tiszalök..................................................................................................................... 77 László SZATHMÁRY Scythian Age Human Skeletal Remains from Tiszalök............................................................................. 101 Florin GOGÂLTAN–József-Gábor NAGY Profane or Ritual? A Discovery from the End of the Early Iron Age from Vlaha–Pad, Transylvania.................................................................................................................................................... 105 Imola KELEMEN The Archaeozoological Analysis of the Animal Bones Discovered in the Early Iron Age Pit at Vlaha–Pad................................................................................................................................................... 133 Mircea BABEȘ–Nicolae MIRIȚOIU Verlängerte, mehrstufige birituelle Bestattungen im Donau–Karpaten-Raum (5. bis 3. Jh. v. Chr.)......................................................................................................................................... 139 Aurel RUSTOIU–Sándor BERECKI ‘Thracian’ Warriors in Transylvania at the Beginning of the Late Iron Age. The Grave with Chalcidian Helmet from Ocna Sibiului........................................................................... 161 Peter C. RAMSL Late Iron Age Burial Rites in Eastern Austria............................................................................................. 183 Maciej KARWOWSKI An Ithyphallic Celtic Figurine from Oberleiserberg.................................................................................. 189 Jan BOUZEK The North-Western Part of the Carpathian Basin in the Period of Early Celtic Princes...................... 213 Zoltán PILLING–Ferenc UJVÁRI Iron Age Settlement and Cemetery from Szeged–Kiskundorozsma. Some New Data on Iron Age Burial Rite at the Southern Part of the Great Hungarian Plain.......................................... 217 Éva TANKÓ–Károly TANKÓ Cremation and Deposition in the Late Iron Age Cemetery at Ludas...................................................... 249 Gertrúda BŘEZINOVÁ The Biritual Cemetery at Šurany–Nitriansky Hrádok, District of Nové Zámky, Slovakia.................... 259 Martin FURMAN The Interpretative Value of Annular Ornaments for the Study of Early Celtic Populations in the Middle Danube Area........................................................................................................................... 273 Gabriela BREZŇANOVÁ Reflections of the Contacts between Celtic Communities in North-West Romania and South-West Slovakia in the Grave Inventories.................................................................................... 289 János NÉMETI Funerary Rites and Rituals of the Celtic Cemeteries in North-Western Romania and a Comparison with the Funerary Discoveries in the Tisza Plain and Transylvania...................... 295 Tiberius BADER Meine Begegnungen mit den Keltenfürsten: am Beispiel der Fürstengräber von Ciumești und Hochdorf.................................................................................................................................................. 303 Paul PUPEZĂ The Local Tradition Pottery from the Eastern Carpathian Basin Celtic Graves.................................... 317 Dragoș MĂNDESCU Killing the Weapons. An Insight on Graves with Destroyed Weapons in Late Iron Age Transylvania....................................................................................................................... 343 Aurel RUSTOIU The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin. Intercommunity Communication Strategies.............................................................................................. 357 Marija LJUŠTINA–Miloš SPASIĆ Celtic Newcomers between Traditional and Fashionable: Graves 63 and 67 from Karaburma........... 391 Cătălin Nicolae POPA ‘Till Death Do Us Part’. A Statistical Approach to Identifying Burial Similarity and Grouping. The Case of the Late La Tène Graves from the Eastern Carpathian Basin.............................................. 401 Beatrice S. KELEMEN–Iosif Vasile FERENCZ–Cristian C. ROMAN–Delia M. ROMAN–Oana PONTA–Simon SIMION Cremated Human Remains from Hunedoara–Grădina Castelului / Platou. Additional Information Inferred by XRD, FT-IR and SEM/EDX Analyses........................................... 413 Andreea DRĂGAN Late Iron Age Burials in the Iron Gates Area. A Functional Approach to Funerary Expression in the Late La Tène......................................................................................................................................... 425 Milica TAPAVIČKI-ILIĆ–Vojislav FILIPOVIĆ A Late Iron Age Grave Find from Syrmia................................................................................................... 453 Marcin RUDNICKI Finds and Context of Șimleul Silvaniei Type Bracelets North of the Carpathians and the Sudety...... 461 Horea POP–Zsolt CSÓK The Tumuli Necropolis from Șimleu Silvaniei............................................................................................ 493 Mariana EGRI ‘A Warrior Never Dies’. The Manipulation of Tradition in Early Funerary Contexts from Pannonia.... 503 Abbreviations....................................................................................................................................................... 531  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin. Intercommunity Communication Strategies* Aurel RUSTOIU Institute of Archaeology and History of Art Cluj-Napoca, Romania aurelrustoiu@yahoo.com Keywords: Celts, indigenous communities, cemeteries, community identity, colonisation, Carpathian Basin In 335 BC, Alexander the Great campaigned against the Triballi. The events were reported by Ptolemaios, son of Lagos, future king of Egypt, who accompanied the Macedonian king on the expedition. The information provided would be one of the sources for the works of Arrian and Strabo. According to the Classical authors, Alexander the Great chased the Triballi up to the Danube to somewhere in the Morava valley (See Medeleţ 1982; contra Vulpe–Zahariade 1987, 98, 115, n. 27; Vulpe 2001, 458, who proposes a location on the Danube downstream of the Iron Gates). The Triballi led by King Syrmos sought refuge on an island of the river. As they resisted his attacks, the Macedonian king crossed the Danube in a one-day military strike and defeated the Getae on the left bank. This show of force was successful, since, when returning to the camp on the right bank of the Danube, Alexander the Great received the envoys of the peoples in the area with whom he exchanged vows of friendship and alliances. Arrian (I.4.6–8) records: “There [in Alexander’s camp] arrived envoys from both the free tribes inhab- iting the Istros banks and from Syrmos, king of the Triballi; envoys came from even the Celts, who live around the Ionian Gulf... He (Alexander) befriended them all, taking and giving pledges. He asked the Celts what humanly thing they feared most, thinking they would say himself – as his great fame would have reached them and even further. But the Celts’ reply dashed his expectations. Indeed, as they lived at great distance from Alexander – and the land they occupied was hardly accessible – seeing that he left for other places, replied they feared no one unless it were that the heaven might fall on them sometime. Alexander called them friends, made them his allies and sent them home, adding only this: the Celts are story-tellers.” This account coincides with that preserved in Strabo (VII.3.8 – C 301): Alexander “received gifts from the peoples there and from Syrmos. Ptolemaios, son of Lagos, says that on this expedition, the Celts, who lived about the Adriatic, joined Alexander for the sake of establishing friendship and hospitality. The king received them kindly and asked them – when drinking – what it was they most feared, believing they would say himself. But they replied they feared no man; they only feared the heaven might fall on them.” Beyond the anecdotal aspects, these reports illustrate on one hand that the mentioned area was inhabited by local and ‘migrating’ communities with well-defined identity features and power structures – well enough delimited so to be recognized as such by foreign observers, as for instance the Macedonians –, and on the other hand, an entire set of diplomatic principles, standards and procedures regulating the * Documentation for this article was partly carried out on a research visit to the Library of the Römisch-Germanische Kommission, Frankfurt/Main, between 10 May and 5 June 2011. I wish warmly to thank S. Sievers for her support. Moreover, M. Ljuština, P. Ramsl and J. Gomez de Soto provided some bibliographical information for which I would like to thank them. Iron Age Rites and Rituals in the Carpathian Basin, 2012, p. 357–390 358 ‌| A. Rustoiu relations and communication between these communities, even though from different positions of force. If the Triballi, Getae and other populations, which are not specifically mentioned in the works, account for the wider picture of the indigenous communities in the area, the ‘Celts around the Ionian Gulf ’ define the group of western communities, which following the events of 335 BC, would colonise the south of the Carpathian Basin. The first aim of this study is to reconsider a series of archaeological data for the contacts at the begin- ning of the Late Iron Age of local communities from the southern Carpathian Basin with the La Tène com- munities in the eastern Alpine region and Transdanubia,. Secondly, it aims to analyse the archaeological information for the Celtic colonisation1 of the southern Carpathian Basin and the interaction with local communities. Lastly, it aims at clarifying the means through which the new communities were established following the mixture between settlers and natives, displaying La Tène cultural characteristics, interacted with neighbouring populations in the northern Balkan or eastern Mediterranean regions. The southern region of the Carpathian Basin prior to the Celtic colonisation The analysis of funerary finds in the middle Danube basin indicates that during LT B1 (the first two thirds of the 4th century BC) ‘Celtic’ communities advanced from Lower Austria regions to the east along the river (Fig. 1), occupying territories in northern Transdanubia, south-west Slovakia as well as the area of Lake Balaton (Jerem 1986; Szabó 1992, 13–23). Funerary contexts belonging to these groups illustrate the preservation of certain elements of rite and ritual as well as of La Tène-type inventories – occasionally mixed with local elements – specific to the area of origin. Fig. 1. Distribution map of early La Tène burials in the Carpathian Basin. White triangles – cemeteries LT A; black triangles – cemeteries LT B1; black squares – LT B1 type brooches (the pre-Duchcov horizon) discovered in indigenous graves from southern Carpathian Basin and north-western Balkans (after Jerem 1986 and Popović 1996). See Appendix 1. 