Routiers et mercenaires pendant la guerre de Cent ans Guilhem Pépin est chercheur, spécialiste de la Gascogne anglaise Françoise Lainé est professeur d’histoire du Moyen Âge (émérite) à l’université Bordeaux Montaigne Frédéric Boutoulle est professeur d’histoire du Moyen Âge à l’université Bordeaux Montaigne Illustration de couverture : “Comment Messire John Hawkwood chevaucha dans le territoire et contado de Florence”, Come Messer Johanni Aguto chavalco insul terreno e contado di Firenza, Archivio di Stato di Lucca, Biblioteca, mss. 107, fol. 98r, su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali.  Ausonius Éditions — Scripta Mediævalia 28 — Routiers et mercenaires pendant la guerre de Cent ans Hommage à Jonathan Sumption Actes du colloque de Berbiguières (13-14 septembre 2013) textes réunis par Guilhem Pépin, Françoise Lainé et Frédéric Boutoulle Ouvrage publié avec le concours du laboratoire GDR 3434 Mondes Britanniques — Bordeaux 2016 — Notice catalographique : Pépin, G., F. Lainé et F. Boutoulle, éd. (2016) : Routiers et mercenaires pendant la guerre de Cent ans. Hommage à Jonathan Sumption, Ausonius Scripta Mediævalia 28, Bordeaux. Mots-clés : armée contractuelle, permanente, chevauchée, guerre, hommes d’armes, logistique, mercenaires, pillage, routiers, tactique, violence AUSONIUS Maison de l’Archéologie F - 33607 Pessac cedex http://ausonius.u-bordeaux-montaigne.fr/EditionsAusonius Directeur des Publications : Olivier Devillers Secrétaire des Publications : Nathalie Tran Graphisme de Couverture : Stéphanie Vincent Pérez Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La loi du 11 mars 1957 sur la propriété littéraire et intellectuelle interdit les copies ou reproductions destinées à une utilisation collective. Toute représentation ou reproduction intégrale ou partielle faite par quelque procédé que ce soit sans le consentement de l’éditeur ou de ses ayants droit, est illicite et constitue une contrefaçon sanctionnée par les articles 425 et suivants du Code pénal. © AUSONIUS 2016 ISSN : 1962-1744 ISBN : 978-2-35613-149-2 Achevé d’imprimer sur les presses de l’imprimerie SEPEC Z.A. des Bruyères 01960 Peronnas 1er mars 2016  Sommaire Frédéric Boutoulle et Guilhem Pépin, Avant-propos 9 Jean-Philippe Genet, Introduction 15 Guilhem Pépin, Les routiers gascons, basques, agenais et périgourdins du parti anglais : motivations, origines et la perception de leur présence (v. 1360-v. 1440). 23 Armand Jamme, Routiers et distinction sociale : Bernard de La Sale, l’Angleterre et le pape 57 Justine Firnhaber-Baker, Soldiers, Villagers, and Politics: Military Violence and the Jacquerie of 1358 101 Nicolas Savy, Les procédés tactiques des compagnies anglo-gasconnes entre Garonne et Loire (1350-1400) 115 Pierre Prétou, Les voisins contre la route : réactions et imprécations communautaires en Gascogne face aux bandes armées pendant la guerre de Cent ans 133 Philippe Contamine, Un “Marmouset” contre les Compagnies : Jean de Blaisy (vers 1340-1396) 147 Loïc Cazaux, Antoine de Chabannes, capitaine d’Écorcheurs et officier royal : fidélités politiques et pratiques militaires au xve siècle 165 Valérie Toureille, Robert de Sarrebrück un routier au service de Charles VII 179 Michael Jones, Une petite guerre dans un pays lointain : les carrières mercenaires des soldats bretons au service de Robert, duc de Bar, 1372-1373 189 Germain Butaud, Les mercenaires et les routiers actifs durant la guerre civile de Provence (1383 - 1388) 207 Kelly DeVries, Routier Perrinet Gressart: Joan of Arc’s Penultimate Enemy 227 Françoise Lainé, Gens d’armes “savoyards” guerroyant en Gascogne en 1338-1341 : des alliés du roi de France 239 8 Routiers et mercenaires pendant la guerre de Cent ans Christophe Masson, Compagnies d’aventure et armées françaises. Le cas des campagnes de Gênes et de Naples à l’époque du Grand Schisme d’Occident 257 Bertrand Schnerb, Compagnons aventureux et mercenaires dans les armées des ducs de Bourgogne au début du xve siècle 267 Werner Paravicini, Mercenaires au Voyage de Prusse 277 Anne Curry, Foreign Soldiers in English Pay: Identity and Unity in the Armies of the English Crown, 1415-1450 303 Françoise Lainé, Conclusion 317 Abréviations 329 Sources publiées 331 Bibliographie 339  Soldiers, Villagers and Politics: Military Violence and the Jacquerie of 1358 Justine Firnhaber-Baker The Jacquerie of 1358, in which the rural inhabitants of the Île-de-France, Picardy, Champagne, and parts of Normandy rose up and attacked the nobility, remains a hotly contested incident, but the importance of soldiers as a cause of the revolt is one of the few things on which scholars agree. Siméon Luce, whose book remains the only scholarly monograph on the event, argued that the Jacquerie was a pre-emptive effort, coordinated with anti-royal rebels in Paris, to destroy castles that had been recently slated for garrisoning by soldiers, who would brutalize the countryside’s inhabitants and threaten the rebels’ position in Paris 1. Jules Flammermont – who agreed with Luce on hardly anything about the Jacquerie – also thought that soldiers were at the root of it, though he imagined the matter more simply: the Jacquerie was an unplanned rising, accidentally set off by a fight between soldiers and peasants, which gave an outlet to the peasants’ centuries of accumulated hatred against the nobility 2. More recent historians continue to be divided as to whether the Jacquerie was coordinated with or even directed by Paris or a spontaneous uprising organic to the countryside 3. But all hold that the presence of soldiers created intolerable insecurity for rural inhabitants who were moved, whether by calculated self-interest, outside manipulation, or drunken bloodlust, to oppose the pillagers with violence. As Nicholas Wright concludes, ‘there can be little doubt that it was the presence of large numbers of soldiers … which was the spark of the revolt’ 4. There is ample evidence that soldiers, many of them foreign-born mercenaries, had become a serious threat to health and safety in many parts of France by 1358. Due to the lull in hostilities that followed the Battle of Poitiers in 1356, where the English resoundingly defeated the French and took King Jean II captive, thousands of soldiers found themselves without commanders or wages. Many of these then formed independent companies, occupying castles, pillaging for their own profit, brutalizing local inhabitants, and holding rural settlements to ransom 5. The situation was made worse for the common people by the This work was undertaken with the support of a British Arts and Humanities Research Council Early Career Fellowship (grant reference AH/K006843/1). 1 Luce 1895. 2 Flammermont 1879. 3 Scholarship favouring coordination includes Cazelles 1978; Cazelles 1982; Cazelles 1984; Bessen 1985; Firnhaber-Baker  2014. For the opposing view see, Henneman  1976, 75; Durvin  1978; Leguai  1982; Aiton 2007. 4 Wright 1998, 84. Cf. Delachenal, 1909-1931, t. 1, 398, whose passing objection has been ignored until now. 5 Fowler 2001; Sumption 1999, ch. 8; Contamine 1975. J. Firnhaber-Baker, in : Routiers et mercenaires pendant la guerre de Cent ans, p. 101-114 102 Justine Firnhaber-Baker failure of both the crown and the nobility to exercise effective authority. In the months and years after Poitiers, royal government was weak or even simply absent. In Paris, the adolescent Dauphin Charles was nominally in control, but in fact had to cede most of his power to a coalition led by the prévôt of the Paris merchants Étienne Marcel and his close associate Bishop Robert le Coq of Laon 6. Dedicated to the cause of reform and good governance, this coalition nevertheless impeded the normal working of government by purges and the substitution of inexperienced men for those whom they deemed corrupt 7. When the uneasy modus vivendi between this coalition and the Dauphin broke down in the winter and spring of 1358, the two sides began preparing for war. Adding to insecurity was King Charles II of Navarre, who possessed both a reasonable claim to the French throne and a large number of soldiers, and who maintained a threateningly high profile in northern France 8, occupying much of Normandy and the Beauce and (at least initially) allying closely with the Dauphin’s enemies in Paris 9. As for the nobility, their legitimacy had been seriously Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans harmed by perceived cowardice at Poitiers, and there was a general feeling that they had not only abdicated their responsibility to protect the laboratores, but were also joining in the pillaging themselves 10. 6 Delachenal 1909-1931, t. 1, ch. 7-10. For Marcel, see d’Avout 1960; for Robert le Coq, see Funk 1944. 7 Cazelles 1982, 231-233, 238-287, 294-297, 304-313. 8 For Charles of Navarre’s army: Charon 2014, 477-494. 9 Charon 2014; Bessen 1983; Secousse 1758. 10 E.g. de Beaurepaire, ed. 1851; J. de Venette, ed. Beaune 2011, 174; Molinier & Molinier, ed. 1882, 127-128.  Soldiers, Villagers and Politics 103 The Jacquerie as an outburst of rural rage against peasants’ traditional protectors – the nobility – for the failure to defend them from the violence of soldiers thus makes a great deal of contextual sense. There is, as we shall see, substantial evidence of rustic anger against aristocrats and a feeling that local communities had to take on the responsibility of defense for themselves in the absence of both royal and seigneurial protection. This is not dissimilar to the circumstances that led the famous peasant leader Grand Ferré and his community to defend themselves (though with royal permission) against English troops in 1359 11. Comparing the geography and timing of the Jacquerie to that of the various military bands at work in northern France from 1356 to the revolt’s beginning in late May 1358, though, shows that few communities that participated in the Jacquerie had direct experience of military violence. Most of them could only have feared what they had heard about second-hand. Attention to place and time suggests rather that the Jacquerie was closely related to the strategic aims of the Parisians, whose con��ict with the Dauphin – and his close allies, the nobility – had come Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans to the boiling point by mid May. While this should not lead us to discount evidence about the fear of soldiers, it is important to consider how the leaders of the revolt used that fear, and how the language of fear is deployed in the documents, to motivate or excuse the acts that the Jacques committed. Localizing Insecurity, 1355-1358 The insecurity upon which the Jacquerie has often been blamed was not localized to the revolt’s heartlands in the Île-de-France, Picardy, and Champagne. Rather, this insecurity was a condition that plagued many parts of rural France much more seriously than the Jacquerie’s epicenters and which had been growing for several years before the revolt. Much of it was related to the royal armies directly involved in the Hundred Years War. Indeed, real panic about soldiers was first stirred up by the famous chevauchée in Languedoc that Edward, Prince of Wales, had undertaken in autumn of 1355, which had terrified the whole realm and advertised traditional authorities’ impotence 12. The king’s own soldiers were not much better behaved; evidence of their depredations can be found in a famous clause of the ordonnance promulgated by the Estates General assembly of that territory in late 1355, which authorized individuals and communities to resist pillaging soldiers (soudoiers) forcibly and on their own authority 13. When Charles of Navarre was arrested in April of 1356 under accusations of treachery, a new war opened up in Normandy under the command of Charles’s brother Philip, who allied with England and declared war on France in May 14. It was a new chevauchée by the Prince of Wales in August that drew French royal troops away from the war in Normandy and led them, disastrously, to Poitiers in September 15. 11 Beaune 2013, 13-20, 205-215. 12 Sumption 1999, 175-187; Hewitt 1958. 13 Et pour ce que pour fournir nostre Guerre, il Nous convient avoir des Soudoiers dehors nostre Royaume, tant de Genz de cheval comme de pié, lesquelz aucunes foiz pillent et robbent … Nous voulons que chascun leur puisse resister par voie de fait (Laurière et al., ed. 1723-1849, t. 3, 36). 14 Delachenal 1909-1931, t. 1, ch. 5. 15 Rogers 2000, 7-8 and ch. 10 104 Justine Firnhaber-Baker That military disaster, the captive King’s absence, and the Dauphin’s inexperience, obviously did nothing to ameliorate the situation. After Poitiers, the sites of violence became more numerous and spread north and eastward under the auspices both of royal troops and of less formally constituted groups acting for their own profit. To summarize Jonathan Sumption’s narrative synthesis of the period 16: In the winter of 1356-1357, the Navarrese and the English occupied western Normandy, and Philippe of Navarre rode east in January as far as l’Aigle 17 before heading South through the Chartrain and then returning to Normandy, a venture that panicked the capital. English adventurers, eager to make their fortunes by pillage, poured into France. By the summer of 1357, numerous bands, not clearly subject to any higher authority, spread out through Normandy, occupying the small fortresses and strong places of the duchy. Anglo-Navarrese troops seized Hon��eur 18, thus taking control of the Seine estuary, and another 1,400 troops arrived in the autumn, enabling Navarrese control of most of that river’s southern bank. Southwest of Paris, the Beauce came under Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans attack. A man called Ruffin led his bands on pillaging expeditions between the Loire and the Seine, attacking at least a dozen towns and villages. Over the winter of 1357-1358, Paris and the Île-de-France began to feel seriously threatened: the Dauphin’s own soldiers pillaged the Chartrain in lieu of wages 19. The south- west was also victimized by troops associated with Charles of Navarre under the command of an adventurer called James Pipe. Pipe’s men took over the castle at Épernon 20 some 30 km north of Chartres, from which they ravaged the surrounding countryside that spring, moving east to the Gâtinais in May, burning Nemours and damaging Grez 21. To the east in Champagne there were additional troop movements. In December 1357, the royal bailiff of Provins and Meaux had to pay gens d’armes to deal with ‘enemies’, as well as to visit certain maisons fors near Provins from which soldiers had damaged the countryside 22. In early April, after an assembly dominated by nobles at Provins, the Dauphin broke decisively with Paris and began military preparations to take back the city, requisitioning the castles at Montereau-Fault-Yonne and Meaux 23. The townsmen’s irritation at the garrison at Meaux is well known, and at Montereau, the commander later received remission for holding to ransom the countryside’s merchants and bonnes gens and stealing their goods 24. 