EXPRESSION quaterly e-journal of atelier in cooperation with uispp-cisnep. international scientific commission on the intellectual and spiritual expressions of non-literate peoples N°8 June 2015 Melanesia. Tapa bark cloth painted in brown and black. 40 x 80 cm. (Archives Anati). Mundial de la UNESCO, Actas del IVCongreso (Va- The Wall Art of Teleilat Ghassul, Jordan: lencia, 3-4-5 December 2008), Valencia (Generalitat When, Where, Why, to Whom and by Valenciana), pp. 303–16. Whom? SMITH, C. 1992 Colonizing with style: reviewing the nexus between rock art, territoriality and the colonisation Bernadette Drabsch School of Design, Communication and Information and occupation of Sahul, Australian Archaeology, 34, Technology, University of Newcastle, Challaghan pp. 34-42. Australia UTRILLA, P.; BALDELLOU, V.; BEA, M. 2012 Aragon and Spanish Levantine art: a territorial Abstract study, in García, J.L., Collado, H., Nash, G. (eds.), The prehistoric paintings found on the walls of selected The Levantine Question: Post-Palaeolithic rock art in the structures at Teleilat Ghassul in Jordan are stunning, Iberian Peninsula, Budapest (Archaeolingua), pp. 263- mysterious and historically significant. While the 282. subject matter of the individual scenes is undoubtedly VILLAVERDE, V; MARTÍNEZ, R; GUILLEM, P.; intriguing it will not be the focus of the current paper. LÓPEZ, E.; DOMINGO, I. This discussion will concentrate on some of the bigger 2012 What do we mean by Levantine rock art?, questions, such as, when these painting were created, in García, J.L., Collado, H., Nash, G. (eds.), The why they were produced, where they were situated, Levantine Question: Post-Palaeolithic rock art in the who created them and who their audience was. This Iberian Peninsula, Budapest (Archaeolingua), pp. 81- interrogative approach provides further insights 115. into their significance within the socially enigmatic, symbolically rich culture that flourished beside the Dead Sea in the later years of the fifth millennium BCE. The fragmentary and multi-layered wall paintings of Teleilat Ghassul came from a 20-ha site situated in the south Jordan Valley just above the Dead Sea, and were discovered by four different excavation teams. Of the seven most coherent wall paintings (Cameron, 1981), the first five were uncovered during the 1929–38 and 1959–60 seasons by teams from the Pontifical Biblical Institute (PBI) in Rome. They include the famous ‘Star’ painting; the ‘Bird and Spook Masks’ scene; the ‘Notables’; the misnamed ‘Tiger’ fresco and the mysterious ‘Geometric’ tableau (Mallon et al., 1934; North, 1961; Drabsch 2015, in press). The second two missions (1967–77 and 1994–99) were largely sponsored by the University of Sydney, and the excavations revealed the ‘Processional’ scene and ‘Zig-Zag’ frescoes under J. Basil Hennessy’s supervision (Hennessy, 1969; Cameron, 1981; Bourke, 2008; Drabsch and Bourke, 2014). The frescoes reveal a highly developed form of visual communication with images that can still be read, to a certain extent, by the modern viewer (Drabsch and JUNE 2015 50  (Mairs, 2009; Meadows, 2005); the open houses and external workplaces of the early phases gradually became more enclosed and private (Bourke, 2008); technological regimes revealed ever more specialized industries (Rowan and Golden, 2009); the focus of ritual activities turned from domestic-context lineage house shrines to larger purpose-built civic-focused sanctuaries (Seaton, 2008); and aspects of deities worshipped came to reflect the new requirements and concerns of the diverse populace, echoing age-old concerns about fertility and surplus (Bourke, 2008; Drabsch, 2015, in press). This transitional period arguably saw changes in civil governance, as the mantle of power shifted from clan elders to practitioners able to manipulate ideological power rather than force of numbers (Levy, 1995). It is possible that these civic practitioners oversaw the building of communal structures, Fig. 1. Map of Jordan showing the location of Teleilat Ghassul. guarded and distributed surpluses, and materialized Bourke, 2014, p. 1095). These prehistoric narratives their ideologically derived authority by restricting illustrate masked processions and allude to rituals access to the secret knowledge of production of key rich in symbolism and iconographic complexity. Yet, specialized industries (Seaton, 2008). This was a despite their importance, these artworks have been time of innovation, prosperity and peace. At its peak largely overlooked by art historians and archaeologists, Ghassul had one of the largest populations across the with very little research undertaken until the author’s region, and was the focus of creativity and ritualized recent study (Drabsch, 2015, in press). This paper will activities, making it the cosmopolitan capital of the summarize some of the conclusions from that study, southern Levant in the Chalcolithic