1 The term ‘colonisation’ here, differentiates from ‘mobility’ and ‘migration’. ‘Mobility’ is the movement for various purposes of an individual or a group at variable distances from the area of origin, usually returning to the original community. On the other hand, ‘migration’ is defined by the movement of an individual or a group from an area to another aimed at the definitive establishment in the destination area (see broadly Ramsl 2003). ‘Colonisation’ or ‘settlement’ are specific terms designating the migration of part of a community (or of groups formed of individuals coming from various communities centred around certain élites, principles, ideas and so forth) in order permanently to settle a new territory outside the ‘ancestral’ area (usually located at considerably distance from the area of origin). For this reason, the Celtic colonisation is occasionally compared with Greek colonisation during the Archaic period. Regarding the evolution of theories on the Celtic ‘migrations’ see Kaenel 2007.  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 359 During the same period, funerary goods in the southern part of the Carpathian Basin include items of adornment and garment accessories originating in the eastern Alpine La Tène milieu (Pl. 1). They espe- cially comprise brooches specific to the pre-Duchcov horizon – brooches, amongst other variations, with the foot shaped as a water-bird’s head or knobbed – and also various bracelet types (Popović 1996, 105– 112). This is the case, for instance, with certain brooches found at Szentlőrinc, Velika (Pl. 1/1–12), Donja Dolina (Popović 1996, 105–110; Jerem 1968, 184: Szentlőrinc; Majnarić-Pandžić 1996, fig. 1–3: Velika, Donja Dolina; Dizdar–Potrebica 2002, 113, 123, pl. 1–2: Velika) or of a bronze bracelet (Pl. 1/18) from Velika (Popović 1996, 106, fig. 3/7; Majnarić-Pandžić 1996, fig. 2; Dizdar–Potrebica 2002, pl. 2/6). All these items come from graves assigned to local ‘Illyrian’ communities and demonstrate the diversi- fied trade between the two cultural areas. Furthermore, a series of brooches discovered further south in the north-western part of the Balkan Peninsula, were produced in local workshops. They preserve mor- phological features of La Tène brooches, however, a number of details were changed in order to suit the symbolic requirements of the indigenous communities. For instance, in the case of zoomorphic brooches, the water-bird head shaped ornament was replaced by representations of a snake head (Popović 1996, 111–114, 121). Fig. 2. Distribution map of zoomorphic brooches (with stylised griffin heads). See Appendix 2. By mid 4th century BC, the first brooches belonging to the Duchcov horizon spread to the south. They have also been discovered as associated finds belonging to indigenous communities (Popović 1996, 115–120). The Čurug hoard, composed of silver jewellery specific to the Balkans, also contained a bronze brooch (Pl. 2/1) of early Duchcov type (Tasić 1992, 10–12, fig. 5, 51–55; Ljuština 2010, 61, pl. 3–4). In other words, this brooch was incorporated in an ensemble of dress ornaments specific to local communi- ties (Pl. 2). Similar circumstances are found in the case of zoomorphic brooches (Szabó 1974; Binding 1993, 39–40, 160, type 22, list 25, pl. 38/7–9; 39/3–9; 40/1; Rustoiu 2008a, 118–119, fig. 58: distribution map). The foot of these brooches is ring-shaped and ornamented with a stylised dragon or griffin head with open wide mouth. These brooches were commonly worn in pairs and joined by a bronze or iron chain. Occasionally, the brooch pair is formed of one piece with zoomorphic ornament and another of Duchcov type (as with the Szentendre find). The period of use of these types corresponds to the second 360 ‌| A. Rustoiu half of the 4th century BC and the start of the following century. These brooches are the product of one or several workshops located in northern Transdanubia (Fig. 2). They were distributed southwards to the Sava (Donja Dolina) and the Danube area (Kostolac, Banjska Stena), one item being recorded in northern Bulgaria.2 Other items come from south-western Romania, at Pecica and in an unpublished cremation burial from Timișoara–Cioreni (see a short note in Medeleţ–Bejan 1983). The latter is relevant as it is indicative of the means through which La Tène items were integrated in an indigenous dress ensemble. The grave goods included two bronze zoomorphic brooches (Pl. 3/3–4), a fragmentary bronze brace- let (Pl. 3/2), another bracelet made of twisted silver wire (Pl. 3/1) and part of an astragal belt deformed by the funeral pyre (Pl. 3/5–6). The urn, preserved only as sherds, is a wheel-made vessel, most likely bi-con- ical, with the shoulder ornamented with incised lines and stamped circles, placed in garlands (Pl. 3/7). A handmade bowl, discovered in the same grave, was most likely used as urn lid (Pl. 3/8). The simple bracelet, the twisted bracelet and the part of the astragal belt have analogies in a series of graves in the southern area of the Carpathian Basin dated to the end of the Early Iron Age or by the beginning of the Late Iron Age.3 Funerary rite and rituals elements, similarly to most goods, are specific to a woman’s grave, of local origin.4 Zoomorphic brooches were incorporated in this ensemble of jewellery and dress accessories which define ‘indigenous’ fashions. Chronologically, the grave at Timișoara–Cioreni is dated after the second half of the 4th century BC and is prior to the arrival of the first groups of Celt settlers in the region. The La Tène items mentioned above were discovered in local funerary contexts belonging to the indigenous communities. They account for contacts between these communities and the Celts in the eastern Alpine area or northern Carpathian Basin. Contacts of this kind are identifiable in reverse as well. Thus, grave 26 of the La Tène cemetery at Mannersdorf, Lower Austria includes a pin with omega-shaped head, originating in the Balkan Peninsula (Ramsl 2010a, 253, fig. 12–13; Ramsl 2010b, 292, fig. 10). Under what form did contacts develop? Distance communication means were diverse, involv- ing strategies and intercommunity interaction and communication mechanisms. Communities located along major communication routes, intensively used over time, had an important role in the establish- ment of contacts among different population groups. For instance, this is the case of the community at Mannersdorf, located by the junction between the ‘Central European corridor’ – connecting Western and Central-Eastern European regions – with the ‘Amber Road’ – uniting regions along the Adriatic, and the eastern Alpine area with northern Europe. Funerary goods in the Mannersdorf cemetery exemplify the distribution of artefacts specific to these regions (Ramsl 2010b). The site at Donja Dolina mirrors similar circumstances (Marić 1964; Gavranović 2007). Other communities controlled communication on the Sava river between northern Italy and the Danube area, as well as southwards to the eastern shore of the Adriatic on the Vrbas and then on Neretva rivers. Either by trade or transit of people and goods through these regions, individual communities entered in contact with groups from various areas. Such mobility, more or less individual, was regulated by standard and concrete communication mechanisms. The mobility of groups and individuals also took various forms. Pompeius Trogus (Justin XXIV.4.5), evoking the period of the Celtic colonisation to the east, still remembered military conflicts between the newcomers and local communities: after having subdued the Pannonians, the Gauls for many years car- ried on various wars with their neighbours. Theopompus (FGrH 150 F39–40 = Athenaeus 10.443 b-c), within the context of a moralizing story,5 recalls a Celtic attack in the Balkans against the tribe called the Ardiaei (usually identified with Autariatae: Mócsy 1972 apud Bearzot 2004, 69–71; Szabó 1992, 23; Kruta 2000, 241, etc.; contra Papazoglu 1978, 104), which took place in 359–358 BC or possibly a dec- ade later (Bearzot 2004, 65, 67; Džino 2007, 55). Except for raids of the kind concerning which written 2 The brooch discovered in the region of Veliko Târnovo is a hybrid form: the spring and the bow are made similarly to the ‘Thracian’ brooches, while the foot is similar to that of the zoomorphic brooches. These features suggest that the brooch was more likely made by a local artisan familiarised with the Thracian workshops. See also Mircheva 2007, 71; Măndescu 2010, 358. 3 Silver twisted bracelets are found in grave 2 at Beremend (Jerem 1973, 81, fig. 7/2–5) and the grave at Velika (Popović 1996, fig. 3/10–11; Majnarić-Pandžić 1996, fig. 2), while astragal belts are common in this period to the ‘Illyrian’ area (Jovanović 1998). 4 Burials in the Srem group area (Bačka region, westward of Banat) are inhumation (see Ljuština 2010, 61–64, with bibliogra- phy), while in Banat cremation seems to be the custom in the period under discussion, occasionally in a lidded urn (see for instance the grave with Chalcidian helmet at Cuptoare-Sfogea or the lidded urn at Brebu: Gumă 1991, 93–99; Gumă 1993, 236–238). 5 Regarding Theopompus work see Pownall 2004, 143–175, especially p. 152 in connection to the episode referring to the Ardiaei and the Celts.  