16 For what follows, Sumption 1999, 268-304. 17 Orne, ch.l. de con. 18 Calvados, ch.-l. de con. 19 See the contrasting claims about these men in speeches made by the Dauphin and Étienne Marcel in January 1358 (Delachenal, ed.  1910-1920, t.  1, 135, 137). For the Dauphin’s payment policy, see Sumption 1999, 305 and 373 and n. 41, below. 20 Eure-et-Loir, con of Maintenon. 21 Seine-et-Marne, con of Nemours, Delachenal 1909-1931, t. 1, 368; Sumption 1999, 304, 315; Delachenal, ed. 1910-1920, t. 1, 171, 175-176; AN, JJ 90, no. 421, fol. 212r; AN, JJ 86, no. 122, fol. 44v-45r. 22 Provins et Meaux, Seine-et-Marne, ch.-l. de con. BnF, ms. fr. 25 701, no. 121 (cited by Sumption 1999, 301). My thanks to Dr Anna Russakoff for providing an image of this document. 23 Montereau, Seine-et-Marne, ch.-l. de con, Delachenal, ed. 1910-1920, t. 1, 164-170. 24 AN, P 2293, p. 453-456.  Soldiers, Villagers and Politics 105 Jacques and Soldiers Thus, in late May 1358, when the Jacquerie broke out, the countryside to the west, south, and east of the Île-de-France, running in a rough crescent from Hon��eur to Nemours with outposts in Montereau and Meaux, was occupied by troops, including men fighting for the French crown or the Anglo-Navarrese, as well as independent bands without clear allegiances. Only the regions to the north/northeast in a triangle running from Paris to the Vexin and Picardy, had not been subject to pillaging soldiers in the aftermath of Poitiers. These regions are, of course, exactly the area from which we have the most evidence for participation in the Jacquerie. Stretching from Auffay in eastern Normandy to the eastern Amiénois and running south to Soissons, the uprisings mentioned in the sources, the bulk of which are letters of remission for Jacques, were undertaken by people in the northern Île- de-France, the Beauvaisis, the county of Clermont, and Picardy 25. A thick line of implicated Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans villages snakes up the River Oise from Pontoise to Compiègne, and another runs down the Thérain between Beauvais and Montataire 26. Despite Luce’s assertion that it was ‘precisely in the regions [in which soldiers had been pillaging] that the Jacquerie would erupt’ 27, in fact, when the revolt broke out at Saint-Leu-d’Esserent 28 and Cramoisy in the Beauvaisis, it 25 Auffay, Seine-Maritime, con of Tôtes: Luce 1895, no. 48. Sources for the eastern Amiénois include: AN, JJ 88, no. 89, fol. 56v-57r (Andechy, Somme, con of Montdidier and Goyencourt, Somme, con of Roye); AN, JJ 97, no. 358, fol. 94 (Cachy, Somme, con of Boves); Luce 1895, no. 64 (Villers-aux-Érables, Somme, con of Moreuil); Chicago, Newberry Library MS f.37, fol. 168v-169r, ed. Ainsworth & Croenen 2007-present: The Online Froissart (Plessis-de-Roye); For the Soissonnais: AN, JJ 90, no. 174, fol. 97v-98r and no. 530, fol. 264v-265r (both Acy, Aisne, con of Braine); AN, JJ 86, no. 322, fol. 107v-108r (Neuilly-Saint-Front, Aisne, ch.-l. de con); AN, JJ 86, no. 352, fol. 120 (Soissons, Aisne); JJ 90, no. 364, fol. 186 (Soissons and Neuilly-Saint-Front); AN, X1a 17, fol. 272v-274 (Soissons and Berzy-le-Sec, Aisne, con of Soissons); AN, JJ 90, no. 413, fol. 209r (diocese of Soissons and Charentigny, Aisne, cne of Villemontoire, con of Oulchy- le-Château). In this note, and those that follow, the list of documented places is intended as indicative rather than exhaustive. 26 Southern Picardy, AN, JJ  86, no.  313, fol.  104v-105r (Pontoise, Val-d’Oise, ch.-l. de con); Luce  1895, no. 25, AN, JJ 90, no. 162, fol. 92, AN, JJ 90, no. 425, fol. 212v-213r, Delachenal, ed. 1910-1920, t. 1, 177- 178 (Beaumont-sur-Oise, Val-d’Oise, ch.-l. de con); AN, JJ 86, no. 246, fol. 82, AN, JJ 90, no. 82, fol. 40v (Précy-sur-Oise, Oise, con of Montataire); AN, JJ 86, no. 224, fol. 73v, AN, JJ 94, no. 4, fol. 3v; AN, JJ 101, no. 55, fol. 30v-31r (Pont-Sainte-Maxence, Oise, ch.-l. de con); Luce 1895, no. 39 (Verberie, Oise, con of Pont-Sainte-Maxence); AN, JJ 86, no. 223, fol. 73, AN, JJ 86, no. 361 and 362, fol. 123r (Jaux, Oise, con of Compiègne). Thérain: AN, JJ  90, no.  564, fol.  279r (Beauvais, Oise); AN, JJ  90, no.  148, fol.  79v-80r (Beauvais and Ponchon, Oise, con of Noailles); AN, JJ 90, no. 244, fol. 130v, AN, JJ 94, no. 26, fol. 11r (Mouchy-le-Châtel, Oise, con of Noailles); Delachenal, ed. 1910-1920, t. 1, 177 (Cramoisy, Oise, con of Montataire); Luce 1895, no. 29 and 63, AN, JJ 100, no. 643, fol. 190v (Montataire, Oise, ch.-l. de con). 27 Luce 1895, 22. Many of Luce’s citations in support of this hypothesis are incorrect. The depredations of the garrison at Creil (Oise, ch.-l. de con), a fortress at the con��uence of the Thérain and Oise, for example, in fact date to 1359. Also post-Jacquerie are the episodes of routier violence in some letters of remission he cited and the scenes the famous peasants Guillaume l’Aloue and Grand-Ferré’s bravery in the supposed Jean de Venette’s chronicle (ed. Beaune 2011, 206-215). For Flammermont’s part, his assertion that the Dauphin’s troops ravaged ‘the Beauce, the Île-de-France and the Beauvaisis’ is not supported by the source he cited, Étienne Marcel’s letter to the Dauphin, which as mentioned above, complains about soldiers to Paris’s south and west (Flammermont 1879, 124). 28 Oise, con of Montataire. 106 Justine Firnhaber-Baker brought large-scale violence to one of the few regions of northern France that had not yet known it. In only three instances on the periphery of this area can we substantiate participation in the Jacquerie against existing garrisons of soldiers. There is one explicit, if isolated case from western Picardy, where one Simon Doublet, who served as captain of several villages during the Jacquerie, received a letter of royal pardon, which recounts how the ravages of ‘the English and other enemies’ led to the communities’ decision to destroy noble castles: Since, in order to consider how each region could rightfully best resist the English and other enemies of the Realm of France, who had been pillaging and destroying the countryside from the castles and fortresses which they had taken …, the inhabitants of Grandvilliers, Poix and Lignières, recently assembled on the field in arms … and by common decision elected Simon Doublet of Grandvilliers their captain, giving him orders … to go attack some castles, Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans houses, places, and fortresses of some of the nobles of those frontiers and regions… 29 It is possible that the fortress at Poix had already fallen into the hands of the English by May 1358 and that the villagers were reacting to this 30, but the other two cases from the northwest are more ambiguous: According to the Norman chronicler, during the Jacquerie there were attacks against the fortresses at Villepreux and Trappes, both of which the royal chronicler reported as falling into Anglo-Navarrese hands in late 1357 31. The role of military violence against local inhabitants as a motivation for this attack is unclear, though, as the Norman chronicler stated that it was done at the behest of Étienne Marcel and a later judicial source reports that the violence at Trappes was directed not at Anglo-Navarrese soldiers, but at the house of a French knight ‘whom the Parisians detested’ 32. In Champagne, where an area around Saint-Dizier saw significant participation in the Jacquerie 33, a cluster of remissions issued to individuals in the bailliage of Vitry attests to 29 Poix, Somme, ch.-l. de con; Grandvilliers, Oise, ch.-l. de con; Lignières-Châtelain, con de Poix-de-Picardie. Que comme pour avoir avis et deliberacion comment chascun pais en droit soy pourroit mieux resister au fait des anglois et autres ennemis du Royaume de France que par le chasteaulx et foreresses qu’il ont pris et tiennent en ycelui ont gaste destruit et pille … les habitans des villes de Grantvillier, de Poys et de Linieres se feussent nagaires assemblez sur les champs en armes en certain lieu d’icelles marches et pais et de commun assentement eussent esleu et fait Symon Doublet de Grantvillier leur capitaine et aycelui fait commandement … pour aler abatre aucuns chasteaux, maisons, lieux et forteresses d’aucuns nobles des marches et pais (AN JJ 86, no. 392, fol. 136). 30 Luce 1895, 26 argued this was the case, but the arrêt he cited leaves the date ambiguous, noting only the year the castle’s lord left it to serve in the royal army and that the castle was taken in consequence (published in Timbal, ed., 1961, 286-287). The Chronique des quatre premiers Valois, however, lists Poix among the castles taken by Navarrese forces in the autumn of 1358 (Luce, ed. 1862, 87). 31 Trappes, Yvelines, ch.-l. de con; Villepreux, Yvelines, con of Saint-Nom-la-Bretèche, Molinier & Molinier, ed. 1882, 128; Delachenal, ed. 1910-1920, t. 1, 127. 32 Luce 1895, 220, citing AN, X1a 21, fol. 481-482. 33 Saint-Dizier (Haute-Marne, ch.-l. d’arrt.): AN, JJ 86, no. 258, fol. 86v-87r (Sompuis, Marne, ch.-l. de con); Luce 1895, no. 32 (Bettancourt-la-Ferrée, Haute-Marne, con of Saint-Dizier); AN, JJ 95, no. 22, fol. 10v-11r (Blacy, Marne, con of Vitry-le-François); AN, JJ 86, nos. 358-360, fol. 122 (Vitry-la-Ville, Marne, con of Écury-sur-Coole; Étrepy, Marne, con of Thiéblemont-Farémont and Drouilly, Marne, con of Vitry-le- François); Luce 1895, no. 34 (Saint-Vrain and Blacy); AN, JJ 86, no. 578, fol. 209v-210r, confirmed at AN, JJ 95, no. 116, fol. 44v (Saint-Lumier-en-Champagne, Marne, con of Thiéblemont-Farémont and Saint- Vrain, idem), and see the next three notes.  Soldiers, Villagers and Politics 107 the fear of soldiers in similar terms to that of Simon Doublet’s remission. One relates that local villages, now standing accused of participation in the revolt, had assembled for self- defense since was ‘common knowledge through the whole region of Champagne, that the Lorrainers and the Germans or other enemies of the realm meant to pillage and burn the region’ 34. Another remission explained that local communities were allowed to assemble ‘for the tuition and defense of the parish and resistance to the enemies’ and that when the village of Bailly-aux-Forges actually did so, it was because ‘many soldiers committed many excesses in some towns of these bailliages’ 35. In a third case, the royal pardon states that ‘during the commotions [i.e. the Jacquerie] in various areas of the realm last summer, the inhabitants of numerous Perthois villages assembled in order to decide how they could best resist the evil designs of some foreigners, whom they mistrusted, as well as the nobles of the realm’ 36. In these cases, as for Poix, there is some corroborating evidence of the presence of soldiers, and it is possible that the Dauphin’s entourage and those of the noblemen riding Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans to join his forces had created some disturbances 37. But it is notable that only one of the three cases from Vitry indicates that the community was responding to violence that had already occurred. The presence of soldiers was a fairly recent occurrence of limited extent in Champagne relative to the occupation of other territories. Indeed, when the Dauphin moved in April to garrison the eastern castles, Étienne Marcel wrote to him to complain that this area was not in need of defense because the soldiers causing problems were all to the southwest, between Paris and Chartres: les gens d’armes qui sont en vostre compagnie fussent mielx à vostre honneur entre Paris et Chartres, là où sont les ennemis que là où vous estes, qui est paiis de pais et sans guerre 38. This southwestern area of such concern to Marcel did witness significant participation in the Jacquerie 39, and there is some specific overlap here between the movements of soldiers and the revolt. Of the near dozen places that Jean le Bel and Froissart listed as overrun by ‘Ruffin’ and his band in the southern Île-de-France, three of them, Étampes, Châtres, and Montlhéry, were in the path of people who later rose during the Jacquerie 40. The garrison 34 Luce 1895, no. 33. 35 Bailly-aux-Forges, Haute-Marne, con of Wassy, ibid., no. 40. 36 Ibid., no. 46. 37 See n. 22, above. Luce 1895, 21, n. 2 (where a reference to Froissart, ed. Luce et al. 1869-1975, t. 5, 134-136 is not given) admits that his source places mercenaries in Champagne only toward the end of 1358, but his instinct to put them there earlier may have been right nonetheless. For the Dauphin in April 1358, see Delachenal, ed. 1910-1920, t. 1, 164-170. There are some complaints about the violence of this host once assembled (e.g. AN, JJ 86, no. 202, fol. 66r), but this was after the Jacquerie. 38 Chartres, Eure-et-Loir. Edited in d’Avout 1960, 302. 39 Southern Île-de-France: AN, JJ 86, no. 329, fol. 110v (Fontenay-lès-Briis, Essonne, con of Limours); AN, JJ 86, no. 316, fol. 105v-106r (Saulx-les-Chartreux, Essonne, con of Villebon-sur-Yvette); AN, JJ 86, no. 304, fol. 101v (Longjumeau, Essonne, ch.-l. de con); AN, JJ 86, no. 232, fol. 76r and AN, JJ 86, no. 306, fol. 102r (Grigny, Essonne, ch.-l. de con), AN, JJ  86, no.  364, fol.  124 (Saint-Fargeau, Yonne, ch.-l. de con); and see below, for Étampes (Essonne, ch.-l. de con), Montlhéry (Essonne, ch.-l. de con), Châtres (Seine-et- Marne, con of Tournan-en-Brie), and Boissy-sous-Saint-Yon (Essonne, con of Saint-Chéron). 