period (Bourke, exploring the questions of when, where, why and 2008, p. 146). by whom these magnificent artworks were created, The spectacular wall paintings created in this flourishing leaving the question of subject matter aside for the village were not merely unique masterpieces of visual moment. art but reflect a brief and brilliant episode in a long history of outstanding artistic achievement in the When and where? ancient Near East. The frescoes have many exceptional Teleilat Ghassul was chiefly occupied during the technical elements that have often been overlooked, Chalcolithic Period of the southern Levant, a such as impressed ornamentation, architectural prosperous millennium falling roughly between 4700 features drawn from a bird’s eye view, landscape BCE and 3700 BCE, and positioned at the transition designs, depictions of arguably real-life events, highly between the Neolithic beginnings of sedentary life individualized masked characters, the first employment and the first urban phase of the Early Bronze Age. of a ground-line, and the use of carefully drafted Many facets of Chalcolithic culture reflect this geometric elements, all demonstrating both technical transitional position. The small farming villages of innovation and extraordinary skills (Drabsch, 2015, the Early Chalcolithic gradually increased in size and in press). complexity over the course of the millennium (Bourke, Although there are fragmentary murals known from 2008; Rowan and Golden, 2009); the agricultural and other Near Eastern sites, such as those found at pastoral practices became ever more sophisticated Bouqras (Akkermans and Schwartz, 2003), Catal and provided a reliable and significant surplus Hoyuk (Mellaart, 1967), Arslan Tepe (Frangipane, 2004), Munbaqa (Dunham, 1993) and Tell Halawa 51 EXPRESSION N° 8 Fig. 2. Illustration of re-adjusted ‘Star’ fresco (by Drabsch 2015 after Mallon et al., 1934: Frontispiece). (Luth, 1989), elaborate fresco construction does not each of the structures in which these artworks were seem to have been a common occurrence. Out of discovered. The majority of the wall paintings found all the Chalcolithic sites uncovered in the southern at Teleilat Ghassul were located within apparently Levant only two small fragments of wall art have been unexceptional dwelling units, each containing hearths, located outside Ghassul, with one piece found at En a variety of storage bins and built features, and the Gedi (Ussishkin, 1971) and another at Abu Hamid usual assemblage of material cultural items (Mallon et (Dollfus, Kafafi, 1993). The rarity of elaborate fresco al., 1934; Koeppel et al., 1940; Hennessy, 1969; 1982; production suggests that the technology was sharply Bourke et al., 1995). However, many of the painted restricted, with knowledge regulated in all likelihood structures also contained atypical elements of material by ritual practitioners. After the collapse of the culture, or uncommon concentrations of ostensibly Ghassulian culture, there were no frescoes produced standard items. These anomalous items included in the southern Levant for at least a millennium. caches of ceramic cornet cups, concentrations of large However, frescoes did become more commonplace animal horns and child burials, in addition to finely along the Syrian Euphrates during the subsequent made and carefully decorated ceramic, stone, bone Early Bronze Age, suggesting a greater degree of and shell items (Mallon et al., 1934; Koeppel et al., cultural continuity in the north than in the south. 1940; Hennessy, 1969; 1982; Bourke et al., 1995; Drabsch, 2015, in press). Finally, some of the painted Why and for whom? structures, such as Building 78 on Tell 3 displayed an While always a challenging exercise, the attempt to anomalous continuity of layout and structural design evaluate the role and impact of the Ghassulian murals over several phases of occupation, perhaps spanning in their society should begin with a thorough review 200–300 years (Mallon et al., 1934, p. 132; Koeppel of what may be called the cultural biography of et al., 1940, pp. 45-46). JUNE 2015 52 It is possible that the painted buildings of Ghassul power for the clustered sub-urban neighbourhoods of may have served as lineage houses (Düring 2005, p. Ghassul. The central role of the wall paintings contained 9), in a similar manner to those identified by Düring within these structures, as social guide and medium at Neolithic Asikli Hoyuk and at Catal Hoyuk of instruction, places them at the heart of Ghassulian (Düring, 2005; Hodder, 2006; Watkins, 2012). In his social organization. The function of the wall paintings ground-breaking work on the significance of building within these houses seems to recall significant episodes continuity, Düring (2005, p. 9) suggested that simple of ritual activity carried out by the associated lineage domestic structures could become increasingly groups. The wall paintings were