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 361 sources provide insufficient details, warrior groups most likely ventured in the eastern Mediterranean, crossing the Balkan Peninsula and at certain periods serving as mercenaries. Although Celtic mercenary activity flourished especially in the Hellenistic period and after the Great Invasion of the Balkans (see broadly Rustoiu 2006a, 53–63 with references), certain finds from temperate Europe might indicate that Celtic warriors ‘visited’ the Mediterranean area in an even earlier period. M. Schönfelder has noted that in a series of contexts dated from LT A to LT B2 – some located in the northern and north-western parts of the Carpathian Basin – spear butts (sauroter) have been discovered; these originated in the Mediterranean area (Pl. 4). Such items, parts of the hoplite spear, would not have been distributed or copied in continen- tal Europe by other than individuals familiar with such weapons. And, in order to know their function, respective individuals must have fought on Greek battle-fields (Schönfelder 2007, 311–317). The displacement over large areas of armed groups involved the crossing of territories controlled by other communities and concurrently, access to food sources or outlets for products useful for campaign- ing. When such resources were not obtained by force, negotiations were carried out in order to regulate relations between the parties involved. During such agreements gifts were exchanged, including especially horses complete with harness, luxury wares, jewellery and dress or garment accessories. Such practices are frequently mentioned by the Classical authors (see for instance Xenophon VII.3.26–27 or Livy XLIII.5). Some of the La Tène artefacts found in indigenous contexts in the southern Carpathian Basin (brooches or other garment sets) might have been distributed south due to such intercommunity contacts. They were incorporated however with dress ornaments according to local fashions. The mobility of warrior groups, similar to other forms of individual mobility, resulted in the dis- semination of, amongst other factors, knowledge, ideology. The diffusion of fashion, visible in the mor- phology of some dress items, may be due to such types of mobility and intercommunity contacts. As previously mentioned, a series of La Tène brooches, foreign to our area, were copied and certain details were transformed in line with local symbolic rules. The penetration of Celtic groups in the southern area of the Carpathian Basin altered to a certain extent contact and communications mechanisms between the communities in the region. The Celtic colonisation of southern Carpathian Basin The Celtic colonisation of the southern Carpathian Basin occurred along various routes and in dif- ferent stages. The analysis of the chronology and distribution of funerary finds in the entire Carpathian Basin area is relevant in relation to the establishment of such colonisation stages and directions (Fig. 3). A series of cemeteries or isolated finds dated to the start of LT B2, located on the lower Drava and the Danube suggest a southern advance of colonising groups from the Lake Balaton area or northern Transdanubia. In certain circumstances, one may even suppose the involvement of northern Italic groups. At Osijek, some graves included weapons, others contain types of jewellery and female dress accessories (Pl. 5/1), for example in graves 22 and 29 (Božič 1981, 327, pl. 6/1–4; Guštin 1984, 319–320, fig. 10B), and similarly at Batina (Božič 1981, 327; Szabó–Petres 1992, 108, pl. 99), Bogdanovci (Božič 1981, 327) and Dalj (Majnarić-Pandžić 1970, 16–24). Eastwards – ranging along the lower Sava and the Danube – finds indicate an alternative advance route in connection with the colonisation stages of eastern Carpathian Basin. The analysis of cemeteries in this area has proved that the first Celtic groups advanced from Transdanubia to the east, to the northern Great Hungarian Plain and up to the upper Tisza. From there, they advanced southwards along the Western Carpathians, subsequently penetrating in Transylvania (Fig.  3). Such advance is recorded by a series of cemeteries ranging along the mentioned route. Some of them start by the end of LT B1 and the beginning of sub-phase LT B2 (the cemeteries in Vác area, at Muhi–Kocsmadomb, Pișcolt, the cemeteries from Crișana – of which those located around Arad are important from this point of view – or south-western Transylvania). Other cemeteries evolve only from LT B2, which suggests that the advance was slow and gradual over the second half of the 4th century BC until the beginning of the next century (Rustoiu 2008a, 67–80). From Crișana, groups of settlers advanced southwards, through the Banat. At Aradul Nou (Pl. 5/3; Pl. 6), a cemetery dated to the end of LT B1 and beginning of sub-phase LT B2 has been identified (Crișan 1974, 40–44. Other recent rescue excavations made along the line of the Timișoara–Arad motorway are still unpublished; excavations and information Adrian Ursuţiu). Another cemetery to the south of the Mureș, near the confluence of the river with the Tisza, belonging to the beginning of LT B2, was recorded at Szőreg in Hungary (Maráz 1977, 62, no. 42). At Cherestur (Beba Veche village, Timiș County) a crema- tion grave, part of a larger cemetery, was discovered at the beginning of the 20th century. The grave goods 362 ‌| A. Rustoiu comprised two bronze brooches of early Duchcov type (Pl. 7/1–2), two bronze bracelets, one tubular and the other cast (Pl. 7/3–4), three iron loops, one now lost (Pl. 7/5–6), a bi-conical vessel (Pl. 7/8) and a cup (Pl. 7/7), both wheel-made. The entire inventory dates the grave to the beginning of LT B2 (unpub- lished; Medeleţ mss.a). Lastly, the cemetery at Remetea Mare, Timiș County (Rustoiu 2006b, 223–225, fig.  6–8; Rustoiu 2008a, fig.  55–57, 61; Rustoiu–Egri 2010, 220, pl.  7; Rustoiu–Egri 2011, 28–29, fig. 10; Medeleţ mss.b) (Pl. 8–9), the graves from western Banat identified at Bašaid (Girić 1997), Vatin (the latter comprising a bronze tubular bracelet and another cast bronze bracelet, with Steckverschluss fastening system) and other funerary contexts at Vršac–Bela Voda all belong chronologically to the same period (Medeleţ mss.a). 4 2 15 1 3 5 18 17 13 16 12 14 10 6-7 8 9 11 Fig. 3. Distribution map of early La Tène burials from the Carpathian Basin and directions of Celtic colonisation (after Jerem 1986 and Rustoiu 2008a with additions). White triangles: cemeteries LT A; black triangles: cemeteries LT B1; white dots: cemeteries beginning in the LT B1/B2 period; black dots: cemeteries beginning in the LT B2 period. See Appendix 3. From the Banat, groups of settlers crossed the Danube in the Morava area at the confluence with the river. The earliest burials have been identified at Kostolac–Pećine (Jovanović 1984; 1992; Popović– Jovanović 2004) (Pl.  10–11), Kostolac–Repnjak (Jacanović 1987) and Požarevać (Božič 1981, 327, pl. 6/5–10) (Pl. 5/2). Cemeteries in the region of Belgrade (Karaburma and Rospi Ćuprija: Todorović 1967; 1972) also contain graves datable to LT B2 (Pl. 12–13). The Danube crossing and the settlement on the right bank occurred most likely after the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC. During the expedition to the Danube of 335 BC, as already mentioned, relations between the communities in the area, as well as the regional balance of forces, were regulated by treaties concluded with the Macedonian king. Following Alexander’s death and the division of his great empire amongst his successors, such previous treaties and agreements most likely ceased. In fact, after more than two decades, by the beginning of the 3rd century BC, the Celts who already settled in the south- ern Carpathian Basin planned to attack Macedonia. Upon the intervention of Cassandros, the invasion of Greece was delayed by two more decades, in other words by another generation. This might suggest that new treaties between Cassandros and the Celts by the Danube were concluded. In addition, one may sup- pose that a similar treaty was generally complied with over the life of the leaders involved in negotiations, renewal being possibly required when generations changed.  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 363 But what were the mechanisms leading to the establishment of settler groups? As suggested by the relatively low percentage of early graves within cemeteries, the individuals forming a group were few in number. They were most likely recruited from different communities, thus in turn generating new com- munities. In Transdanubia or south-western Slovakia, the evolution of cemeteries does not cease abruptly. Therefore, there was no mass migration of complete communities. It seems that individuals from further regions were also involved in setting up settler groups. For instance, torcs ornamented with coral inlays or enamelled disks (the so-called Oberrheinischer Scheibenhalsring) found in the Upper Rhine region appear on the middle Danube or in Crișana (Müller 1989, Beilage 6) in funerary contexts dated to this period (Fig. 4). These types were not distributed along trade routes as there are insufficient intermediary finds in central European areas to account for gradual diffusion. Additionally, the relatively high numbers of items coming from the middle Danube area and nearby regions exclude the possibility of accidental diffusion. Their distribution must be related rather to the migration of individuals east of their area of origin. Fig. 4. Distribution map of neck-rings with discs decorated with enamel or coral – Oberrheinische Scheibenhalsringe (after Müller 1989 apud Hauschild 2010). To what extent do the cemeteries with La Tène inventories which emerged in the Carpathian Basin present evidence for a real presence of settlers from remote regions? Would not they rather point to the adoption by the indigenous communities of a fashion specific to the La Tène area? A good example of analysis of this sort is provided by a cemetery recently excavated at Dornach, in Bavaria. Certain funer- ary goods include items which typologically were distributed in Bohemia and Moravia