40 Jean le Bel, ed. Viard & Déprez  1904-1905, t.  2, 249-250; Froissart, ed. Luce et al.  1869-1975, t.  5, 95. Étampes: Luce  1895, no.  23 and AN, JJ  86, no.  385 (corr.  395), fol.  137v. Châtres: Luce  1895, no.  30. Montlhéry: AN, JJ 86, no. 297, fol. 99v. 108 Justine Firnhaber-Baker of the château at Montereau, which had been requisitioned by the Dauphin in April, was later remitted for pillaging merchants and bonnes gens du plat pays during, as well as before and after, the Jacquerie, as were members of the garrison of Étampes, by then also back in royal hands 41. The village of Boissy-sous-Saint-Yon ��ed before James Pipe’s troops on 15 May 1358 and was later remitted for participation in the Jacquerie 42. But it is not necessarily the case that these incidents should be understood as part of the Jacquerie. The best candidate for such overlap is at Étampes, where the bonnes gens, tired of being murdered, pillaged, and raped by the garrison, attacked the castle. There is no extant remission issued to them specifically for this act, but the inhabitants of the county of Étampes were included in the general remission issued for the Jacquerie and the noble reaction to it, and the remission for the soldiers who repulsed the attack on the castle cites this plenary remission as part of the rationale for forgiveness 43. In the other cases, the relationship between actual military violence and Jacquerie is much less clear. The documents draw no connection between the Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans troops present in the area and the participation of the inhabitants of Châtres and Montlhéry in the uprisings. At Boissy-sous-Saint-Yon, the inhabitants ran from rather than fought against Pipe’s men, an act recounted in a different document than their letter of remission for the Jacquerie and which makes no appearance even as an excuse for that violence. The evidence for firsthand experience of violence at the hands of military men by communities involved in the Jacquerie is thus fairly limited. Most of the areas that played host to the revolt were relatively unaffected by troops’ predations, and even in those places where they did overlap, we have only a few instances in which behavior understood as revolt was directed at soldiers 44. Furthermore, if we look at regions farther to the south and west that we know to have been certainly and significantly affected by military violence against civilians between 1356-1358, there is no evidence of revolt, though there is a fair amount of evidence of resistance to soldiers. In the winter of 1358, for example, villagers attacked the stipendarii of Bruyères-le-Châtel in the Chartrain, for failure to pay for their provisions 45, and south of Sens, the inhabitants of Branches attacked some rude vagabonds out of fear that they were depredatores seu pillatores 46. In Cravant, near Auxerre, the inhabitants, who had been terrorized by the Anglo-Navarrese, attacked and imprisoned a knight and his men 41 Montereau: tant durant le temps de la discussion qui a été entre les nobles et les gens du plat pais, comme devant et après, ayent fait plusieurs prinses … (AN P 2293, p. 453-456). Discencion should be read in place of discussion, probably a mistake of the eighteenth-century copyist. Étampes: AN, JJ 86, no. 385 (corr. 395), fol. 137v where the Dauphin’s permission to pillage in lieu of wages is explicitly mentioned as the rationale for a garrison’s depredations 42 Fleeing soldiers: AN, JJ 86, no. 122, fol. 44v-45r; Jacquerie: AN, JJ 86, no. 215, fol. 70. 43 General remission: Luce 1895, no. 23. General remission cited: AN, JJ 86, no. 385 (corr. 395), fol. 137v. Sumption 1999, 331 sees this incident as incited by Étienne Marcel’s commands to the Jacques given at Chilly-Mazarin (Essonne, ch.-l. de con) on 24 June, which is mentioned in a remission to the crier of Châtres (Luce 1895, no. 30). See discussion below. 44 Guy Fourquin sought to explain this discrepancy with reference to the poor grain prices that those in the Beauvaisis had experienced ‘since 1315’, but obviously, as Leguai pointed out, a circumstance that had already endured for four decades hardly explains why the revolt broke out just then (Fourquin 1964, 233; Leguai 1982, 55). 45 Essonne, con of Arpajon, AN, JJ 86, no. 105, fol. 38r. 46  Yonne, con of Aillant-sur-Tholon, AN, JJ 86, no. 260, fol. 87v.  Soldiers, Villagers and Politics 109 because they ‘thought that they were enemies, or at least not honest people’ (ennemis, ou au moins non estre bonnes genz) 47. None of these villages was later involved in the Jacquerie. The Targets of the Jacquerie: Nobles and their Fortresses The Jacquerie is differentiated from communal efforts of self-defense or vengeance not only by geography, but also by the language the documents use for their targets. At Boissy, Bruyères, Branches, and Cravant, the villagers attacked soldiers, characterized as such by military, moral, or political terms: stipendarii, pillatores, depredatores, inimici/ennemis. By contrast, remissions for communities and individuals involved in the Jacquerie identify the targets almost without exception as nobles and their property. The usual formula in the Jacquerie remissions speaks of the uprising undertaken by the people of the open Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans countryside (gens du plat pays) against the nobility (les nobles) – or, less commonly, as the con��ict that occurred between the nonnobles and the nobles – during which their fortresses and goods were destroyed 48. For the royal lawyers and clerks who redacted remissions, the people victimized by the Jacquerie were different from those targeted at Bruyères or Cravant, or at least, what was important about them in that context was different. But semantics do not tell the whole story here, for the line between soldier and noble was naturally a blurry one in a society dominated by a military aristocracy 49. Indeed we can see such con��ation at Poix, where the depredations of ‘the English and other enemies of the Realm of France’ incited the villagers to ‘attack some castles, houses, places, and fortresses of some of the nobles’ 50, and in the Perthois villages, where people were anxious not only about ‘some foreigners’ but also about ‘the nobles of the realm’ 51. And if actual military violence did not incite social revolt, anxiety about the potential of such violence could have led communities, who had grown mistrustful of traditional authorities, to take prophylactic action. That the Jacquerie erupted to prevent the garrisoning of castles was, of course, a central element of Luce’s explanation for the revolt. He blamed it on a decision taken at the assembly of the Estates of Vermandois at Compiègne in early May to put the region’s fortresses in a state of readiness, which meant that the castles would soon be home to soldiers who would pillage the countryside 52. Flammermont argued that Luce was wrong about the importance of this decision because the provision in question was not substantially different from similar 47 Cravant, Yonne, con of Vermenton. Luce 1895, no. 42. Luce published the remission for this last incident as Jacquerie document, but there is no indication in the text itself that these deeds were part of the Jacquerie, and it is not clear from the document even when it happened. Note that bonnes genz may not simply mean good people but rather common-born local inhabitants. 48 commotions qui nagaires et derreinement ont este fait par les gens du plat pais contre les nobles du royaume, a formula which is found, with some variation, in about one-third of the remissions. For the less common entre nobles et nonnobles/inter innobiles et nobiles see AN, JJ 86, no. 372, fol. 127r; Luce 1895, no. 36; AN, JJ 95, no. 121, fol. 47-48r, among others. 49 Wright 1998, 56; indeed, many of the most famous and successful ‘freebooters’ of the age hailed from noble households (Fowler 2001). 50 AN, JJ 86, no. 392, fol. 136. 51 Luce 1895, no. 46. 52 Explicitly at Luce 1895, 54. 110 Justine Firnhaber-Baker clauses contained in promulgations of earlier such assemblies, which had not provoked an outpouring of rustic fury 53. Flammermont’s point is well taken, but as Luce recognized, the clause also ordered the destruction of those fortresses whose possessors would not or could repair them 54. This stipulation had also been part of earlier promulgations, and in fact, it appears that the Dauphin and the coalition led by Étienne Marcel had pursued a programme of inspection and destruction or reparation of castles over the autumn and winter of 1357- 1358, specifically so that they could not become the redoubt of the ‘enemies’ or other predatory troops 55. This policy may have been an important contributor to the Jacquerie, which, as is not always fully recognized, was primarily aimed not at noble bodies, but rather at their fortresses. While Froissart and Jean le Bel almost certainly overstate the amount of interpersonal violence involved in the revolt – individual nobles killed by the Jacques number around two or three dozen, and we have no documentary evidence of rape – Jean le Bel was probably not exaggerating much when he counted 140 fortifications as damaged or Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans even destroyed during the revolt 56. The Jacques’ attacks on castles were, as Luce and others have argued, also in line with other provisions of earlier meetings of the Estates that had authorized self-defence for the resisting of soldiers 57. The remissions for some of the Champenois villages that had assembled in order to resist soldiers speak of ordonnances authorizing their behavior 58. In the years following Poitiers, there does seem to have been a general feeling that traditional authorities, especially the nobility, had abdicated their responsibilities and that communities had to organize their own defense. Both Jean de Venette and the Norman chronicler famously speak of the peasants’ disappointment in the nobility, particularly regarding the issue of security 59. In most of the Jacquerie areas, as we have seen, security was a prospective concern rather than the fruit of bitter experience, but the anxiety and anger involved may nonetheless have been quite acute. A remission for an inhabitant of Arcy-Sainte-Restitue, south of Soissons, for example, recounts the reproaches laid upon the village’s lord, about to ride off and leave the village unprotected, and the threat that if he would not protect them, then they would have to protect themselves 60. The village had not yet known any violence, but the lord’s disregard of the inhabitants’ fears fomented anger against him, nonetheless. 53 Flammermont 1879, 126. 54 les abatent ou facent abbatre et arraser, si que dommage n’en vieigne (Laurière et al., ed. 1723-1849, t. 3, 224). 55 E.g. AN, JJ 90, no. 563, fol. 278; Musée de Paris AE II 376 (formerly AN, K 948b, no. 40). 56 Fourquin 1964, 240. Aiton 2007 notes that rape is not mentioned in a single remission for the Jacquerie. For the narrative function of rape in the chronicles see de Medeiros  1979. Jean le Bel, ed. Viard & Déprez 1904-1905, t. 2, 257. 57 Laurière et al., ed. 1723-1849, t. 3, 19-37, 121-146; Luce 1895, 160-164; Durvin 1978; Firnhaber-Baker 2014, 368-371. 58 Luce 1895, no. 33 and 40. 59 See n. 10, above. 60 Aisne, con of Oulchy-le-Château, Luce 1895, no. 36.  Soldiers, Villagers and Politics 111 The Politics of Fear If we can connect the Jacquerie more securely with fear of and preventative action against soldiers than with actual violence, though, the question of timing becomes more acute. There had been soldiers near (though not in) the Jacquerie heartlands for over a year by May 1358, and anger at the nobility, particularly for their military failings, had been running high since at least Poitiers. Here, attention to space and time provides support for Luce’s other theory about the Jacquerie: that it was directed at the enemies of the Parisian revolt led by Étienne Marcel and Robert le Coq. While Flammermont dismissed this possibility out of hand as impossible because cela suppose un complot et par conséquent des hommes capables de raisonner, Raymond Cazelles argued that Luce was right: Il y a certainement eu concertation 61. Unlike Flammermont, whose objections rested entirely upon his view of the peasantry as drunken louts, Luce and Cazelles adduced significant evidence for their Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans theories, including evidence of communication between the Jacques and the Parisians, as well as their cooperation in some military expeditions, especially around Paris and to its northeast. Certainly, people in high places blamed the Parisian rebels for the Jacquerie. Innocent VI spoke of the events of June 1358 as authored by ‘the Parisians and very many people of other communities of those parts of the realm of France against many nobles of those parts’ 62. The Dauphin, writing at the end of July about the recent disturbances, charged Marcel with having stirred up (esmeu) the people against the nobles of the realm 63. If there was significant coordination with Paris, many things about the timing of the Jacquerie and its targeting of the nobles make more sense. While the Estates at Compiègne may not have provided a new impetus for revolt because the clause about readying or destroying the castles was already a long-standing policy, the political circumstances of the meeting, at which the nobility dominated and the Parisians’ delegates were turned away, were indicative of the crisis of relations between the Dauphin and his noble allies on one side and Paris on the other. The Parisians were aware of their danger. The Hôtel de Ville had been fortified with artillery from the Louvre, and the Parisians were holding armed assemblies of their citizens 64. In May Marcel sent 2,000 ��orins south to Avignon to hire soldiers (brigandi) and to buy arms for the defense of Paris, but the messenger was captured and the money seized 65. Charles of Navarre was made captain of the city and fêted around town, though his troops were as much a threat to Parisian safety as those of the Dauphin 66. As Cazelles pointed out, nothing could have been more strategically useful to the Parisian rebels in late May than a massive effort to destroy the countryside’s fortresses, crippling the 61 Flammermont 1879, 127; Cazelles 1978, 660. 62 Parisienses et quamplurimi aliarum communitatum aliarum partium de regno Francie populi contra nonnullos ipsarum partium nobiles (Deni��e et al., ed. 1889-1897, t. 4, no. 1239). 63 d’avoir esmeu les gens du plat païs de France, de Beauvoisins, de Champaigne et d’autres lieux, contre les nobles du dit royaume… (published in Delachenal 1909-1931, t. 2, no. 29). 64 Artillery: Delachenal, ed.  1910-1920, t.  1, 170-171 and d’Avout  1960, 303; armed assemblies: AN, JJ  86, no. 253, fol. 84v-85r (s’est a[r]mez aussi comme les autres et alez aus commandemenz des diz prevost et complices et aucunes foiz aus assemblees generalx qu’il faisoient en la dite ville). 65 Secousse, ed. 1755, 142. 66 Delachenal, ed. 1910-1920, t. 1, 174. 