renewed and often elaborate over time, as they acquired ritual significance changed completely, perhaps on an annual basis, so and became central to a larger group of households. the episodic nature of events being illustrated and He states: ‘Through their cultural biographies domestic commemorated and the declining relevance of older houses can, over time, gradually become lineage events should be taken into account. It can be argued houses that are the focus of ritual activities and bind that some of these images acted as mnemonic devices, together a group of kinspeople. These buildings are of recording key events carried out by significant lineage major importance for the creation and reproduction individuals, recording their involvement in annual of group identities beyond the household level. A processions, initiations and rights of passage, acting metaphor often used in southeast Asian societies as history houses or memory houses in a similar way where these houses have been recognised is that of a to those at Çatal Hüyük (Hodder, 2006; Watkins, tree, with the lineage house representing the original 2012). By recording these activities in a manner that stem of the lineage, and dependent houses as branches acted to reinforce their social message, they became developing from the main body’ (Düring, 2005, p. 9). intricately linked with the constructed identity of The ability of these continuously occupied, ritually the lineage group, and in so doing acquired a degree elaborate buildings to embody group histories, of intrinsic value independent of their substantial communicate ritual information, and mediate status production costs. This intrinsic value was perhaps and prestige meant that each became the key locus of related in part to the importance of the creative ritual Fig. 3. Fragments of Hennessy’s ‘Processional’ fresco. 53 EXPRESSION N° 8 of painting in itself, rather than the illustration of the By whom? subject matter alone (Lewis-Williams, Pearce, 2005, p. So who where the creators of these images? Recent 222; Hodder, 2006, p. 250; Drabsch, Bourke, 2014, experimental projects carried out by the author p. 1096). (Drabsch, 2015, in press) revealed that a very high The spectacular polychrome artwork would have degree of technical skill, knowledge and time are enlivened these lineage houses, making the structures required to produce large wall frescoes similar to suitable arenas for the celebration of all types of special those found at Teleilat Ghassul. It is therefore quite events. The history houses may have been curated likely that the original murals were created by talented by key ritual practitioners, with access limited to artisans who specialized in this very technical field appropriately initiated family members, special guests (Drabsch 2015, in press). The disappearance of this and visiting kinspeople. The combination of bright knowledge at the end of the Chalcolithic implies that colours seen under flickering light, the employment of it might have been a closely guarded secret husbanded finely made and occasionally exotic items, the burning by the ruling elite, and lost when this group ceased to of incense, the drinking of alcoholic beverages and function. Due to the fact that the murals contained the presence together of respected members of the cultic themes there is a strong possibility that the clan would have provided these structures with an creators of the frescoes belonged to something akin accruing prestige all of their own (Mallon et al., 1934; to a medieval guild either closely associated with or Koeppel et al., 1940, Hennessy, 1969; 1982; Bourke controlled by the ruling elites as ritual leaders. As et al., 1995). The possible involvement in child burial Maringer (1977, p. 120) pointed out in his exploration ceremonies and potentially rites-of-passage rituals, as of the role of early priesthoods: ‘The central function suggested in Hennessy’s ‘Processional’ fresco (Drabsch, of the priesthood consisted undoubtedly of offering Bourke, 2014), would have invested these elaborately service to a super-human power or a personal deity in decorated buildings with a sense of drama and pathos, charge of a community. But other functions were also affecting the lives of all individuals connected with perceptible, such as praying, leading processions and them. In his discussion of the role of wall paintings dances, symbolic activities, producing cult pictures and at Catal Hoyuk, Last (1998, p. 375) came to an probably also cult objects, presiding over sanctuaries, insightful conclusion that parallels the situation at and perhaps even establishing a holy calendar to fix Ghassul, stating, ‘Through them people found a design the times of annual ceremonies and the key points of for living, a habitus, which individuals and households the rural year’. worked through in their own way. And the creation of These cultic pictures certainly would have reinforced new images was in turn the outcome of that habitus.’ the important role of the ritual practitioners in the The time period between re-plasterings of the history minds of their viewers, as the materialization of houses is unknown, but it is possible that the regular ideology was often undertaken by dominant social renewal of the frescoes (as hinted at by Hennessy’s groups and played an important role in moulding the observations on repeated re-paintings on a very thin beliefs of individuals for collective social action (Stein, lime wash, 1982, p. 56) was a ritual act in its own 1994, p. 43; DeMarrais et al., 1996, p. 16; Rothman right. The re-imagining of important compositions, 2004). As DeMarrais (1996, p. 18) has suggested, evoking current events, perhaps generated as much leaders who ruled by ideological power tended to pomp and importance as the actual ceremonial restrict access to the materials and technology needed activities themselves, as here they were being honoured to create the symbolic items associated with their and encapsulated in permanent form. It is feasible creed. that the wall paintings carried a similar function to It is possible that ritual artists played a significant role those at Catal Hoyuk, of which Lewis-Williams and in the Ghassulian community, and may have been Pearce (2005, p. 111) noted, ‘The act of making and held in high esteem. However, their creations were remaking was as important as – or, perhaps, more frequently covered with lime-plaster and renewed. important than – the finished image.’ This suggests that the value placed on these murals was differently attained from that of modern Western JUNE 2015 54 Fig. 4. Illustration of Hennessy’s ‘Processional’ fresco. modes of appreciation. In contrast to modern notions, 2009, pp. 71–72). the people of Ghassul frequently covered over their stunning murals and repainted quite different scenes Discussion on a reworked blank surface, supporting the view that The intricately painted wall frescoes of Teleilat the ritualized act of creation was perhaps at least as Ghassul play a significant role in our understanding important as the finished artworks themselves. This does of the sociology of late prehistoric peoples in the not mean that individual scenes were not significant southern Levant. The artworks from this time have in themselves, as the attested repetition of key design been largely overlooked in comparison with earlier elements would indicate the opposite (Drabsch, 2015, and later periods, yet they reveal significant insights in press). As proposed above, the scenes were probably into the organizational principles governing the very important to the curators of the decorated houses lives of individuals during this transitional era. The and/or sanctuary buildings, and most likely served compositions of the paintings reveal highly developed a mnemonic function, recalling significant rites of visual narratives, recording events, unique features passage, ritual performances or ceremonial events. It and distinctive characters, and were most likely used is likely that the ritual practitioners repainted these to record and fix memories of special occasions which scenes when a significant event had been deemed illustrated key elements of their beliefs. The depiction to occur, with slight alterations made to reflect the of these scenes on the walls of their communal latest circumstance. It is also quite plausible that the dwellings emphasized a sense of place and a sense specialized artisans who perfected the pyrotechnical of belonging, binding the viewers together through skills necessary for fresco production, were closely shared memories in pigment. connected to the people who developed the complex The act of creation may well have contained a ritual and highly innovative metallurgical industry, another significance in and of itself, one key component guild or fellowship that disappeared with the collapse in a larger ritual event. The highly developed skills of the Ghassulian society (Gonen, 1994: 80, Tadmor, needed to produce the Ghassulian frescoes indicate 2003, p. 277; Seaton, 2008, p. 167; Rowan, Golden, that the artisans were most likely trained professionals 55 EXPRESSION N° 8 perhaps belonging to a specialized guild akin to that of 88, pp. 1081-1098. metalworkers. The members of this guild were perhaps DULLFUS, G.; KAFAFI, Z. regulated by or attached to the evolving group of ritual 1993 Recent Researches at Abu Hamid, Annual of practitioners who appear to have been a significant the Department of Antiquities Jordan, 37, pp. 241-262. and powerful governing entity at this time. The fact DUNHAM, S. that this closely guarded knowledge disappeared with 1993 A Wall Painting from Tell al-Raqai, North- the collapse of this distinctive culture reinforces the east Syria, Levant, 25, pp. 127-143. assumption. DÜRING, B. 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