during LT B2 (weapons, especially swords, and jewellery). Analysis of strontium isotopes sampled from the teeth of six individuals buried in the Dornach cemetery concluded that half of the subjects were indeed of Bohemian origin (Eggl 2003). For the Carpathian Basin area, such interdisciplinary studies are only at the begin- ning. Recently, M. Hauschild defined the principles of such an approach based on a large research project, inquiring about the ‘Celtisation’ or ‘assimilation’ issue as well as about interpreting patterns in relation to the circulation of groups or individuals and the diffusion of cultural forms. This project aims at interpret- ing the results of strontium isotopes analysis based on samples taken from the cemeteries in the region under discussion (Hauschild 2010). The warrior elite fulfilled an important function in the establishment of settler groups and subsequent migration development. Warriors were one of the most mobile social segments within the communities. Their mobility generated the distribution over large geographical regions of associated forms of material culture. This is the case of the swords with scabbards ornamented with so-called ‘dragon-pairs’ (Fig. 5) or of the Hatvan–Boldog–Silivaș-type swords dated to LT B2 (Fig. 6) found from Iberia to the Carpathian Basin (Stöllner 1998, 167–170, Liste 4, Beilage 3; Rustoiu 2008a, 102–103, fig.  47). The number of 364 ‌| A. Rustoiu graves with weapons in a series of cemeteries in our area illustrate that, occasionally, the number of war- riors within the community was relatively high. Such communities are those which were most likely also to have been involved in the raids into Macedonia and Greece at the beginning of the 3rd century BC. Thus, at Belgrade–Karaburma the percentage of graves with weapons reaches 70% during the first phase of the cemetery, while at Remetea Mare the percentage is 35% (Rustoiu 2006a, 61–62, Table 4–5). Fig. 5. Distribution map of swords decorated with dragon-pairs (after Stöllner 1998). Fig. 6. Distribution map of swords of Hatvan–Boldog–Silivaș type (after Stöllner 1998, with supplementary finds from Transylvania). In connection with the establishment mechanisms of settler groups, we should also discuss the role of social contacts between neighbouring communities or the relations with more distant ones (see Ramsl 2003, 104). This network of social relations most likely allowed the ‘selection’ of individuals planning to depart from the community of origin in order to participate in the establishment of new communities. Moreover, the colonisation process involved the gradual exploration of new territories. For this reason, advance into new territories was slow and sequential, as proven by the different chronological dates when a series of cemeteries start to evolve. Lastly, the colonisation of new territories required the establishment of new contacts or social networks engaging with the local communities in the region.  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 365 The penetration of the Celts east of the middle Danube basin, into the Great Hungarian Plain and Transylvania, then into southern Carpathian Basin resulted in the cultural reconfiguration of the various regions. Concurrently, the new communities, formed following the amalgamation of these culturally dif- ferent populations, had other identities. The form of interaction between settlers and local populations differed from one community to another, and this is noticeable following the analysis of funerary customs in each cemetery (for an overview see Rustoiu 2008a, 70–80). In certain cases, local populations preserved traditional elements of funerary rites and rituals, at least in the initial period of co-habitation with the newcomers. Hence, they deliberately preserved a specific identity which they publicly displayed, amongst other means, during funerary ceremonies. At the same time, though, the lack of graves with weapons showing indigenous rites and rituals indicate that they did not join the warrior elite of the newcomers. Circumstances noted in the cemetery at Muhi–Kocsmadomb, north-western Hungary, are significant: natives’ and settlers’ graves are grouped around burials that included weapons, the latter always belonging to the newcomers (Hellebrandt 1999, 233–236; Almássy 2010, 12). Hence, the natives were most likely dependent within the community, fulfilling more probably a clientele position. In other cases, local populations were relatively quickly incorporated within new community struc- tures, as suggested by the adoption of settler-specific burial rituals, although for several generations they continued to influence other elements of material culture, of which the persistence of traditional wares being most obvious. The cemetery at Fântânele–Dealul Popii in Transylvania is most eloquent of this fac- tor (Rustoiu 2008a, 76–78). Cemeteries located in the southern part of the Carpathian Basin also provide a series of elements illustrating the specific pattern of interactions between the settlers and the local communities they over- laid. At Belgrade–Karaburma, a series of burials in the early phase of the cemetery retain local traditional jewellery amongst their grave-goods. This is the expression of a maintained native identity defined by the display of body ornaments and dress accessories different than those of the newcomers, especially recog- nisable in the female dress. The inhumation graves 63 and 67 contained a series of glass beads, earrings or hair-lock loops made of twisted silver wire (Pl. 14) (Todorović 1972, 26–28, pl. 23/Grob 63; 25/Grob 67; Guštin 1984, 321, fig. 11). Such earrings are the morphological extension of certain items recorded in the same region in the period previous to that of Celtic colonisation (Jovanović 1994; 2007; Gavranović 2007, 413, fig. 11/4–5). We must underline that, beside these traditional sets, the costumes of the dead females also included La Tène-type elements. Thus, grave 63 at Karaburma contained an early type of La Tène brooch (Pl. 14/5) (Todorović 1972, pl. 23/2) and in grave 67 the iron buckle of a belt specific to the Celtic area was identified (Pl. 14/9) (Todorović 1972, pl. 25/2). Similarly to funerary contexts or hoards previous to the Celtic horizon, for example, the grave at Timișoara–Cioreni or the hoard at Čurug, indige- nous decorative pieces or dress items were combined with La Tène elements, the latter being incorporated in a specific manner to mark individual identity. The cemetery at Kostolac–Pećine, so far only partially published, contains 43 graves of which 17 are equally cremation and inhumation graves. Nine of the inhumation graves have been assigned to the local population. Graves containing weapons also have typical La Tène assemblages and a series of funer- ary inventories consist of dress accessories and female jewellery specific to central European Celtic area. Concurrently, other graves (without weapons) preserve local traditional elements, i.e. dress items and wares (Jovanović 1984; 1992; 1999; Popović–Jovanović 2004). The complete publication of this cem- etery will, based on the nature of funerary rites, rituals and inventories, most likely reveal important data concerning the interaction between settlers and natives and on the nature of the relations they established. In conclusion, despite regional differences between communities, altogether the cultural aspect changed substantially following the penetration of the Celtic groups. Such colonisation gave rise to new communities with specific manifestations consistent with their new identities built on the fusion between the newcomers and natives. Such communities initiated other social contacts with the local populations in the northern Balkan Peninsula. Intercommunity communication mechanisms were diverse and complex, involving negotiation and agreements of various forms. Similarly to other cases, they were controlled by the élites. Marriage alliances constituted one of the forms by which contacts and social and political arrange- ments were set up with the leaders of other groups, in order to gain partners and allies. Under Caesar, in Gaul, the Helvetian Orgetorix, while preparing to invade the west, initiated a series of negotiations and agreements with the neighbours, among other offering his daughter to marry the leader of the Aedui, 366 ‌| A. Rustoiu Dumnorix (Caesar, B. G. I.3). In his turn, Dumnorix established a series of alliances for strengthening his authority and prestige by giving his mother in marriage to a powerful noble from the Bituriges and his female relatives in marriage in other communities (Caesar, B. G. I.18). Such marriage alliances were concluded sometimes between leaders who exercised their authority over distant areas, however, whose fame exceeded by far the limits of the regions they controlled. Thus, the Suebi’s “Ariovistus had two wives: one a Sueban by nation, whom he brought with him from home, the other a Norican, whom he had married in Gaul, having been sent by king Voccio, her brother” (Caesar, B. G. I.53). The practices just described were much more frequent than the glimpses one finds in the accounts of ancient authors. For regions that were of no interest for Mediterranean observers, who might have reported events of the sort as well, the only sources available are the archaeological data. Arnold (2005) has introduced the topic of the mobility of women within Iron Age societies in the form of marriage alliances. She argued that women’s mobility as a result of marriages may be occasionally visible archaeologically if, among other factors, the general dress elements of the community of origin and those of the new group were differentiated and if the subject preserved costume types in the new ‘country’. Grave 3 discovered in the cemetery at Remetea Mare in Banat is an example (Medeleţ mss.b; Rustoiu 2006b, 215–216, fig. 6–8; Rustoiu 2008b, 28–29, fig. 4). Respective cemetery evolved for a short period over LT B2 and the start of LT C1. By its funerary rite and ritual features, the cemetery at Remetea Mare illustrates the cultural mixture specific to Celtic cemeteries in the east and south of