112 Justine Firnhaber-Baker Dauphin’s ability to cut Paris’s supply lines and preventing the nobility, his main allies, from joining his army 67. Particularly north of Paris, where, as we have seen, the military oppression hypothesis is least demonstrable, the geographic spread of Jacquerie villages looks remarkably advantageous for Marcel. The concentration of villages in revolt along the Oise and Thérain rivers could easily be understood as a strategic counter-move to the Dauphin’s domination of the Marne 68. The con��ict at the river town of St-Leu-d’Esserent, where the Jacquerie allegedly began, was not an accidental confrontation, but rather, as Pierre Durvin showed, began when noble troops arrived in the town to take control of the town, which possessed both an important bridge over the Oise and supplies of stone for the reparation of castles 69. Another theatre of revolt, Champagne, was, of course, home to the strongest noble support of the Dauphin 70. It is also notable that two of the fortresses attacked during the Jacquerie, Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans namely Trappes in the west and Étampes in the south, which had been held by Anglo- Navarrese troops, had passed back into the hands of the crown by May, again suggesting a strategic effort to counter the Dauphin 71. Marcel himself, of course, denied involvement in the uprising in letters he wrote to Ypres in July, after the Jacquerie had been put down, but his denial was couched in narrow terms, and even there he admitted having authority over the Jacques, claiming he told them not to kill women and children, at least, ‘so long as he or she was not an enemy of Paris’ (se il n’estoit ennemi de la bonne ville de Paris) 72. It is possible, in fact, that Marcel and his agents used anxiety about soldiers in order to convince some people to participate in the Jacquerie. Remissions for supporters of Marcel state that he had not just usurped the government of Paris and the countryside around it, but that he had also ‘given people to believe that the Regent was going to allow the cities and the countryside to be pillaged by soldiers’ 73. Given the pre-existing policies of castle demolition and communal self-defence discussed above and the concurrent mistrust of the nobility, it would not be difficult to imagine fear of these troops’ arrival being used to incite and justify attacking the local castle or manor house, especially since it was at just this moment that the Dauphin was mustering the troops for his own army, simultaneously increasing the number 67 Cazelles 1978. 68 For the Thérain and the Oise villages acting together see AN, JJ 90, no. 148, fol. 79v-80r. Marcel had planned to claim the strategic fortress on the Marne at Meaux first but was pre-empted by the Dauphin (Delachenal, ed. 1910-1920, t. 1, 169). His interest in the rivers, necessary to the supply of Paris (see Cazelles, 1982, 291-292), is also demonstrated by his reported orders to a Jacques captain to destroy all the fortresses between deux eaux, in this case, the Seine and Oise (Luce 1895, no. 25). 69 Durvin 1978; Cazelles 1978, 663. 70 Delachenal, ed. 1910-1920, t. 1, 164-168. 71 See n. 31 and 43, above. 72 Published in d’Avout 1960, 304-310, at 308 and Delachenal 1909-1931, t. 2, no. 26. 73 …audit peuple donnoient entendre que nous les voulions destruire et faire pillier par noz Genz d’armes, que abandone avions ladite Ville avec autres Citez et plait pais du Royaume de France ausdictes Genz d’armes (Secousse, ed. 1755, 84). This language is similar to (and was probably modeled on) what is said in the general letter of remission for the Parisians: That Marcel governed not only Paris but also the nearby plat pays and that he and his followers audit peuple donnoient à entendre que Nous les voullions destruire et faire pillier par nos Gens-d’armes; que abandonnée avions ladite Ville avec les autres Citez et plat Pays du Royaume de France, à iceulx Gens-d’armes (Laurière et al., ed. 1723-1849, t. 4, 347).  Soldiers, Villagers and Politics 113 of troops in the area and moving the nobility away from the localities they were to protect. It was the departure of Arcy-Sainte-Restitue’s lord for the Dauphin’s army, for example, that provoked his villagers’ remonstrations about being left to fend for themselves, and the lord of Poix blamed his absence for the enemy’s capture of his fortress 74. More speculatively, the con��ation of soldiers with nobles that we observed in several cases above from Picardy and Vitry suggests that anxiety about soldiers could be manipulated to direct anger at the nobility. In addition to the instances already noted, there is a case from Moret-sur-Loing, west of Montereau on a tributary of the Seine, where, when the villagers raised the alarm about some approaching foot-soldiers (brigandi) and assembled to decide on their course of action, one of the villagers took the opportunity to say that ‘the nobles were false traitors’ (nobiles essent falsi proditores) 75. This apparent non-sequitur would make more sense as an effort to use the situation for political ends, and apparently it was perceived Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mars 2016 : embargo de 2 ans in such a light. Although these words did not provoke an uprising (commotio), they were nonetheless understood as seditious by the village’s noble captain, who imprisoned and fined the offender. The use of military insecurity to provoke aggression against the nobility need not, of course, have originated solely with the Parisians or to serve their interests, but in the context of Marcel’s alleged efforts to stoke such fears and the city’s precarious position vis-à-vis the Dauphin and his noble allies, it is worth considering the possibility. Conclusion In an article of this length it is not possible to do more than to sketch the problem and some possible solutions to it. The geography and timing of the Jacquerie and the language used to talk about it in the documents strongly suggest that military depredations were not the immediate cause of the revolt. There were some limited areas of overlap between places occupied by soldiers – be they English, French, Navarrese, or freebooters – and places attacked by Jacques, but most of the uprising took place in areas that had heretofore escaped the experience of pillage. Furthermore, although the distinction between soldier and noble was not always a clear one and there are some instances of con��ation (whether by unconscious association or instrumental design), the documents describe the Jacquerie’s targets almost exclusively as les nobles, rather than gens d’armes, soudoiers, brigans, etc. Nevertheless the military insecurity caused by the variety of troops to the west and south of Paris was of significant importance. Even if communities had not themselves experienced depredation, they were aware that this had happened elsewhere nearby, and that they might themselves fall victim in the future. These sorts of prospective anxieties were behind efforts to pull down local castles and to establish communal alliances for self-defense. Such efforts pre-dated the Jacquerie, but they were also central to the mechanism of the revolt, which was organized through village assemblies and concentrated on the destruction of castles. The timing and geographic spread of the revolt make a great deal of sense in connection 74 N. 60 and 29, above, respectively. 75 Seine-et-Marne, ch.-l. de con AN, JJ 86, no. 585, fol. 212. Notably, it was the presence of ‘enemies’ near Moret in December 1357 that had led the royal bailiff to hire gens d’armes (see above n. 22). 114 Justine Firnhaber-Baker with the position espoused by Luce and Cazelles that the movement was closely connected with the Parisian efforts against the Dauphin and his noble allies. 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(2012)  : Noblesse: Studien zum adeligen Leben im spätmittelalterlichen Europa; gesammelte Aufsätze, Ostfildern. Paravicini, W., R. Petrauskas et G. Vercamer, éd. (2012) : Tannenburg – Grundwald – Žalgiris 1410. Krieg und Frieden im Mittelalter, Deutsches Historisches Institut Warschau. Quellen und Studien 26, Wiesbaden. Pardo Rodríguez, M. L. (2013) : “Bearne, Bernardo de. Conte de Medinaceli”, Diccionario biográfico español, t. 7 Barco González-Bereber, Madrid, 472-473. Parisot, R. (1919) : Histoire de Lorraine (Duché de Lorraine, duché de Bar, Trois Évêchés), t. 1 : Des origines à 1552, Paris. Paupert, A. et M. Szkilnik, éd. (à paraître) : Le Livre des fais d’armes et de chevalerie de Christine de Pizan, Paris. Paviot, J. et J. Verger, éd. (2000) : Guerre, pouvoir et noblesse au Moyen Âge. Mélanges en l’honneur de Philippe Contamine, Paris. Pépin, G. 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1 2 3 4 3 5 6 7 THE EPONYMOUS JACQUERIE 8 9 Making revolt mean some things1 10 11 12 Justine Firnhaber-­Baker 13 14 15 16 17 18 Labelling an activity makes it mean something. The decision to term a group of actions a ‘revolt’ 19 or an ‘uprising’ today has profound implications for interpretation, just as calling them ‘rumours’ 20 or ‘takehan’ went to the very heart of the perception and reception of contentious political acts 21 600 years ago. The word ‘jacquerie’ is no exception. In English, as in French, the word has 22 meant ‘a peasant revolt, especially a very bloody one’ since the nineteenth century.2 But what 23 the modern term’s medieval eponym, the French Jacquerie of May–June 1358, actually meant 24 to its observers and participants is a curiously underexplored subject. Only one scholarly mono- 25 graph, published in the nineteenth century, has ever been written, and since then fewer than a 26 dozen articles have appeared, the most cogent of them written by Raymond Cazelles over 30 27 years ago.3 28 In the intervening decades, historians’ understanding of later medieval uprisings has changed 29 considerably. While earlier scholars saw events like the Jacquerie as explosions of economic 30 misery, social hatreds, or millenarian mania,4 there has been a general shift to interpreting 31 popular protests as rational and as predominantly political in their objectives and organisation. 32 So for Samuel Cohn, Jr. the impetus for rebellions after the Black Death was political liberty, 33 while John Watts and Patrick Lantschner have shown that much of what we might now view 34 as abnormal and disorderly behaviour against authority can actually be reimagined as continua- 35 tions of normal political processes by people who were not so much opposed to the state as 36 critical of its weaknesses or hungry for a piece of the action.5 This tight focus on the political 37 dimension may ultimately have to be broadened, particularly as the negotiation of power in the 38 Middle Ages encompassed realms of activity and thought habitually excluded from modern pol- 39 itics.6 Still, these reassessments have produced a robust and profound reorientation of scholarly 40 interpretation: rather than assume we know what a revolt is based on our own (or at any rate 41 more modern) experiences of authority and dissent, we must actively interrogate the meaning 42 that contemporaries ascribed to their actions.7 43 That the Jacquerie has not benefited from this kind of methodological and conceptual 44 reassessment partly stems from the vividness of the received picture of it as a bloody, spon- 45 taneous uprising that needs no explanation: i.e. a jacquerie. The problem is also empirical: the 46 disposition of the sources and the complex historical circumstances surrounding the uprising 47 have meant that scholarship has been almost exclusively dedicated to the basic problem of figur- 48 ing out what happened. The sources mainly consist of five chronicle groups, all available in 55 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 55 13/8/16 06:42:48  J. Firnhaber-Baker modern editions, and around 200 letters of royal pardon (lettres de rémission) for participants in 1 the revolt, most of which are only available in manuscript at the Archives nationales de France.8 2 The narratives sources offer an aggregated overview of the event, but they do not always accord 3 with one another or even with themselves, as I will discuss below. The remissions, on the other 4 hand, frequently contain a narrative portion detailing the recipient’s crimes, which gives a 5 granular picture of the revolt but which also requires extensive geographical and prosopographi- 6 cal work in order to make sense of the narrative. Still, these difficulties would hardly present an 7 intractable problem, were it not for the fact that the Jacquerie came at a particularly confused 8 moment in French history. 9 Two years earlier, the English had defeated the French army at the Battle of Poitiers and 10 captured King John II.9 As a result, a power vacuum arose in the capital, which the young 11 Dauphin Charles mishandled. The government of the realm fell to the assemblies of the three 12 estates (the clergy, the nobles, and the burghers) known as the Estates General (États généraux), 13 which were dominated by the Parisian merchant, Étienne Marcel, and the bishop of Laon, 14 Robert le Coq. King Charles II of Navarre’s presence in and around Paris further complicated 15 the situation. Possessing a large army, a reasonable claim to the French throne, and a sizeable 16 grudge against King John, he was a valuable ally to the Parisian rebels but a dangerous entity in 17 his own right. On 22 February 1358, Marcel led a mob to the Dauphin’s private chambers, 18 where they killed two of the Dauphin’s marshals, and by the late spring of 1358, the Prince, 19 now allied with the Northern French nobility, had mobilised to retake Paris by force. He gar- 20 risoned fortresses at Meaux on the Marne River and Montereau on the Seine, which cut off 21 Paris’ supply lines, and he began recruiting an army. It was at this point that the Jacquerie broke 22 out. Scholarship on it has thus always been divided between two camps: one that sees it as the 23 result of collusion between the Jacques and the Parisians and one that holds that the Jacques 24 acted independently. 