the Carpathian Basin. With one exception, it includes cremation graves, whose inventories are typical La Tène. The excep- tion above is a female inhumation grave, whose goods comprised a handmade bowl (Pl. 15/6), a small bi-conical wheel-made vessel (Pl. 15/7), iron tweezers that when discovered, still preserved attached fabric pieces of the dead clothing (Pl. 15/5), a bronze Thracian brooch (Pl. 15/3) and a segment of an astragal belt reused as pendant (Pl. 15/4). Both the funerary rite (unique amongst other graves in the cemetery) and inventory suggest that the woman came from a community markedly different from that where she died and was buried. Astragal belts had a long-lasting evolution in the north-western Balkans, starting in the Early Iron Age (see Jovanović 1998). The belt fragment from Remetea Mare is related to the Osijek type which is found in the territory of the Scordisci (Božič 1982). The belt element from Remetea Mare was used as pendant. The reuse of belt parts in a similar fashion was also noted in other cases. Thus, in a grave at Mahrevići, in Bosnia- Herzegovina, a pendant was identified as having been made of a fragment of an enamelled ‘Hungarian’ belt chain (Truhelka 1912, 21, fig. 12; Guštin 1984, 340, n. 106). The ‘Thracian’ brooch belongs to the IIb variant according to V. V. Zirra’s typology and was dated in the first half of the 3rd century BC (Zirra 1998, 41, fig. 4/5 where the brooch drawing at Remetea Mare is wrong). Brooches of this variant were distributed especially in north-western Bulgaria and southern Romania (at Zimnicea and Bâzdâna) and also in the southern Banat (at Banatska Palanka) and the Iron Gates area (Zirra 1998, fig. 10). Recently, Rastko Vasić underlined that ‘Thracian’ brooches also appear in the western Balkans. This Serbian researcher noted that such pieces are concentrated, amongst other areas, in the eastern territory of the Scordisci and in the Iron Gates area where they remained in fashion for an extended period (Vasić 2000). Given these costume elements, one may assume that the grave at Remetea Mare belonged to a woman coming from a community south of the Danube, located in a contact zone between Thracian and Celtic-Illyrian worlds where inhumation was practiced, at least partially if not exclusively. She may have reached the La Tène community at Remetea Mare following a matrimonial alliance established between the Celts from the Banat and a south Danubian group sometime in the first half of the 3rd century BC. These graves in ‘foreign’ cultural environments pose a series of additional problems of interpretation. The dead were buried with the specific dress and according to rite and ritual prescriptions specific to the areas of origin. Preservation of adornment and dress elements indicate they enjoyed a privileged status within the new communities, while their origin was not concealed by local garment elements. Moreover, for the burials to be ritually correct, it was required that women were accompanied by a number of persons (an entourage) who applied the traditional prescriptions of their country of origin. Therefore, a marriage alliance involved, even if only temporary over the life of the woman engaged in such a relationship, the mobility of a larger number of individuals. This allowed the circulation of concrete products from one area to another, the diffusion of specific behavioural and ideology elements from one community to another. In the same context of intercommunity relations established due to the mobility of certain individu- als, we should mention craftsmen activities within communities differing from those of the country of origin. The contribution of Thracian and Greek metal craftsmen in the production of specific items and  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 367 transfer of technologies in the Celtic-native environment was significant. Miklós Szabó noted two decades ago that “the Thracian contribution to the formation of the toreutics of the Celtic Oriental koiné cannot be contested” (Szabó 1991, 127). In the analysis of the role of foreign craftsmen – either originating in the Thracian area or from Macedonia or Greece – a few points of interpretation stand out. Firstly, the new communities formed on the fusion of settlers and natives led to mixed cultural forms. They were expressed, for instance, by orna- ments which combine local and La Tène elements. Such aspects were discussed above. Secondly, the metal craftsmen – either native or foreign – were connected or subordinated to com- munity élites and leaders. The latter were the main beneficiaries of luxury products and those who also imposed fashion trends, symbolic significances and functional features of certain adornment or utilitarian pieces. Thirdly, metal craftsmen and generally, all sorts of artisans were mobile both over time and space. The craftsmen passed on specific technologies and knowledge from one generation to another within same families or artisan groups, which explain why certain artefact types or manufacturing techniques perpetuated over time. In addition, the space mobility of the craftsmen was the result of the necessity to identify beneficiaries, who would ensure raw materials, consumption and possibly, protection. The golden hoard at Szárazd–Regöly, Hungary (Pl. 16), which may be rather dated to the middle La Tène, contains a series of jewellery of Balkan or Greek origin – segmented spherical beads, tubular ends of chain decorated in filigree (Pl. 16/1–3) – that started to be used in the local environment as early as the end of the Early Iron Age. They are supplemented by a series of other elements copying Greek or local pieces, yet ornamented according to Celtic symbolic standards. This is the case of the beads decorated with human masks (Pl. 16/5). Wheel-shaped pendants, a common symbol in the La Tène decorative rep- ertoire also add (Pl. 16/4). Respective hoard is indicative of the establishment of a mixed decorative style in the Celtic-native area of the Carpathian Basin (Szabó 1975, 152–155, fig. 7, pl. 7–10; Szabó 1991, 127, fig. 1–2; Szabó 2006, 114–115, fig. 20). On one hand, the craftsman of Balkan origin made a complex jewel of local morphology and technology, on the other hand, certain decorative details were conceived upon the order of Celtic élites, expressing symbolic significances attached to their ideology. This phenomenon of adjusting Mediterranean forms to practical necessities of the dominant Celtic élites occurred at early date. One of the concrete examples is the emergence during LT B2 within warriors’ military equipment of the loop-in-loop sword suspension chains, made of bronze and later of iron (Fig. 7). Their morphology clearly proves that silver or gold jewellery chains, specific to the Mediterranean area, were technically reproduced and transformed for practical use as military equipment pieces (Rustoiu 2008a, 105–116). These chains furthermore emphasize the connection between artisans and warrior élites. On the other hand, the mobility of craftsmen played an important role in the establishment of intercom- munity social communication networks and the transfer of technologies over broader areas. ✴✴✴ Approached from various view-points, the study of cultural exchanges and inter-community rela- tions is important for research into ancient societies. Cultural distance exchanges generated complex inter- community communication strategies and mechanisms (Lang 2002; Venclová 2002, 72–74; Stöllner 2010, 283–286, fig. 5). A significant role in ensuring contacts among communities was played by mobility either individual or in groups. Such mobility secured not only the transfer of archaeologically visible material goods from one cultural space to another, but also the circulation of immaterial goods, invis- ible from the view-point of traditional archaeology. This is the case of the ‘intellectual goods’, technology, behavioural, ideology transfers and so forth (Venclová 2002, 74–75). Distance communications and contacts were also ensured by the migration of communities from one geographical area to another which occasionally led to cultural re-configurations of the place of destination and the creation of new social networks both within and outside the human groups in motion. Given these remarks, the relations estab- lished between the Celts and the native populations in the southern region of the Carpathian Basin may be understood from a new perspective. These relations underwent several stages throughout early La Tène. In the first stage, a series of distance cultural contacts were established between native and La Tène communities in the eastern Alpine area and Transdanubia. Such contacts took various forms of individual or group mobility. As previously mentioned, individual circulation along major communication routes was important in the distribution of artefacts specific to certain cultural circles. Additionally, the mobility of warriors 368 ‌| A. Rustoiu who engaged in military raids at considerable distance from their areas of origin or as mercenaries in the eastern Mediterranean basin was also essential in the establishment of contacts among different com- munities. This type of mobility involved diplomatic agreements that would regulate relations between the natives whose territories were crossed and the armed groups. Negotiations were accompanied by the practice of gift exchange between the partners involved. These gifts, which were the symbolic expression of the high status of the giver, comprised goods specific to the partners’ cultural areas of origin, even though functionally, they were similar (for example, horses complete with harness, dress ornaments and other jewellery and metal vessels). 1 2 4 3 5 Fig. 7. Loop-in-loop sword chains. 1. Distribution map (black dots: iron chains; black squares: bronze chains); 2–5. Belgrade–Karaburma (after Todorović 1972), weapons from grave 66 (2–3, 5. iron; 4. bronze). These inter-community communication strategies determined the circulation of products over broad areas, while the mobility of individuals contributed to the spread of fashion or knowledge (symbolic or practical). Thus, the native communities overtook a series of La Tène dress accessories (brooches being most eloquent), irrespective as to how their significance was transformed, being incorporated into local dress ornaments according to local symbolic principles and standards. The southward migration of the Celts, under the form of colonisation of new regions, altered the culture of the area under discussion and initiated a new stage in the relations between La Tène communi- ties and indigenous populations. Identification of mechanisms by which such colonisation was carried out and the means through which new community identities were built following interactions between indigenous populations and newcomers are important for understanding cultural contact forms of this new stage.  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 369 The analysis of finds coming from cemeteries indicates that this was no mass migration of com- munities from the centre or west of the continent towards the east. Groups of settlers included individu- als coming from different communities based on prior social relations between them. Within the new groups, warriors were important from the point of view of cohesion and mobility. The settlers’ advance into the new territories was gradual, lasting for several decades. Interaction between the newcomers and natives led to the establishment of new communities having specific identities, different in case to case. Concurrently, new social networks also involving indigenous communities were initiated. Occasionally, indigenous populations are identifiable within cemeteries based on the preservation of individual funer- ary rites and rituals. In other cases, the natives quickly took over the new ritual norms; however, certain traditional forms survived for some time. Inter-community communication mechanisms promoted by the élites in order to gain partners and allies, were also new as compared to previous periods. An example was the practice of marriage alliances between different communities. Such alliances may occasionally be identified archeologically, like the case of grave 3 in the cemetery at Remetea Mare. An important role in the transfer of tech- nologies and knowledge was played by metal craftsmen coming from the northern Balkans or Greece, who found among the new élites beneficiaries of the products they manufactured. The same products combine La Tène traditional elements with those from local or Greek sources, thus promoting a mixed La Tène style. The Great Expedition to the Balkans and Greece, which occurred subsequently, would further alter a series of cultural features and mechanisms of inter-community connections in the Carpathian Basin. Appendix 1 List of brooches of Early La Tène type (LT B1) discovered in indigenous funerary contexts in southern Carpathian Basin and north-western Balkans (after Popović 1996) Hungary 1. Szentlőrinc Croatia 2. Dalj 3. Jezerine 4. Kompolje 5. Osijek 6. Velika Bosnia And Herzegovina 7. Donja Dolina 8. Sanski Most 9. Vratnica 10. Vrućica Appendix 2 List of zoomorphic brooches (after Binding 1993, 160, type 22: Tierkopffibeln mit aufgerissenem Maul, with modifications and completions; see Fig. 2) Hungary 1. Győr–Újszállás 2. Liter 3. Pilismarot–Basaharc 4. Püspökhatvan 5. Sopron–Bécsidomb 6. Szentendre 7. Unknown site 370 ‌| A. Rustoiu Romania 8. Pecica 9. Timișoara–Cioreni: unpublished, see supra. 10. Fântânele–Dealul Popii (variant): unpublished. Bosnia And Herzegovina 11. Donja Dolina 12. Donja Dolina, grave XLVII Serbia 13. Banjska Stena (Sladić 2002, 37–38, fig. 1) 14. Kostolac (Popović 1996, 117, fig. 12/3) Bulgaria 15. Veliko Târnovo region, hybrid (Mircheva 2007, 71, fig. 7) Appendix 3 List of La Tène funerary discoveries from southern Carpathian Basin and directions of advance of the groups of settlers (see Fig. 3) Romania 1. Aradul Nou (Crișan 1974, 40–44 and information A. Ursuţiu) 2. Cherestur (Medeleţ mss.a) 3. Remetea Mare (Rustoiu 2006b, 223–225, fig. 6–8; Rustoiu 2008a, fig. 55–57; 61; Rustoiu–Egri 2010, 220, pl. 7; Rustoiu–Egri 2011, 28–29, fig. 10; Medeleţ mss.b) Hungary 4. Szőreg (Maráz 1977, 62, no. 42) Serbia 5. Bašaid (Girić 1997) 6. Belgrade–Karaburma (Todorović 1972) 7. Belgrade–Rospi Ćuprija (Todorović 1967) 8. Kostolac–Pećine (Jovanović 1984; 1992; Popović–Jovanović 2004) 9. Kostolac–Repnjak (Jacanović 1987) 10. Kupinovo (Majnarić-Pandžić 1970, 127–129) 11. Požarevac (Božič 1981, 327, pl. 6/5–10) 12. Sremska Mitrovica (Majnarić-Pandžić 1970, 133) 13. Vatin (Medeleţ mss.a) 14. Vršac (Medeleţ mss.a) Croatia 15. Batina (Božič 1981, 327; Szabó–Petres 1992, 108, pl. 99) 16. Bogdanovci (Božič 1981, 327) 17. Dalj (Majnarić-Pandžić 1970, 16–24) 18. Osijek (Božič 1981, 327, pl. 6/1–4; Guštin 1984, 319–320, fig. 10B) References Almássy 2010 Almássy, K., Some new data on the Scythian-Celtic relationship, IN: Jerem, E.–Schönfelder, M.–Wieland, G. 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(ed.), Iron Age Communities in the Carpathian Basin, Proceedings of the Interna- tional Colloquium from Târgu Mureș, 9–11 October 2009, BMM, II, Cluj-Napoca, 297–307. Majnarić-Pandžić Majnarić-Pandžić, N., Keltsko-latenska kultura u Slavoniji i Srijemu, Vinkovci. 1970 Majnarić-Pandžić Majnarić-Pandžić, N., Nekoliko napomena o uvođenju ranolatenskog stila u sjevernu 1996 Hrvatsku i Bosnu, ArhRR, 12, Zagreb, 31–53. Maráz 1977 Maráz, B., Délkelet-Magyarország La Tène-korának kronológiai kérdései, ArchaÉrt, 104, 1, 47–64. Marić 1964 Marić, Z., Donja Dolina, Glasnik ZM, 19, Sarajevo, 5–128. Măndescu 2010 Măndescu, D., Cronologia perioadei timpurii a celei de a doua epoci a fierului (sec. V-III a. Chr.) între Carpaţi, Nistru și Balcani, Brăila. Medeleţ 1982 Medeleţ, F., În legătură cu expediţia întreprinsă de Alexandru Macedon la Dunăre în 335 î.e.n, ActaMN, 19, 13–22. Medeleţ mss.a Medeleţ, F., Epoca Latène în Banat, manuscript. Medeleţ mss.b Medeleţ, F., Necropola La Tène de la Remetea Mare (jud. Timiș), manuscript. Medeleţ–Bejan 1983 Medeleţ, F.–Bejan, A., Un mormânt de incineraţie de la începutul celei de a doua vârste a fierului descoperit la Timișoara, SymThrac, 1, 37. Mircheva 2007 Mircheva, E., La Tène fibulae kept in Varna Archaeological Museum, IN: Vagalinski, L. F. (ed.), The Lower Danube in Antiquity (VI C. BC–VI C. AD), Sofia, 65–72. Mócsy 1972 Mócsy, A., Zu Theopompus Frg. 39–40, Rivista storica dell’antichità, 2, 13–16. Müller 1989 Müller, F., Die frühlatènezeitlichen Scheibenhalsringe. RGF, 46, Mainz. Papazoglu 1978 Papazoglu, F., The Central Balkan Tribes in Pre-Roman Times, Amsterdam. Popović 1996 Popović, P., Early La Tène between Pannonia and the Balkans, Starinar, 47, 105–125. Popović–Jovanović Popović, P.–Jovanović, B., La sépulture 1–3/378 de la nécropole de Pećine près de Kostolac, 2004 Balcanica, 35, 23–34. Pownall 2004 Pownall, F., Lessons from the Past. 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(ed.), Dix ans de coopération franco-hongroise en archéologie: 1988–1998, Budapest, 97–134. Rustoiu 2006a Rustoiu, A., A Journey to Mediterranean. Peregrinations of a Celtic Warrior from Transyl- vania, StudiaUBB, 51, 1, Special Issues: Focusing on Iron Age Élites, 42–85. Rustoiu 2006b Rustoiu, A., The Celts between Tisa and the Carpathians before and after the Great Inva- sion in the Balkans, IN: Sîrbu, V.–Vaida, D. L. (eds.), Thracians and Celts. Proceedings of the International Colloquium from Bistriţa, 18–20 May 2006, Cluj-Napoca, 213–228. Rustoiu 2008a Rustoiu, A., Războinici și societate în aria celtică transilvăneană. Studii pe marginea mormântului cu coif de la Ciumești, Cluj-Napoca.  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 373 Rustoiu 2008b Rustoiu, A., Celţii din Transilvania și comunităţile indigene nord-balcanice. Schimburi culturale și mobilitate individual, EphemNap, 18, 25–44. Rustoiu–Egri 2010 Rustoiu A.–Egri, M., Danubian Kantharoi – Almost three decades later, IN: Berecki, S. (ed.), Iron Age Communities in the Carpathian Basin, Proceedings of the International Colloquium from Târgu Mureș, 9–11 October 2009, BMM, II, Cluj-Napoca, 217–287. Rustoiu–Egri 2011 Rustoiu A.–Egri, M., The Celts from the Carpathian Basin between continental traditions and the fascination of the Mediterranean. A study of the Danubian kantharoi, Cluj-Napoca. Schönfelder 2007 Schönfelder, M., Zurück aus Griechenland – Spuren keltischer Söldner in Mitteleuropa, Germania, 85, 307–328. Sladić 2002 Sladić, M. B., Tragom ranih keltskih uticaja na prostoru Timočke krajine, Balcanica, 32–33, 37–47. Stöllner 1998 Stöllner, T., Grab 102 vom Dürrnberg bei Hallein. Bemerkungen zu den Dürrnberger Kriegergräbern der Frühlatènezeit, Germania, 76, 1, 67–176. Stöllner 2010 Stöllner, T., Kontakt, Mobilität und Kulturwandel im Frühlatènekreis – das Beispiel Frühlatènegürtelhaken, IN: Jerem, E.–Schönfelder, M.–Wieland, G. (eds.), Nord-Süd, Ost- West Kontakte während der Eisenzeit in Europa. Akten der Internationalen Tagungen der AG Eisenzeit in Hamburg und Sopron 2002, Budapest, 277–319. Szabó 1974 Szabó, M., Contribution à l’étude de l’art et de la chronologie de La Tène ancienne en Hongrie, FolArch, 25, 71–86. Szabó 1975 Szabó, M., Sur la question de filigrane dans l’art des celtes orientaux, IN: Jenő, F. (ed.), The Celts in Central Europe, Székesfehérvár, 147–165. Szabó 1991 Szabó, M., Thraco-Celtica, Orpheus, 1, 126–134. Szabó 1992 Szabó, M., Les Celtes de l’Est. Le second Âge du Fer dans la cuvette des Karpates, Paris. Szabó 2006 Szabó, M., Les Celtes de l’Est, IN: Szabó, M. (ed.), Celtes et Gaulois. L’Archéologie face à L’Histoire. Les Civilisés et les Barbares du Ve au IIe siècle avant J.-C. Actes de la table ronde de Budapest 17–18 juin 2005, Collection Bibracte 12/3, Glux-en-Glenne, 97–117. Szabó–Petres 1992 Szabó, M.–Petres, É. F., Decorated weapons of the La Tène Iron Age in the Carpathian Basin, Budapest. Tasić 1992 Tasić, N., The Pre-Celtic Population of the Serbian Danube Valley and the Northen Balkan, IN: Tasić, N. (ed.), Scordisci and the Native Population in the Middle Danube Region, Belgrade, 7–17. Todorović 1967 Todorović, J., Praistorijske nekropole na Rospi Ćupriji kod Beograda, Starinar, 18, 153–162. Todorović 1972 Todorović, J., Praistorijska Karaburma I. Nekropola mladeg gvozdenog doba, Beograd. Truhelka 1912 Truhelka, C., Ein tumulus der La Tène Periode in Mahrevići, WMBH, 12, Sarajevo, 12–28. Vasić 2000 Vasić, R., Thracian fibulae in the west: Invasion or cultural exchange?, ArchBulg, 4, 1, 13–20. Venclová 2002 Venclová, N., External contacts: visible and invisible, IN: Lang, A.