25 These empirical problems have hampered more methodologically sophisticated investiga- 26 tions, but, ironically, they are essentially insoluble without the kind of methodological reassess- 27 ment of the meaning of revolt that recent historiography offers. Past interpretations of the 28 Jacquerie have all started from the assumption that the revolt had a meaning that we can exca- 29 vate from the documentation, assume from the social position of the perpetrators, and/or infer 30 from the historical context. But as social scientists and our own experiences tell us, the motiva- 31 tions and perceptions of those involved in any large-­scale collective action are multiple and 32 mutable.10 The Jacquerie was an event experienced and shaped by tens of thousands of people; 33 its interpretation necessarily differed from person to person and from community to com- 34 munity. Nor were these interpretations fixed, but rather developed and changed during the 35 rebellion and through the acts of repression and memory and forgetting that followed.11 But this 36 does not mean that those meanings were limitless or that they are impossible to investigate. The 37 language of the sources, the organisation and objectives of the rebellion, and the violence itself 38 all offer clues to the significance that contemporaries ascribed to the revolt. These windows on 39 to the Jacquerie roughly correspond to the perspectives of the social classes in play: the nobles, 40 the townspeople, and the Jacques themselves. None of them necessarily tells us the ‘truth’ about 41 the Jacquerie. Rather they illustrate the multiplicity of meanings that the Jacquerie could have 42 had and the dangers of sublimating those meanings to a single explanation. 43 44 45 Language and narrative: after the fact 46 The search for meaning ought naturally to begin with language, but it is important to recognise 47 that in a sense language is where the Jacquerie itself ended, for we only get sources after the 48 56 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 56 13/8/16 06:42:48  The eponymous Jacquerie 1 revolt had been put down. We have no documents from the Jacquerie itself: no letters of the 2 type Steven Justice analysed for the English Rising of 1381, no songs or poems of the kind we 3 have for the Hussites.12 In fact, almost everything dates from after the Dauphin retook Paris in 4 August 1358, that is to say, almost a month after the end of the Jacquerie, and many sources, 5 particularly the narrative ones, were written years or decades later than that. Only the chronicle 6 of Jean le Bel may be contemporaneous, but it is still the product of some distance and reflec- 7 tion. Produced after the fact, the documents are nearly unanimous in describing the Jacquerie 8 in emotional and social terms as a disorganised terror unleashed against the nobility by country 9 dwellers. 10 Let us begin with the remissions, these letters of pardon issued by the crown for participants in 11 the revolt and its suppression. The words chosen to label the Jacquerie suggest that the royal chan- 12 cery perceived and presented the Jacquerie as an event whose import was more affective than 13 political. The word Jacquerie turns up very early, noting the contents of a letter of remission (Chartre 14 de Jacquerie) in a royal register from 1360, but the example is unique to my knowledge.13 Jacques, 15 used for the participants, comes up somewhat more frequently and earlier, in a remission from 16 October 1358 (pluseurs des Jaques de la dite ville).14 In neither of these cases is the word defined, 17 though a remission of December 1358 says that the Jacques were people from the countryside (les 18 gens du plat pais nommez Jaques).15 Words with political connotations, like rebellion and esmeute, do 19 appear occasionally (in 7 and 4 per cent of documents, respectively), but in the overwhelming 20 preponderance of cases, the chancery preferred either commotions or effroiz. Thirty-­seven per cent 21 of the remissions use the word commotions, 53 per cent use effroiz, and 13 per cent employ both 22 words, often together with other terms like monopoles, comspirations, or assemblees.16 23 These words were both relatively rare in normal chancery usage, and both had strong emo- 24 tional valences. Commotions means violent physical shocks, and its Latin root commotio was used 25 not only for uprisings but also for earthquakes.17 The word effroiz means fears or terrors. In 26 Middle French, the word had connotations of noise and disarray, as well as military associations 27 similar to its English relative ‘affray’.18 Le Robert dictionnaire historique identifies its Latin root as 28 exfridare, to exit from peace, though DuCange thought it came from efferare, meaning to make 29 savage or brutal.19 The apolitical, social, and emotional nature of the Jacquerie that is apparent 30 from word-­choice is also emphasised in the formula that is employed in about a third of the 31 remissions: The first part of this formula describes the supplicant’s crime as that of ‘having been 32 with others of the neighbouring countryside in the terrors which were recently committed by 33 the people of the countryside against the nobles of the realm’ (aient este avec plusieurs autres du pais 34 danviron aus effroiz qui derrainement & nagaires ont este faiz par les diz genz du dit plait pais contre les 35 nobles du dit Royaume).20 36 The affective language used for the Jacquerie stands in contrast to that used for the Parisian 37 rebellion led by Marcel and le Coq against the Dauphin. Letters of remission issued to their 38 partisans portray their activities exclusively in political terms as treason, lèse-majesté, and an attack 39 on the crown. The formula often employed in remissions for Parisian partisans states that the 40 supplicant was implicated in the ‘great treasons, rebellions, conspiracies, armies, cavalcades, 41 attacks and disobediences . . . by committing public force and the crime of lèse-majesté against 42 our lord [King John II], us [the Dauphin], and the crown of France’ (grans traisons, rebellions, 43 conspirations, armees, chevauchees, invasions & dessobeissances . . . en commettant force publique & crime 44 de leze mageste envers & contre nostre dit seigneur nous & la couronne de France).21 Those remissions do 45 sometimes use emotional language, but they do so in order to describe the interior political state 46 of the supplicant, who had always been ‘a good Frenchman’ (bon & loyal francois) in his ‘heart 47 and mind’ (en cuer et en pensee) despite his misdeeds, rather than to evoke the project’s madness 48 or its victims’ terror.22 57 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 57 13/8/16 06:42:48  J. Firnhaber-Baker Chronicle accounts, our other main source for the Jacquerie, echo the emotional tone adopted 1 by remissions for the Jacques. The chronicles are broadly in agreement: the Jacques acted cruelly 2 and irrationally against their target, the nobles, who were terrified. The most famous narrative 3 accounts, those of the chivalric chroniclers Froissart and his source, Jean le Bel, describe the 4 nobles fleeing the Jacques in terror, dressed only in their shirts and carrying their children piggy­ 5 back, the women in Froissart’s tale being particularly overcome with fear (moult . . . effraées).23 The 6 emotional language is amplified by their reportage that the Jacques had no prior organisation or 7 leadership (they were san chief  ) and their account of the Jacques’ deeds, which in their telling 8 include killing children, gang-­raping women, and roasting a knight on a spit. The English Anoni- 9 malle chronicler took this theme yet farther, accusing ‘Jak Bonehomme’ of revelling in the blood 10 of foetuses torn from their mothers’ wombs and so forth.24 But even less overwrought writers, 11 such as the stolid Norman chronicler, emphasised that the Jacques acted cruelly and without 12 mercy (moult cruelement, sanz pitié).25 The Picard peasant turned monk usually identified as Jean de 13 Venette, often considered the Jacques’ most sympathetic reporter, nevertheless characterised the 14 rising as a monstrous business, an unheard of thing, and vile and evil doing (negotium monstruosum, 15 casus inauditus, opera vilia et nefanda).26 The chroniclers attribute the rising to the Jacques’ wicked- 16 ness or insanity: Jean le Bel and Froissart blamed insanity (rage or forsenerie), while the royal 17 chronicler attributed the Jacquerie to demonic inspiration (mauvais esprit).27 Again, these are inte- 18 rior, affective explanations, rather than political or circumstantial ones. 19 It is an obvious point but an important one that the chronicles’ language is at least as indicative 20 of their contexts of composition and the perceptions of literate elites as it is of the realities of the 21 Jacquerie. Marie-­Thérèse de Medeiros argued that Jean le Bel and especially Froissart’s stories about 22 the Jacques were strongly influenced by their chivalric ethos, not to mention their aesthetic objec- 23 tives.28 Less widely noted but no less critical to interpretation is the way that Jean de Venette fitted 24 the Jacquerie’s inversion of social order into an overarching narrative of miracles, wonders, and 25 portents; the entry for 1358, for example, begins ‘new marvels [mirabilia] were piled atop old’.29 Nor 26 are the archival sources necessarily any more transparent.30 The lawyers and the chancery clerks who 27 produced the remissions did not have the kind of elaborately considered narrative programmes of 28 the chroniclers, but they did have their own compositional conventions. And as Natalie Davis has 29 shown, those who came before the crown to beg for remission were just as interested as Froissart in 30 story-­telling, perhaps all the more so when their lives and goods hung in the balance.31 31 In both the chronicles and the remissions, though, there are places where the stories break 32 down. If we look at that handful of royal documents related to the Jacquerie that were issued 33 before the Dauphin retook Paris at the beginning of August and started granting remissions in 34 large number, we do not seem to be dealing with quite the same event as the noisy Terror 35 against the nobles (effroiz contre les nobles) familiar from later on. There are two remissions issued 36 in July, both for noblemen involved in suppressing the Jacques. One, issued for the lords of 37 Grancy and Saint-­Dizier alleges that the ‘communes’ of the Perthois and Champagne had con- 38 spired to kill them, as well as other noblemen and their wives and children, but non-­nobles, as 39 well as nobles are said to have got together to put down this conspiracy; the letter mentions the 40 non-­nobles’ participation several times.32 The second remission, for two squires in Picardy, 41 presents the crown as a target of the revolt alongside the nobles, characterising the people of the 42 countryside who had attacked nobles as ‘enemies and rebels of our lord [king] and us’ (ennemis 43 et rebelles de nostre dit seigneur et de nous).33 In addition to these remissions, in June and July the 44 Dauphin issued two donations of Jacques’ property to noblemen serving in his army and granted 45 a market franchise to a knight who had been victimised by the revolt. These grants also identify 46 the crown as a target of the Jacques, and they speak of the uprising in terms similar to those used 47 for the Parisian rebellion, as an attack on and even a war (guerra) against the royal majesty.34 48 58 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 58 13/8/16 06:42:48  The eponymous Jacquerie 1 But once the Dauphin retook Paris, the language changed. Possibly this happened because 2 better information became available, or possibly the Dauphin and/or the chancery made a deci- 3 sion to portray the Jacquerie’s relation to the crown and the nobles differently.35 Once victori- 4 ous, the Dauphin issued a general remission for all the crimes committed in Paris, during the 5 Jacquerie, and during the wave of noble vengeance that had followed.36 In individual remissions 6 issued from August onward the crown is represented as an arbiter between the nobles and the 7 Jacques, attempting to reconcile them after their discord. The formula which follows the 8 description of the Jacquerie as effroiz contre les nobles states that the nobles now hated the country 9 dwellers and wanted to hurt them, and that the Dauphin, having returned to Paris and remitted 10 the crimes on both sides, requires them to forgive one another (avons ordenne que touz les diz 11 nobles remettent & pardonnent aus diz genz du plait pais, et aussi les dites genz aus diz nobles).37 The 12 crown thus removed itself from the conflict, which was thenceforth portrayed as a binary con- 13 frontation between the country dwellers (les gens du plat pays) and the nobles. The documents 14 that precede that effort, though, suggest that there was a time when other narratives were pos- 15 sible, when the crown might have understood the Jacquerie as something other than a terror 16 against the nobility and might have seen itself as equally targeted. 17 We can also see change in meaning over time in the chronicles of Jean le Bel and Froissart. 