–Salač, V. (Hrsg.), Fernkontakte in der Eisenzeit, Praha, 72–82. Vulpe 2001 Vulpe, A., Istoria și civilizaţia spaţiului carpato-dunărean între mijlocul sec. al VII-lea și începutul sec. al III-lea a. Chr, IN: Petrescu-Dîmboviţa, M.–Vulpe, A. (coord.), Istoria Românilor, vol. 1, București, 451–500. Vulpe–Zahariade 1987 Vulpe, A.–Zahariade, M., Geto-Dacii în istoria militară a lumii antice, București. Zirra 1998 Zirra, V. V., Bemerkungen zu den thraco-getischen Fibeln, Dacia N. S., 40–42, 1996–1998, 29–53. List of figures Fig. 1. Distribution map of early La Tène burials in the Carpathian Basin. White triangles – cemeteries LT A; black triangles – cemeteries LT B1; black squares – LT B1 type brooches (the pre-Duchcov horizon) discovered in indigenous graves from southern Carpathian Basin and north-western Balkans (after Jerem 1986 and Popović 1996). See Appendix 1. Fig. 2. Distribution map of zoomorphic brooches (with stylised griffin heads). See Appendix 2. Fig. 3. Distribution map of early La Tène burials from the Carpathian Basin and directions of Celtic colonisation (after Jerem 1986 and Rustoiu 2008a with additions). White triangles: cemeteries LT A; black triangles: cemeteries LT B1; white dots: cemeteries beginning in the LT B1/B2 period; black dots: cemeteries beginning in the LT B2 period. See Appendix 3. 374 ‌| A. Rustoiu Fig. 4. Distribution map of neck-rings with discs decorated with enamel or coral – Oberrheinische Scheibenhalsringe (after Müller 1989 apud Hauschild 2010). Fig. 5. Distribution map of swords decorated with dragon-pairs (after Stöllner 1998). Fig. 6. Distribution map of swords of Hatvan–Boldog–Silivaș type (after Stöllner 1998, with supplementary finds from Transylvania). Fig. 7. Loop-in-loop sword chains. 1. Distribution map (black dots: iron chains; black squares: bronze chains); 2–5. Belgrade–Karaburma (after Todorović 1972), weapons from grave 66 (2–3, 5. iron; 4. bronze). List of plates Pl. 1. The inventory of the grave from Velika (after Popović 1996, without scale). Pl. 2. Čurug hoard. 1, 5. bronze; 2, 6–11. silver (after Ljuština 2010, without scale). Pl. 3. The inventory of the grave from Timișoara–Cioreni. 1. silver; 2–6. bronze (drawings: F. Medeleţ). Pl. 4. Bronze (1) and iron (2–9) spear butts discovered in Greece and in temperate Europe. 1–2. Olympia; 3. Dorna; 4. Römhild–Steinsberg/Kleiner Gleichberg (Germany); 5. Inzersdorf (Austria); 6. Kosd (Hungary); 7. Suippe; 8. Mairy; 9. Bussy-le-Long (France). After Baitinger 2001 (1–2), Schönfelder 2007 (3–4), Rapin 2000 (5–9), without scale. Pl. 5. Funerary inventories. 1. Osijek, grave 29; 2. Požarevac; 3. Aradu Nou, inhumation grave 2 (1–2. after Božič 1981; 3. after Crișan 1974). Pl. 6. Aradu Nou, cremated grave 1 (after Crișan 1974). Pl. 7. Cherestur, cremated grave in urn (?) (after Medeleţ mss.a, different scales). Pl. 8. Remetea Mare, cremated grave 9 and 10 (after Medeleţ mss.b; Rustoiu 2008, different scales). Pl. 9. Remetea Mare, cremated grave 8 (after Medeleţ mss.b; Rustoiu–Egri 2010, different scales). Pl. 10. Kostolać–Pećine, creamated grave G 1–3/378 (after Popović–Jovanović 2004). Pl. 11. Kostolać–Pećine, inhumation grave G 3–982 (after Jovanović 1984). Pl. 12. Belgrade–Karaburma, grave 62 (after Todorović 1972). Pl. 13. Belgrade–Karaburma, cremated grave 60 (after Todorović 1972). Pl. 14. Belgrade–Karaburma. 1–5. inhumation graves 63; 6–10. inhumation grave 67 (after Todorović 1972; Guštin 1984). Pl. 15. Remetea Mare, inhumation grave 3 (after Medeleţ mss.b; Rustoiu 2008). Pl. 16. Szárazd-Regöly gold hoard: the typology of the inventory (after Szabó 2006, without scale).  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 375 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 14 13 16 15 17 20 18 19 22 21 26 23 24 25 Plate 1. The inventory of the grave from Velika (after Popović 1996, without scale). Plate 1. The inventory of the grave from Velika (after POPOVIĆ 1996), without scale. 376 ‌| A. Rustoiu 1 2 4 3 5 6 7 9 10 11 8 Plate 2. Čurug hoard. 1, 5. bronze; 2, 6–11. silver (after Ljuština 2010, without scale).  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 377 1 2 3 4 7 5 6 8 Plate 3. The inventory of the grave from Timișoara–Cioreni. 1. silver; 2–6. bronze (drawings: F. Medeleţ, without scale). Plate 3. The inventory of the grave from Timişoara–Cioreni. 1. silver; 2–6. bronze (drawings: F. Medeleţ, without scale). 378 ‌| A. Rustoiu 1 2 4 8 9 7 3 5 6 Plate 4. Bronze (1) and iron (2–9) spear butts discovered in Greece and in temperate Europe. 1–2. Olympia; 3. Dorna; 4. Römhild–Steinsberg/Kleiner Gleichberg (Germany); 5. Inzersdorf (Austria); 6. Kosd (Hungary); 7. Suippe; Plate 4.8.Bronze Mairy; 9.(1) Bussy-le-Long (France). and iron (2–9) After spear Baitinger butts 2001 (1–2), discovered Schönfelder in Greece and in 2007 (3–4), Rapin temperate 2000 Europe. (5–9), without scale. 1–2. Olympia; 3. Dorna; 4. Römhild–Steinsberg/Kleiner Gleichberg (Germany); 5. Inzersdorf (Austria); 6. Kosd (Hungary); 7. Suippe; 8. Mairy; 9. Bussy-le-Long (France). After BAITINGER 2001 (1–2), SCHÖNFELDER 2007 (3–4), RAPIN 2000 (5–9), without scale.  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 379 1 2 b a 0 a–b 6cm 0 c–d 3cm c d 3 Plate 5. Funerary inventories. 1. Osijek, grave 29; 2. Požarevac; 3. Aradu Nou, inhumation grave 2 (1–2. after Božič 1981; 3. after Crișan 1974). Plate 5. Funerary inventories. 1. Osijek, grave 29; 2. Požarevac; 3. Aradu Nou, inhumation grave 2 (1–2. after BOŽIČ 1981; 3. after CRIŞAN 1974). 380 ‌| A. Rustoiu 1 5b 2 5c 3 4 6 5a Plate 6. Aradu Nou, cremated grave 1 (after Crișan 1974). Plate 6. Aradu Nou, cremated grave 1 (after CRIŞAN 1974).  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 381 2 1 3 4 5 6 7 8 Plate 7. Cherestur, cremated grave in urn (?) (after Medeleţ mss.a, different scales). Plate 7. Cherestur, cremated grave in urn (?) (after MEDELEŢ mss.a, different scales).  382 ‌| A. Rustoiu Grave 9 Grave 10 Plate 8. Remetea Mare, cremated grave 9 and 10 (after Medeleţ mss.b; Rustoiu 2008, different scales). Plate 8. Remetea Mare, cremated grave 9 and 10 (after MEDELEŢ mss.b; RUSTOIU 2008, different scales).  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 383 1 7 2 8 3 4 9 10 6 12 11 5 13 14 16 17 15 18 19 Plate 9. Remetea Mare, cremated grave 8 (after Medeleţ mss.b; Rustoiu–Egri 2010, different scales). Plate 9. Remetea Mare, cremated grave 8 (after MEDELEŢ mss.b; RUSTOIU–EGRI 2010, different scales). 384 ‌| A. Rustoiu 4 3 1 2 0 50cm 1 3 4 2 5 Plate 10. Kostolać–Pećine, creamated grave G 1–3/378 (after Popović–Jovanović 2004). Plate 10. Kostolać–Pećine, creamated grave G 1–3/378 (after POPOVIĆ–JOVANOVIĆ 2004).  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 385 1 2 3a-b 5 4 11 10 12 13 7 6 8 9 14 1–9 Plate 11. Kostolać–Pećine, inhumation grave G 3–982 (after Jovanović 1984). Plate 11. Kostolać–Pećine, inhumation grave G 3-982 (after JOVANOVIĆ 1984). 386 ‌| A. Rustoiu 1 2 3 4 6 5 7 Plate 12. Belgrade–Karaburma, grave 62 (after Todorović 1972). Plate 12. Belgrade–Karaburma, grave 62 (after TODOROVIĆ 1972).  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 387 2 3 1 6 7 5 8 4 12 9 13 10 14 11 Plate 13. Belgrade–Karaburma, cremated grave 60 (after Todorović 1972). Plate 13. Belgrade–Karaburma, cremated grave 60 (after TODOROVIĆ 1972). 388 ‌| A. Rustoiu 1 2a 2b 3 4 5 6 8 7 9 10 Plate 14. Belgrade–Karaburma. 1–5. inhumation graves 63; 6–10. inhumation grave 67 (after Todorović 1972; Guštin 1984). Plate 14. Belgrade–Karaburma. 1–5. inhumation graves 63; 6–10. inhumation grave 67 (after TODOROVIĆ 1972; GUŠTIN 1984).  The Celts and Indigenous Populations from the Southern Carpathian Basin |������ 389 3 1 4 N 2 5 6 7 0 3–5 3cm 0 6–7 9cm Plate 15. Remetea Mare, inhumation grave 3 (after Medeleţ mss.b; Rustoiu 2008). Plate 15. Remetea Mare, inhumation grave 3 (after MEDELEŢ mss.b; RUSTOIU 2008). 390 ‌| A. Rustoiu 1 2 3 4 5 Plate 16. Szárazd-Regöly gold hoard: the typology of the inventory (after Szabó 2006, without scale). Plate 16. Szárazd-Regöly gold hoard: the typology of the inventory (after SZABÓ 2006, without scale).  ABBREVIATIONS ActaAA Acta Antiqua et Achaeologica, Szeged ActaArchHung Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest ActaArch Carpatica Acta Archaeologica Carpathica, Academia Scientiarum Polona Collegium Cracoviense, Kraków ActaArch København Acta Archeologica, København ActaB Acta Bernensia, Bern ActaMN Acta Musei Napocensis, Cluj-Napoca ActaMP Acta Musei Porolissensis, Zalău ActaTS Acta Terrae Septemcastrensis, Sibiu ActaUL Acta Universitatis Lodziensis, Folia Archaeologica AFN Archäologische Forschungen in Niederösterreich Agria Agria, Annales Musei Agriensis / Az Egri Múzeum Évkönyve (1982), Eger AIH Régészeti Kutatások Magyarországon / Archaeological Investigation in Hungary, Budapest AJB Das archäologische Jahr in Bayern Alba Regia Alba Regia, Annales Musei Stephani Regis, Székesfehérvár Analele Banatului Analele Banatului, Muzeul Banatului, Timișoara AnnalenWien Annalen des Naturhistorischen Museums in Wien Angustia Angustia, Muzeul Carpaţilor Răsăriteni, Sfântu Gheorghe AnthrKözl Anthropológiai Közlemények, A Magyar Biológiai Társaság Embertani Szakosztályának folyóirata, Budapest Apulum Apulum, Acta Musei Apulensis, Alba Iulia ArchAustr Archaeologia Austriaca, Wien ArchBaltica Archaeologia Baltica, Vilnius ArchBulg Archaeologia Bulgarica, Sofia ArchČechách Archeologie ve středních Čechách ArchE Archäologie in Eurasien, Mainz am Rhein ArchÉrt Archaeologiai Értesítő, Budapest ArchHung Archaeologia Hungarica, Budapest ArchIug Archaeologia Iugoslavica ArchKorr Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt, Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum in Mainz ArchKözl Archeologiai Közlemények ArchPol Archeologia Polona ArchRoz Archeologické Rozhledy, Prague ArchS Archäologie in Salzburg ArhMold Arheologia Moldovei, Iași ArhPregl Arheološki Pregled, Arheološko društovo Jugoslavije ArhRR Arheološki radovi i rasprave, Zagreb ArhVest Arheološki vestnik (Acta Archaeologica), Inštitut za arheologijo, Lubljana Arrabona Arrabona, a Győri Múzeum Évkönyve ASF Archaeologia Slovaca Fontes, Bratislava ASM Archaeologica Slovaca Monographiae AuF Ausgrabungen und Funde, Nachrichtenblatt der Landesarchäologie Balcanica Balcanica, Beograd Banatica Banatica, Muzeul de istorie al judeţului Caraș-Severin, Reșiţa BAR British Archaeological Reports, International Series, Oxford BAW Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, München BCȘS Buletinul Cercurilor Știinţifice Studenţești, Alba Iulia 532 ‌| Abbreviations Beiträge UFM Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Mitteleuropas, Weissbach BerRGK Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission BHAUT Bibliotheca Historica et Archaeologica Universitatis Timisiensis BMA Biblioteca Mvsei Apvlensis, Alba Iulia BMAK Biblioteka Muzeum Archeologicznego w Krakówie BMBistriţa Biblioteca Muzeului Bistriţa BMM Bibliotheca Mvsei Marisiensis, Seria Archaeologica, Târgu Mureș / Cluj Napoca BMMK Békés Megyei Múzeumok Közleménye, Békéscsaba BMP Bibliotheca Mvsei Porolissensis, Zalău BT Bibliotheca Thracologica, București CA Cercetări Arheologice CAJ Cambridge Archaeological Journal Carpica Carpica, Muzeul Judeţean de Istorie și Artă „Iulian Antonescu“, Bacău CCA Cronica Cercetărilor Arheologice din România ComArchHung Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungariae, Budapest Corviniana Corviniana, Acta Musei Corviniensis, Hunedoara Crisia Crisia, Muzeul Ţării Crișurilor, Oradea CurrA Current Anthropology ČUsŠ Časopis Učené Společnosti Šafáříkovy, Bratislava Dacia (N. S.) Dacia, Recherches et décuvertes archéologiques en Roumanie, I–XII (1924–1948), București; Nouvelle série (N. S.), Dacia. Revue d’archéologie et d’histoire anciene, București DissPann Dissertationes Pannonicae, ex Instituto Numismatico et Archaeologico Universitatis de Petro Pázmány nominatae Budapestinensis provenientes, Budapest DMB Dissertationes et Monographiae Beograd DolgKolozsvár (Ú. S.) Dolgozatok az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem- és Régiségtárából, (új sorozat, 2006–), Kolozsvár DolgSzeged Dolgozatok, Szeged EA Eurasia Antiqua, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Ea-online European archaeology – online (www.archaeology.ro) ÉC Études Celtiques, Paris EMÉ Az Egri Múzeum Évkönyve EphemNap Ephemeris Napocensis, Cluj–Napoca ET Etudes Touloises, Toul FAP Fontes Archaeologici Pragenses FAPos Fontes Archaelogici Posnanienses FHA Fontes Historiae Antiquae, , Poznań FolArch Folia Archeologica, a Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum Évkönyve, Budapest FÖ Fundberichte aus Österreich, Wien FS Fundberichte aus Schwaben, Stuttgart Germania Germania, Frankfurt am Main Glasnik SAD Glasnik Srpskog Arheološkog Društva, Beograd Glasnik ZM Glasnik Zemaljskog Muzeja Bosne i Hercegovine u Sarajevu Hierasus Hierasus, Muzeul Judeţean Botoșani HOMÉ A Herman Ottó Múzeum Évkönyve, Miskolc HOMO HOMO, Journal of Comparative Human Biology IA Internationale Archäologie, Buch am Erlbach, Espelkamp, Rahden/Westf. IPH Inventaria Praehistorica Hungariae, Budapest ISPRS International Society for Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing – International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences Istros Istros, Buletinul Muzeului Brăilei, Brăila JAA Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, Amsterdam Jahrbuch Liechtenstein Jahrbuch des Historischen Vereins für das Fürstentum Liechtenstein, Vaduz Jahrbuch Mecklenburg Jahrbuch für Bodendenkmalpflege in Mecklenburg Jahrbuch RGZM Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz  Abbreviations�������� |������ 533 JahrOM Jahrbuch des Oberösterreichischen Musealvereines, Linz JAMÉ A Nyíregyházi Jósa András Múzeum Évkönyve, Nyíregyháza JAS Journal of Archaeological Science, London JBAA Journal of the British Archaeological Association JEA Journal of European Archaeology, Durham, UK JPMÉ A Janus Pannonius Múzeum Évkönyve, Pécs JRA Journal of Roman Archaeology JSP Journal of Sedimentary Petrology KÖK Kulturális Örökségvédelmi Kismonográfiák, Budapest Közlemények Kolozsvár Közlemények az Erdélyi Nemzeti Múzeum Érem- és Régiségtárából, Cluj Litua Litua, Muzeul Gorjului MAB Monumenta Archaeologica Barbarica, Kraków Marisia Marisia (V–), Studii și Materiale, Târgu Mureș Marmatia Marmatia, Anuarul Muzeului Judeţean Maramureș MatArch Materiały Archeologiczne, Kraków MatStar Materiały Starożytne (i Wczesnośredniowieczne) MAZ Mainzer Archäologische Zeitschrift MBVF Münchner Beiträge zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte, München MCA Materiale și Cercetări Arheologice, București MFMÉ A Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve, Szeged MittAGW Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft Wien MittAIUAW Mitteilungen des Archäologischen Instituts der Ungarisches Akademie der Wissenschaf- ten, Budapest MKCSM Múzeumi kutatások Csongrád megyében MΩMOΣ MΩMOΣ, Őskoros Kutatók Összejövetelének konferenciakötete MPK Mitteilungen der Prähistorischen Kommision, Viena MSVF Marbuger Studien zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte, Marburg NMMÉ Nógrád Megyei Múzeum Évkönyve OIAS Opera Instituti Archaeologici Sloveniae OJA Oxford Journal of Archaeology OpArch Opuscula Archaeologica, Arheološki zavod, Filozofski fakultet u Zagrebu ÖAW Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien Ősrégészeti levelek Ősrégészeti levelek / Prehistoric newsletter, Budapest PA Patrimonium Apulense, Alba Iulia PamArch Památky Archeologické, Praha PAS Prähistorische Archäologie in Südosteuropa, Berlin, Kiel, München PB Patrimonium Banaticum, Timișoara PBF Prähistorische Bronzefunde, München / Stuttgart Peuce Peuce, Studii și cercetări de istorie și arheologie, Institutul de Cercetari Eco-Muzeale Tulcea, Institutul de Istorie si Arheologie, Tulcea Prace Łodz NK Prace i Materiały Muzeum Archeologicznego i Etnograficznego w Łodzi. Seria Numiz- matyczna i Konserwatorska Prace Łodz Arch Prace i Materiały Muzeum Archeologicznego i Etnograficznego w Łodzi. Seria Numiz- matyczna i Konserwatorska Pontica Pontica, Anuarul Muzeului de Istorie Naţională și Arheologie Constanţa PPP Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology PPS Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, London Prilozi IAZ Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju iz Zagreba PrzArch Przegląd Archeologiczny, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk PZ Praehistorische Zeitschrift, Berlin PUD Publications de l’Université de Dijon, Paris RadMV Rad Muzeja Vojvodine RAO Revue archéologique de l’ouest, Rennes RAP Revue archéologique de Picardie, Amiens RBPA Regensburger Beiträge zur Prähistorischen Archäologie 534 ‌| Abbreviations RégFüz Régészeti Füzetek, Budapest RevBis Revista Bistriţei, Complexul Judeţean Muzeal Bistriţa-Năsăud RevMuz Revista Muzeelor, București RGF Römisch-Germanische Forschungen, Mainz / Berlin RGZM Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Monographien, Bonn / Mainz RoczK Rocznik Kaliski Sargetia Sargeţia, Buletinul Muzeului judeţului Hunedoara, Acta Musei Devensis, Deva Savaria Savaria, a Vas Megyei Múzeumok Értesítője, Szombathely SBA Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde, Bonn SBHM Schriften des Bernischen Historischen Museums, Bern SCIV(A) Studii și Cercetări de Istorie Veche (și Arheologie 1974–), București SHN Studia Historica Nitriensia SMA Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology SlovArch Slovenská Archeológia, Nitra SMMK Somogy Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei, Kaposvár SNMB Sbornik Narodnog Muzeija Beograd SNMP Sborník Národního muzea v Praze, řada A – Historie / Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae, Series A – Historia, Praha SpecNova Specimina Nova Dissertationum ex Institutom Historico Universitatis Quinqueecclesien- sis de Jano Pannonio nominatae, Pécs SprArch Sprawozdania Archeologiczne, Kraków SSUUB Schriften des Seminars für Urgeschichte der Universität Bern Starinar Starinar, Arheološki institute, Beograd StCom Satu Mare Studii și Comunicări Satu Mare StCom Sibiu Studii și Comunicări, Muzeul Brukenthal, Sibiu StudiaUBB Studia Universitatis Babeș–Bolyai, series Historia, Cluj-Napoca Studii Studii. Revistă de știinţă și filosofie Študijné zvesti Študijné zvesti, Archeologického Ústavu Slovenskej Akadémie Vied, Nitra Swiatowit Swiatowit, Rocznik katedry archeologii pierwotnej i wczesnosredniowiecznej Universytetu Warszawskiego SymThrac Symposia Thracologica, Institutul Român de Tracologie, București TAT Tübinger Archäologische Taschenbücher Thraco-Dacica Thraco-Dacica, Institutul de Tracologie, București UPA Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie, Bonn VAMZ Vjesnik Arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu VDBMB Veröffentlichungen aus dem Deutschen Bergbau-Museum Bochum VMMK A Veszprém Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei VKGLBW Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Württemberg VMUFP Veröffentlichungen des Museums für Ur- und Frühgeschichte Potsdam VNMW Veröffentlichungen aus dem Naturhistorischen Museum, Wien VSADS Veröffentlichungen des Staatlichen Amtes für Denkmalpflege Stuttgart VsP Východoslovenský pravek, Archeologický ústav Slovenskej Akadémie Vied, Nitra VTLF Veröffentlichungen des Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum, Innsbruck VVSM Veröffentlichungen des Vorgeschichtlichen Seminars Marburg, Marburg–Espelkamp WA Wiadomości Archeologiczne, Państwowe Muzeum Archeologiczne, Warsaw WArch World Archaeology, Oxford, Oxbow WFA Wiener Forschungen zur Archäologie, Wien WissSchrN Wissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe Niederösterreich WMBH Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien und der Herzegowina, Wien WPZ Wiener prähistorische Zeitschrift, Wien WZGK Westdeutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kunst Zalai Múzeum Zalai Múzeum, Közlemények Zala megye múzeumaiból, Zalaegerszeg Zborník SNM Zborník Slovenského Národného Múzea, Bratislava Ziridava Ziridava, Muzeul Arad