18 As is well known, Froissart incorporated much of Jean le Bel’s chronicle into his work, but there 19 is a significant gap between their compositions. Jean le Bel was writing more or less contempo- 20 raneously with events in 1358, while Froissart probably produced this part of his chronicle at 21 least 30 years later.38 Their accounts of the Jacquerie are very similar, in some places word for 22 word, but there are places where they differ. Both writers portrayed the Jacques as a leaderless, 23 frenetic mob, but towards the end of his account, Jean le Bel offers several attempts at explana- 24 tion that are at odds with this picture, explanations which Froissart decided to omit. Having 25 narrated the Jacques’ atrocities at some length, Jean le Bel says ‘It is hard to see how these horrid 26 people in far-­flung places came to act together at the same time’ (On se doibt bien esmerveillier dont 27 ce courage vint à ces meschans gens en divers pays loing l’ung de l’aultre et tout en ung mesme temps).39 He 28 speculates that perhaps it was the fault of tax collectors who were frustrated that peace with 29 England meant they were out of a job, though he also says that people suspected that Étienne 30 Marcel, Robert le Coq, and Charles of Navarre were behind it. He then goes on to talk about 31 the revenge the nobles took against the Jacques, but at the very end of the chapter he returns to 32 the problem of organisation in a passage whose multiple changes of direction makes it difficult 33 to translate: 34 35 One can hardly believe that such people would have dared to undertake such devilry 36 without the help of some others, especially in the kingdom of France. In the same 37 manner [as nobles discussed in the previous passage] the Lord of Coucy summoned 38 people from wherever he could get them; thus he attacked his neighbours and destroyed 39 them and hanged and killed them in such a horrible way as it would be terrible to 40 remember; and these bad people had a captain called Jacques Bonhomme, who was a 41 complete hick [parfait villain] and who tried to claim that the bishop of Laon had urged 42 him to do this, for he was one of his men. The Lord of Coucy also did not like that 43 bishop.40 44 45 Gerald Nachtwey has argued that Froissart’s omission of these passages stems from his efforts to 46 explain the Jacquerie as a symptom of a systematic social malaise, a challenge to chivalry in 47 which the aristocrats eventually triumph.41 This seems self-­evidently true, but his explanation 48 for Jean le Bel’s original inclusion of these passages is less convincing. Nachtwey argues that 59 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 59 13/8/16 06:42:48  J. Firnhaber-Baker being closer to the terrifying events of the Jacquerie, Jean le Bel needed someone to blame and 1 structured his narrative to point the finger at particular individuals, but the passages do not read 2 as if they are part of a considered narrative framework. Rather, they appear more like after- 3 thoughts or interruptions where the chronicler realised he had something he did not fully 4 understand, but being committed to the truth he had to include anyway.42 The first passage is 5 sandwiched between his accounts of the Jacquerie’s outbreak and the nobles’ revenge, and the 6 second is simply tacked on to the end of the chapter and moves back and forth in a few lines 7 between different topics, first talking about organisation, then describing the response of the 8 Lord of Coucy, then suddenly mentioning this captain Jacques Bonhomme who was connected 9 to Robert le Coq. There is a half-­realised effort to link this in narratively by saying that there 10 was also no love lost between Robert le Coq and Coucy, but the transition is very rough. The 11 confusion of this passage suggests that this is another moment in the creation of a narrative, 12 similar to that of the early remissions and grants, in which the story is not yet fixed.43 Despite 13 the affecting depiction of noble terror and rural insanity in Jean le Bel and the uses that Froissart 14 will put that to in his far more influential work, the earlier chronicle – again, this is the earliest 15 chronicle – suggests that the Jacquerie might once have meant something other than, or perhaps 16 something as well as, an emotional and social commotion. 17 18 19 Organisation and objectives 20 Many historians have, of course, agreed with Jean le Bel that ‘it’s hard to believe that such 21 people would dare undertake such actions without help’. The geographic extent of Jacquerie 22 alone makes it clear that the Jacques could not have risen as a spontaneous mob, but rather must 23 have made prior arrangements. Over 150 localities, most of them villages, were implicated in 24 the uprising (Map 3.1). It is possible that they did not all rise quite simultaneously, but even if 25 not, the timing was very close. The first incidents took place on 28 May, and by Corpus Christi 26 on 31 May, the whole countryside north and east of Paris was up in arms.44 Siméon Luce noted 27 many incidents of communication and coordination among the Jacques and between the Jacques 28 and Paris in his book, and, more recently, Samuel Cohn, Jr. has shown that there is copious 29 evidence of planning and long-­distance coordination in many large-­scale revolts, including the 30 Jacquerie as well as the Ciompi, and the English Rising.45 Indeed, if we set aside, at least tem- 31 porarily, the idea of the Jacquerie as a shapeless social terror, it is easily possible to build up a 32 picture of it that bears less resemblance to a jacquerie than to a planned military venture with 33 political aims similar to acts of war under state authority. 34 Some observers clearly thought the thing had a distinctly military air. One remission speaks 35 of the Jacques as a host or battalion (ost & bataille), and there are at least two references to the 36 Jacquerie as war (guerra).46 The redaction of Froissart’s chronicle now housed at Chicago’s New- 37 berry Library also speaks of the Jacques as a hoost and of their logeis, or military encampments.47 38 The Norman chronicler, who was probably a military man himself, reported that they arranged 39 themselves ‘in good military order’ (en belle ordonnance) before combat with the nobles near 40 Poix.48 The Chronique des quatres premiers Valois gives this more flesh, noting that before their 41 battle with the king of Navarre outside Clermont the Jacques formed two battalions of 2,000 42 men on foot, with the archers in front and the baggage forming a barrier before them, and 43 another battalion of 600 men on horse. He goes on to say that the Jacques faced off against the 44 nobles ‘in formation, blowing horns and trumpets and loudly crying Mont Joye and bearing many 45 flags painted with the fleur-­de-lys’.49 The detail about the flag is important, for raised banners 46 were a legal indication of warfare in the fourteenth century, and other sources corroborate the 47 presence of flags (vexilla or bannières) among the Jacques.50 48 60 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 60 13/8/16 06:42:48  9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 48 47 46 45 44 43 42 41 40 39 38 37 36 35 34 33 32 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 :VT 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 61 TL Amiens Laon Beauvais 6PZL ;Ot YHPU Compiegne Reims Senlis ,\Y 4HYUL L Paris Meaux Provins (\IL :LPUL Chartres :LPUL 25 0 25 50 75 100 km Legend Jacquerie incident Major city Map 3.1  Geographic extent of the Jacquerie. 13/8/16 06:42:49  J. Firnhaber-Baker Organisationally, the Jacques also look more like an army than a mob.51 Details gleaned from 1 remissions show that they had a hierarchical command structure governed by captains.52 At the 2 apex of command was the ‘general captain of the countryside’ or ‘great captain of the non-­ 3 nobles’ mentioned in several remissions, and identified in two of them as the famous Guillaume 4 Calle.53 Calle is also named as the leader of the Jacquerie in several chronicles, though some 5 remissions speak of him in more limited terms as the leader of the Jacques in the Beauvaisis.54 6 Several remissions mention the captains (plural) of the countryside who forced the recipients’ 7 participation, and one remission speaks of these captains as being ‘sovereign’ over the lesser 8 captains in command of villages.55 The great captain had at least one lieutenant, mentioned 9 without a name in a remission from 1363.56 This lieutenant may be identified with Germain de 10 Révillion, who commanded the Jacques whilst Calle was besieging Ermenonville, or with 11 Archat of Bulles, styled in one remission as the ‘then [lors] captain of the people of the country- 12 side of Beauvaisis’, who may have served in Calle’s absence or after his execution on 10 June.57 13 The Chronique des . . . Valois also mentions a certain hospitaller as Calle’s co-­commander, but he 14 has never been identified.58 15 Below this top layer of command, there were individual captains at the village level. We 16 know of nearly 20 individuals serving in this capacity. At least some of them had sub-­officers 17 and coherent companies under their orders. The captain of Jaux, for example, had a lieutenant 18 and at least one dizanier (probably in charge of a contingent of ten men), while the captain of 19 Bessencourt had a counsellor, and the captain of Chambly commanded a company of eight men 20 on horse and 16 on foot.59 There were also captains in charge of several villages or areas, and at 21 least one who commanded a company entrusted with a specific, long-­distance mission.60 This 22 suggests that there was a middle layer between the great captain or sovereign captains and those 23 in charge of individual communities. And while the evidence for the highest level of command 24 is restricted to the Beauvaisis, the evidence for the middle and communal layers comes from 25 almost every area implicated in the uprising.61 26 Thinking about the Jacquerie as a military undertaking, begs the question in the service of 27 what or whom? This returns us to the empirical problem that has bedevilled the scholarship: 28 Why did the Jacquerie occur and what was the relationship between it and the rebellion in 29 Paris? The preponderance of evidence is on the side of collaboration between the Parisians and 30 the Jacques. In separate instances, both Pope Innocent IV and the Dauphin himself claimed that 31 the Parisians had orchestrated the Jacquerie.62 Many remissions also indicate collusion: some 32 issued to Parisians state that Marcel had usurped the government not just of Paris, but of the 33 countryside around it, and that he ‘had given people to believe that the Dauphin intended to 34 allow the cities and the countryside to be pillaged by soldiers’ (audit peuple donnoient entendre que 35 nous les voulions destruire & faire pillier par noz genz d’armes).63 Some for individual Jacques speak 36 of orders from Marcel to destroy all fortresses and houses prejudicial to the town of Paris and the 37 countryside and to assemble together in arms and follow the commands of his commissioners.64 38 There is evidence of combined Parisian and Jacques forces in attacks at Ermenonville, Gonesse, 39 and Meaux, and possibly also at Montépilloy and Palaiseau.65 Marcel himself, of course, denied 40 that the uprising had begun with his knowledge and consent in letters he wrote in July, after the 41 Jacquerie had ended, but his denial was couched in narrow terms, and even there he admitted 42 having authority over the Jacques, claiming he told them not to kill women and children, at 43 least, so long as they were not enemies of Paris.66 44 There is substantial support for Raymond Cazelles’ speculation that the Jacquerie was not 45 just used by the Parisians after it had broken out ‘spontaneously’ but had been planned in 46 advance by Marcel and le Coq in cooperation with the revolts’ leaders as a response to the Dau- 47 phin’s military efforts against Paris.67 We could certainly read the Jacques’ attack on les nobles not 48 62 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 62 13/8/16 06:42:49  The eponymous Jacquerie 1 as (or not just as) an attack on a social group but rather on a party allied with the Dauphin against 2 the reform party that orchestrated the revolt.68 In the spring of 1358, les nobles, that is, the second 3 estate, had withdrawn from the Estates General, where Marcel held sway, and opposed his 4 reform programme. It was les nobles, particularly those of Champagne, who had been mostly 5 deeply offended by the murder of the marshals and who used that incident to turn the Dauphin 6 against the Parisians. According to the royal chronicler, the Dauphin had initially accepted Mar- 7 cel’s explanation for the murders, pardoned the murderers, and expressed his wish to be good 8 friends with the Parisians.69 The break only came when the Dauphin went to Champagne in 9 April and was taken aside by some noblemen who questioned him about his acquiescence. He 10 admitted some doubts about the men’s guilt and promised to stand with the champenois nobil- 11 ity.70 On the morrow of this encounter, he headed to the fortress of Montereau and then sent a 12 garrison to Meaux, blockading the river traffic to Paris on the Seine and the Marne, and he 13 began to recruit his army – mostly made up of the regional nobility – to take back the capital.71 14 An attack on the nobility was thus an attack on the Dauphin’s allies. 15 The Parisian’s concerns are clearly reflected in the first identifiable episode in the Jacquerie, 16 the murder of a nobleman named Raoul de Clermont-­Nesle and eight others at the village of 17 Saint-­Leu d’Esserent on 28 May, an event attested in several chronicles and two letters of remis- 18 sion.72 The village, as Cazelles observed, was vital to the Dauphin’s blockade of Paris because it 19 had an important bridge over the Oise River, the only river still open after his occupation of 20 Meaux and Montereau.73 Saint-­Leu was also a quarry town that produced high quality building 21 stone, again key to royal efforts to dominate the countryside by re-­fortifying the castles.74 The 22 control of rivers and building seems to have been a central objective for the Jacquerie as a whole, 23 especially in the Beauvaisis. A line of villages implicated in the revolt runs along the Oise and its 24 tributary the Thérain (see Map 3.1), while the other three villages identified by some chronicles 25 as cradles of the Jacquerie were also quarry towns.75 These foci dovetail neatly with events in 26 Paris, where the day after the violence at Saint-­Leu, the townsmen executed the crown’s master 27 carpenter and its master of the bridge, who was responsible for traffic on the Seine.76 28 The events in Saint-­Leu were freighted with political as well as military significance for the 29 conflict between Paris and the Dauphin and his noble allies. The murder of Raoul de Clermont- 30 ­Nesle and his company was not an irrelevant coincidence, but rather a calculated shot across the 31 Dauphin’s bow. Raoul was the nephew of Robert de Clermont, who was one of the marshals 32 murdered by Marcel’s mob in the Dauphin’s presence in February,77 the act that irrevocably 33 alienated the nobility and eventually the Dauphin from the Parisians and thus set in motion the 34 military confrontation now coming to a head. The symbolic impact of Raoul’s death at the 35 hands of commoners could hardly have been greater, perhaps all the more so as he was the great- 36 ­nephew and namesake of King Philip the Fair’s constable Raoul de Clermont, who had also 37 been killed by commoners at that great defeat of the French nobility, the Battle of Courtrai in 38 1302.78 The remission that describes these events in most detail notes Raoul’s relationship to the 39 murdered marshal, as well as the family’s long history of service to the French crown.79 Raoul’s 40 death was no accident. Everybody knew what it meant. 41 42 Violence and the social order 43 44 Or did they? For if we can deduce clerics’ and aristocrats’ interpretations of the Jacquerie from 45 their words and those of the Parisians from its aims and organisation, understanding how the gens 46 du plat pays themselves thought about things is much more difficult. I have elsewhere concurred 47 with Luce and Cazelles that many of them may have understood the Jacquerie as a defensive 48 measure against predatory soldiers, and that this move might even have been legally defensible 63 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 63 13/8/16 06:42:49  J. Firnhaber-Baker given promulgations issued by the Estates General in the king’s name that authorised communal 1 violence against such depredations.80 There are indications that the Jacquerie’s leadership may 2 have fostered this impression that the violence was licensed. One of the captains who had been 3 a royal sergeant, for example, was allegedly forced to give commands as if they were from the 4 king or the Dauphin (de par nostre dit seigneur & de par nous).81 But not all Jacques necessarily 5 participated in this understanding (however valid it might have been). If we look at the Jacques’ 6 violence itself, which Bettina Bommersbach has characterised as their ‘means of communica- 7 tion’, there is much about their actions that cannot be explained solely by military or narrowly 8 political circumstances, but which reflects and was perhaps even productive of a social and emo- 9 tional aspect of the uprising for the participants themselves.82 10 The Jacques’ reputation for violence is fearsome, but their actual deeds seem to have been 11 far less extreme than the term jacquerie now suggests or as Jean le Bel and Froissart claimed. 12 There was certainly some interpersonal violence. About half of the remissions say that noble- 13 men were killed, and seven also report interpersonal violence against noblewomen or 14 noble children.83 In addition to Raoul de Clermont-­Nesle, we know of at least 12 named 15 noblemen and one woman whom the Jacques killed, and there are also some unnamed 16 victims.84 Still, we are very far here from a mindless massacre of gentlemen, let alone of their 17 dependants. There is even less documentary evidence of sexual violence. Several chronicles 18 report rape, but there is only a single remission that records an accusation of what was prob- 19 ably rape (raptus).85 None of the few specific noblewomen reportedly victimised by the 20 Jacques was raped, and the only archival document I know of that mentions both the Jac- 21 querie and the rape of a specific noblewomen presents the rape and the revolt as separate, 22 unrelated incidents.86 Even in Froissart’s chronicle, the non-­specificity of the sexual violence 23 is striking. He says that women were raped, but when we get to specific women, it is the fear 24 of rape that we hear about, rather than its actuality.87 25 This is not to say that dastardly deeds did not take place – Luce found some corroborating 26 evidence for the famous story in Jean le Bel that the Jacques roasted a nobleman, for instance88 27 – but the bulk of the Jacques’ violence was not directed against nobles’ bodies. Rather, it was 28 focused on the destruction of their fortresses, homes, and goods. Jean le Bel/Froissart reported 29 that the Jacques destroyed more than 140 houses and castles. From other sources, we can identify 30 over 30 castles, fortresses, or towers and 20 houses attacked or destroyed, as well as more than 31 two dozen other places in which the type of building is not specified. These attacks were 32 intended to destroy the buildings; the verb most often used is abattre, to tear down, closely fol- 33 lowed by ardoir, to burn. The Jacques were also keen to destroy what was in these buildings. 34 Dissiper leurs biens (to destroy their goods) is how the remissions’ formula puts it. Again mostly 35 they did this by burning. There was also a fair amount of looting. Lawsuits over the property 36 lost or damaged in this way continued well into the 1370s.89 37 What did this violence mean? Attacking castles obviously had a strategic aim consonant with 38 the Parisians’ needs. The Dauphin’s control of the rivers was complemented by his control of 39 the castles, which were in the hands of his allies, les nobles, and the demolition of their domiciles 40 served as a diversionary tactic, pulling them away from the prince’s planned assault on Paris. 41 There may also have been a judicial element, as the destruction of noxious individuals’ houses 42 or castles was a common punishment.90 But the Jacques’ attacks on castles can also be read in 43 social rather than or even as well as military (or judicial) terms, for the Jacques seem to have had 44 an antipathy towards castles per se. With the possible exception of the great castle at Creil, there 45 is not a single example of a fortress that the Jacques occupied rather than attacked.91 This may 46 be because fourteenth-­century castles’ military uses were inherently odious to the gens du plat 47 pays. Castles’ offensive use as strong points from which to raid the surrounding countryside was 48 64 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 64 13/8/16 06:42:49  The eponymous Jacquerie 1 obviously upsetting to the countryfolk: it was they who were raped and ransomed, their livestock 2 and grain that was taken, and their houses and fields that were burned.92 But castles’ defensive 3 use as refuges was – perhaps surprisingly – not that much more popular, primarily because it was 4 expensive and inconvenient.93 In many ways, the local fortress was just another place in which 5 countryfolk paid seigneurial exactions. 6 Of course, the social meaning of castles, fortresses, and manor houses went beyond their 7 military value and their fiscal burden. Many of these places, at least according to their owners, 8 were beautiful (pulchra) and must have been quite different from most of the dwellings of their 9 common-­born neighbours (Figures 3.1 and 3.2).94 The nobles’ things were also nicer.95 We get 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 Figure 3.1  Peasant house in Beauvais, built c.1410. 48 Source: author’s photograph. 65 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 65 13/8/16 06:42:49  J. Firnhaber-Baker 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 Figure 3.2  Montépilloy, castle attacked by the Jacques. 25 Source: ‘Château de Montépilloy’ by Chatsam, licensed under Creative Commons Attribtion-Share Alike 26 3.0 Unported License. 27 28 29 some sense of this aesthetic difference from a remark in Jean de Venette’s chronicle that is 30 usually translated to mean that the Jacques and their wives got dressed up in the nobles’ clothing 31 and paraded around in their finery.96 This is not to say, of course, that there was always an insu- 32 perable social and economic distance between the nobles and the non-­nobles: nobles and non-­ 33 nobles intermarried, their children played together, and there were non-­nobles who held 34 fortresses and fiefs.97 But the distinction does seem to have been important to the Jacques: a 35 non-­noble whose wife was noble was attacked by the Jacques for that reason; a youths’ rough 36 game turned actually violent when a commoner teased his noble playmate about the Jacques’ 37 exploits; and a commoner’s châteaux et heritages did not keep him from joining those who ‘made 38 themselves adversaries of the realm’s nobles’.98 39 The link between this social meaning of nobility and its political/fiscal and in turn military 40 implications is inextricable. The reason nobles lived in fortresses was because they could phys- 41 ically coerce the peasants into handing over their surplus (whilst they themselves remained often 42 exempt from royal taxation), and the reason they could do that was because they were a warrior 43 aristocracy who lived in fortresses. This is an oversimplification of the complex and changing 44 situation of the late medieval French nobility,99 but this nexus of economic, political, and 45 military privilege inherent in noblesse seems nonetheless to have been at the heart of the Jac- 46 querie for its rank and file participants. Their attack on the nobles was not about the weight of 47 local lordship per se, but about the entire system of social difference based on violence (real or 48 66 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 66 13/8/16 06:42:49  The eponymous Jacquerie 1 threatened) against commoners’ bodies and their property. The Jacques did not primarily attack 2 their own lords. The sources describe their targets in the aggregate as ‘the nobles’ (les nobles), not 3 ‘the lords’ (les seigneurs), and it is notable that ecclesiastical lordships were left untouched.100 The 4 importance of nobility to ordinary Jacques, whatever their commanders’ orders, can be seen in 5 the inhabitants of Gonesse’s objection to the attack on Pierre d’Orgemont’s property that ‘Pierre 6 was not a noble’ (Petrum non esse nobilem) and the mercy shown by other Jacques to Robert de 7 Lorris when he renounced his nobility (regnia gentillesse).101 8 There are cases in which we know that Jacques attacked targets in their own villages, includ- 9 ing their own lords.102 But many Jacques travelled, first assembling elsewhere and then attacking 10 in combination with other villages, sometimes in concert with local inhabitants, as happened in 11 Saint-­Leu. Under 15 per cent of the localities from which Jacques originated also experienced 12 attacks from them, and GIS analysis shows that the geographic centre of Jacquerie hometowns 13 was over 26 km away from the geographic centre of attacks.103 Far from taking vengeance 14 against their subjects, a number of lords intervened on their behalf after the Jacquerie, petition- 15 ing the king for their remission and complaining about their victimisation by other nobles or 16 royal commissioners.104 Nor were local inhabitants always entirely enthusiastic about the revolt. 17 The villagers of Épieds, for example, claimed that they only participated in the attack on a local 18 knight’s manors because ‘a great number of countrydwellers came to the village and forced them 19 to do it . . . which displeased them’ (grant nombre des genz du plat pays vinrent en la dite ville & par 20 contrainte furent avec eulz a faire les diz malefices . . . dont il leur desplaisoit forment).105 Obviously their 21 testimony was self-­serving, but it does give a sense, confirmed by other indications, that local, 22 individual relationships were not always as key to mobilising violence as opposition to more 23 generalised social relations. 24 But was this attack on the social system always the or at least a fundamental meaning of the 25 uprising for its participants? Most historians of the Jacques are certain that it was, that whatever 26 the spark that ignited the Jacquerie, it landed upon the driest of tinder. For some, that hatred 27 was the product of centuries, finally bursting forth at this moment.106 Others point to more 28 recent complaints about the nobility’s failure to protect first the king at Poitiers and then the 29 country dwellers afterward.107 We can find elements of this sort of moral economy argument in 30 most of the chronicles, even in Froissart/le Bel where the Jacquerie begins with the Jacques’ 31 accusation that the nobles had shamed and pillaged the realm (les nobles . . . honissoient et gastoient 32 le royaume), and there are echoes of it in some remissions.108 Nor is this moral economy argu- 33 ment necessarily incompatible with the strategic military explanation: as the Norman chronicler 34 explains, the Dauphin had allowed the nobles to pillage their own people so that they could 35 victual the castles enabling them to blockade Paris, which led the peasants to say that ‘the 36 knights who ought to have protected them had colluded to take all their goods’. He adds, ‘For 37 this reason, they revolted’ (Pour ce fait s’esmeurent).109 38 It is also possible, though, that the social aspect of the revolt might have developed or 39 become sharpened during the course of the rebellion. The non-­nobles’ experience of com- 40 mitting violence against nobles, the very act of challenging the military aspect of their domi- 41 nance, may have led them inevitably to question the social structure. In a parallel case from 42 the twelfth-­century Auvergne, John Arnold has argued that the movement of the capuciati, 43 which began as a peace-­keeping association against mercenaries, underwent a transformation, 44 becoming an anti-­noble movement not only for their terrified elite observers but possibly 45 also for the capuciati themselves who ‘having usurped the lords’ ability to command the battle- 46 field’ may also have found ‘the necessary confidence to express a radical challenge to the 47 existing hierarchy’.110 The brevity of the Jacquerie in comparison to that movement, which 48 lasted several years, and the post facto nature of the Jacquerie documentation, makes it harder 67 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 67 13/8/16 06:42:49  J. Firnhaber-Baker to isolate that development here, but Jean de Venette’s chronicle does offer us a glimmer of 1 this hypothetical process. Explaining the origin of the name Jacques Bonhomme, he says it 2 began as a derisive term that the nobles gave to the countryfolk (the rustici), but he says ‘in 3 the year that the countryfolk “rustically” carried their arms into battle they took up this name 4 for themselves [nomen . . . acceperunt] and abandoned the name rustici’.111 Jean de Venette’s 5 story relates to peasants who went to war in 1356 against the English, not to the Jacquerie 6 itself, but it does intimate that the act of taking up arms transformed the rustics and enabled 7 them to appropriate their nickname, transforming it from one of ridicule to one of threat. 8 The Jacquerie may not have been originally planned as a social rebellion, but when the coun- 9 tryfolk marched across the countryside in their battalions, under their banners, burning down 10 the infrastructure of noble domination, they may have started to think about themselves and 11 their relationship to the nobility differently from how they had before. 12 13 14 Conclusion 15 What the Jacquerie meant to its participants and observers was varied and fluid. Recovering 16 those meanings from the sources requires thinking about how and why people made their inter- 17 pretative moves, as well as how their interpretations might change over time. As John Arnold 18 observes, ‘The successful motivation of large groups to collective action both requires and 19 inspires acts of imagination; to ask which comes first is perhaps to miss the messy, partly aleatory, 20 nature of such events.’112 There were many acts of imagination that made the Jacquerie mean 21 something – or some things – for its contemporaries. Penetrating that thicket of beliefs, hopes, 22 intentions, fears, and lies presents difficulties, but we can penetrate it. We do not need to pare 23 it back to a single, immutable interpretation. We can unpack the sources’ language of social and 24 emotional chaos that obscures the Jacquerie’s connection the Parisian rebellion, but we need not 25 reduce the revolt to its leaders’ strategic objectives any more than we should define it by the 26 chancery’s talk of terror. As much in the eyes of its protagonists as of its victims, the Jacquerie 27 was also a war of non-­nobles against nobles and an inherent challenge to the social order. These 28 interpretations are not contradictory, or even necessarily complementary. The Jacquerie simply 29 meant different things to different people at different times. 30 It is tempting to generalise this insight to revolts at large, especially as similarities can be 31 found elsewhere in this volume in discussions of the English Rising of 1381 and the sixteenth-­ 32 century War of the Communities of Castile. I would urge some caution, though, at least in 33 degree. All large-­scale, collective actions must have some ‘fuzzy edges’, but this indefinite quality 34 may be especially pronounced in these kinds of very big revolts with major rural components, 35 which though famous, were relatively rare.113 By contrast with their rustic counterparts, urban 36 rebels had long traditions of ‘contentious politics’ and very complex systems of internal govern- 37 ance and social differentiation. They could employ pre-­existing infrastructure and rhetoric, as 38 well as an established repertoire of provocative acts, including the production of documents, for 39 staking their claims.114 Rural rebels, of course, were not without socio-­political infrastructure or 40 traditions stemming from practices as diverse as cooperative agriculture, the maintenance of the 41 parish church, or collective legal action.115 The Jacques clearly employed existing village organ- 42 isation, and they might well have remembered earlier uprisings, such as a revolt outside Laon in 43 1338, the great Flemish Maritime Revolt of 1323–8 and its antecedents, or a number of 44 thirteenth-­century fiscal uprisings south of Paris about which we know too little.116 The 45 Jacquerie had echoes in later rural rebellions, even far away or long in the future.117 But neither 46 the Jacques themselves nor their immediate ancestors had ever really done this before. What it 47 meant was open to interpretation. 48 68 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 68 13/8/16 06:42:50  The eponymous Jacquerie 1 Notes 2    1 This work was undertaken with the support of a British Arts and Humanities Research Council Early 3 Career Fellowship (grant reference AH/K006843/1). My thanks to John Arnold, Chris Fletcher, 4 James Palmer, Andrew Prescott, and John Watts for comments on earlier drafts. 5    2 English definition taken from The American Heritage Dictionary, 2011 edn. Le Robert Dictionnaire his- 6 torique de la langue française, 1998 edn, entry Jacques cites the first French usage in a general sense in 1821. The Oxford English Dictionary notes the first instance in English in 1882. 7    3 S. Luce, Histoire de la Jacquerie d’ápres des documents inédits, new edn, Paris: Honoré Champion, 1894; 8 J. Flammermont, ‘La Jacquerie en Beauvaisis’, Revue historique, 9, 1879, pp. 123–43; R. Cazelles, ‘La 9 Jacquerie: fut-­elle un mouvement paysan?’, Académie des inscriptions et belles lettres. Comptes rendus, 122, 10 1978, pp. 654–66; R. Cazelles, ‘The Jacquerie’, in R. H. Hilton and T. H. Aston (eds), The English 11 Rising of 1381, Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984, pp. 74–83; P. Durvin, 12 ‘Les origines de la Jacquerie à Saint-­Leu-d’Esserent en 1358’, Actes du 101e congrès national des Sociétés savantes (Lille – 1976), Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France, 1978, pp. 365–74; M.-T. de Medeiros, 13 Jacques et chroniqueurs: Une étude comparée des récits contemporains relatant la Jacquerie de 1358, Paris: 14 Honoré Champion, 1979; D. Bessen, ‘The Jacquerie: class war or co-­opted rebellion’, JMH, 11, 15 1985, pp. 43–59; N. Bulst, ‘ “Jacquerie” und “Peasants’ Revolt” in der französischen und englischen 16 Chronistik’, in H. Patze (ed.), Geschichtsschreibung und Geschichtsbewußtsein im späten Mittelalter, Sig- 17 maringen: Thorbecke, 1987, pp. 791–819; D. Aiton, ‘ “Shame on him who allows them to live”: the Jacquerie of 1358’, PhD thesis, Glasgow University, 2007; B. Bommersbach, ‘Gewalt in der Jacquerie 18 von 1358’, in N. Bulst, I. Gilcher-­Holtey, and H.-G. Haupt (eds), Gewalt im politischen Raum. Fallana- 19 lysen vom Spätmittelalter bis ins 20. Jahrhundert, Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2008, pp. 46–81; J. Firnhaber- 20 ­Baker, ‘À son de cloche: the interpretation of public order and legitimate authority in northern France, 21 1355–1358’, in H. R. Oliva Herrer, V. Challet, J. Dumolyn, and M. A. Carmona Ruiz (eds), La 22 comunidad medieval como esfera pública, Seville: Universidad de Sevilla, 2014, pp. 357–76; J. Firnhaber-­ 23 Baker, ‘Soldiers, villagers, and politics: the role of mercenaries in the Jacquerie of 1358’, in G. Pépin, F. Laine, and F. Boutoulle (eds), Routiers et mercenaires pendant la guerre de Cent ans, Bordeaux: Ausonius, 24 2016, pp. 101–14. 25    4 N. Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle 26 Ages, rev. edn, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970 [1957]; G. Fourquin, The Anatomy of Popular 27 Rebellion in the Middle Ages, trans. A. Chesters, Oxford: North-­Holland, 1978 (French edn, 1972); M. 28 Mollat and P. Wolff, The Popular Revolutions of the Late Middle Ages, trans. A. L. Lytton-­Sells, London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1973 (French edn, 1970); R. H. Hilton, Bond Men Made Free: Medieval 29 Peasant Movements and the English Rising of 1381, New York, Viking Press, 1973. 30    5 S. K. Cohn, Jr., Lust for Liberty: The Politics of Social Revolt in Medieval Europe, 1200–1425, Cambridge, 31 MA: Harvard University Press, 2006; J. Watts, The Making of Polities: Europe, 1300–1500, Cambridge: 32 Cambridge University Press, 2009, pp. 270–86; P. Lantschner, ‘Revolts and the political order of 33 cities in the late Middle Ages’, P&P, 225, 2014, pp. 3–46.    6 J. Arnold, ‘Religion and popular rebellion, from the Capuciati to Niklashausen’, Cultural and Social 34 History, 6, 2009, pp. 149–69. 35    7 P. Lantschner, ‘The “Ciompi Revolution” constructed: modern historians and the nineteenth-­ 36 century paradigm of revolution’, Annali di storia di Firenze, 4, 2009, pp. 277–97; Arnold, ‘Religion 37 and popular rebellion’; G. Brunel and S. Brunet, ‘Introduction’, in Haro sur le seigneur!: Les luttes anti- 38 ­seigneuriales dans l’Europe médiévale et moderne, Toulouse: Presses universitaires du Mirail, 2009, 39 pp. 7–18.    8 Luce, Histoire, published excerpts from the chronicles and several dozen of the remissions. S. K. Cohn, 40 Jr. translated much of this material: Popular Protest in Late Medieval Europe: Italy, France, and Flanders, 41 Manchester: Manchester, 2004, pt 3. I have also located several dozen previously unknown or unex- 42 ploited documents from civil cases in the Parlement court (AN X1a series) and in the records of set- 43 tlements between parties (AN X1c). 44    9 F. Autrand, Charles V, le Sage, Paris: Fayard, 1994, chs 10–14, J. Sumption, The Hundred Years War, 4 vols, Philadelphia and London: University of Pennsylvania Press and Faber & Faber, 1990–2015, vol. 45 2, chs 5–7. 46   10 See especially, D. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., S. K. Worden, and R. D. Benford, ‘Frame align- 47 ment processes, micromobilization, and movement participation’, American Sociological Review, 51, 48 1986, pp. 464–81 and C. McPhail, The Myth of the Madding Crowd, New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 69 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 69 13/8/16 06:42:50  J. Firnhaber-Baker 1991, esp. pp. 162–3 and ch. 6; J. Berejikian, ‘Revolutionary collective action and the agent–structure 1 problem’, American Political Science Review, 86, 1992, pp. 647–57; D. McAdam, S. Tarrow, and C. 2 Tilly, ‘Towards an integrated perspective on social movements and revolution’, in M. I. Lichbach and 3 A. S. Zuckerman (eds), Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, pp. 142–72. 4   11 Comparatively, A. Wood, The 1549 Rebellions and the Making of Early Modern England, Cambridge, 5 Cambridge University Press, 2007, ch. 6. 6   12 S. Justice, Writing and Rebellion: England in 1381, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994; T. 7 A. Fudge (ed. and trans.), The Crusade against Heretics in Bohemia, 1418–1437: Sources and Documents 8 for the Hussite Crusades, Aldershot and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002.   13 AN JJ 88, no. 43, fol. 29v. The registry entry only mentions the letter without transcribing it. 9   14 AN JJ 86, no. 430, fol. 151r. About a dozen other instances including, AN JJ 88, no. 9, fol. 7r; AN 10 JJ 89, no. 377, fol. 159; AN JJ 90, no. 354, fol. 182, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 49; AN JJ 90, no. 488, fol. 11 244r, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 50; AN JJ 145, no. 498, fols 229v–30r; next note. 12   15 AN JJ 87, no. 117, fols 80v–1r. 13   16 The use of effroiz is almost entirely restricted to remissions. In contrast, Parlement documents almost exclusively employ commotions. 14   17 J. F. Niermeyer and C. Van de Kieft, Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus, rev. edn J. W. J. Burgers, 2 vols, 15 Leiden: Brill 2002, entry commotio. 16   18 Online Dictionnaire du Moyen Français, entry effrayer, -oyer. www.atilf.fr/dmf/definition/effrayer. 17   19 C. du Fresne du Cange, Glossaire françois, new edn, 2 vols, Niort: Typographie de L. Favre, 1879, 18 entry effroy. 19   20 AN JJ 86, no. 205, fol. 67r, granted in August 1358, appears to be the earliest letter with this formula.   21 For example, AN JJ 86, no. 289, fols 96v–7r. On the contrast with the Jacquerie remissions, see Aiton, 20 ‘ “Shame” ’, pp. 38–40. 21   22 AN JJ 86, no. 216, fols 70v–1r; AN JJ 86, no. 220, fol. 72v; AN JJ 86, no. 271, fol. 91r, among others. 22   23 J. le Bel, Chronique de Jean le Bel, ed. J. Viard and E. Déprez, 2 vols, Paris: H. Laurens, 1904–5, vol. 23 2, pp. 256–7, followed by J. Froissart, Chroniques de Jean Froissart, ed. S. Luce, G. Raynaud, and L. 24 Mirot, 15 vols, Paris: Mme. Ve. Jules Renouard and others, 1869–1919, vol. 5, pp. 100–1, 105.   24 The Anonimalle Chronicle, 1333 to 1381, from a MS. written at St Mary’s Abbey, York, ed. V. H. Gal- 25 braith, Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 1970, p. 42. 26   25 Chronique normande du XIVe siècle, ed. A. Molinier and E. Molinier, Paris: Librarie Renouard, 1882, 27 p. 128. 28   26 J. de Venette, Chronique dite de Jean de Venette, ed. C. Beaune, Paris: Le Livre de Poche, 2011, pp. 174, 29 176. The identity of the chronicler is disputed, but the controversy is not material here.   27 J. le Bel, Chronique, ed. Viard and Déprez, vol. 2, p. 257; Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Luce et al., vol. 5, 30 pp. 100, 105; Chronique des règnes de Jean II et Charles V: Les grandes chroniques de France, ed. R. 31 Delachenal, 2 vols, Paris: Librarie Renouard, 1910–20, 1: 178. For similar language used for other 32 revolts, see C. Gauvard, Violence et ordre public au Moyen Âge, Paris: Picard, 2005, pp.  208–10 and 33 discussion in V. Challet’s chapter in this volume. 34   28 De Medeiros, Jacques et chroniqueurs, ch. 2. On Froissart’s approach to facts and aesthetics, see G. T. 35 Diller, ‘Froissart’s 1389 travel to Béarn: a voyage narration to the center of the Chroniques’, in D. Maddox and S. Sturm-­Maddox (eds), Froissart across the Genres, Gainesville, FL: University Press of 36 Florida, 1998, pp. 56–8. 37   29 J. de Venette, Chronique, ed. Beaune, p. 162. 38   30 See A. Prescott, ‘Writing about rebellion: using the records of the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381’, History 39 Workshop Journal, 45, 1998, pp. 1–27. 40   31 N. Z. Davis, Fiction in the Archives: Pardon Tales and their Tellers in Sixteenth-­Century France, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1987. 41   32 AN JJ 86, no. 142, fol. 49, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 21. 42   33 AN JJ 86, no. 165, fol. 54v, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 20. 43   34 [P]luribus habitatoribus patrie Belvacensis & nonullorum aliorum qui guerram, controversiam seu monopolium 44 contra regis maiestatem, nobiles & fideles dicti Regni machinaverant (AN JJ 86, no. 152, fol. 51v); genz du 45 plat pays de Beauvoisis & d’ailleurs qui naguieres soy rendoient adversaires des nobles du dit Royaume et Rebelles de la coronne de france, de monsire & de nous (AN JJ 86, no. 153, fol. 51v); par les communes & habitanz 46 d’environ leur pais Rebelles a nostre dit seigneur & a nous & ennemis de touz nobles du dit Royaume (AN JJ 47 86, no. 173, fol. 56r). 48 70 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 70 13/8/16 06:42:50  The eponymous Jacquerie 1   35 Cf. V. Challet, ‘Peasants’ revolts memories: damnatio memoriae or hidden memories’, in L. Doležalová 2 (ed.), The Making of Memory in the Middle Ages, Brill: Leiden, 2010, pp. 399–405.   36 AN JJ 86, no. 241, fol. 80, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 23. 3   37 For example, AN JJ 86, no. 205, fol. 67r. 4   38 For the Chroniques’ composition see G. Croenen, ‘A “re-­found” manuscript of Froissart revisited: 5 Newberry MS F.37’, French Studies Bulletin, 31, 2010, pp. 56–60, which addresses some of the dif- 6 ficulties laid out in J. J. N. Palmer, ‘Book I (1325–78) and its sources’, in Froissart: Historian, Wood- 7 bridge: Boydell, 1981, pp. 7–24. 8   39 J. le Bel, Chronique, ed. Viard and Déprez, vol. 2, p. 258. 9   40 Comment eust on poeu penser que telles gens eussent osé encommencier celle dyablerie, sans le confort d’aucuns 10 aultres certainement, il est à croire mesmement ou royaume de France. Par semblable maniere manda le sire de Coussy gens partout où il le poeut avoir; si courut sus ses voisins, et le destruit, et en pendi, et fist morir de 11 male mort tant que merveille seroit à recorder; et avoient ces meschans gens ung chappitaine qu’on appelloit 12 Jaque Bonhomme, qui estoit un parfait vilain et vouloit adeviner que l’evesque de Laon l’avoit enhorté a ce 13 faire, car il estoit des ses hommes. Le seigneur de Coussy aussy n’amoit pas ledit evesque. 14 (  Jean le Bel, Chronique, ed. Viard and Déprez, vol. 2, pp. 259–60) 15 The passage is smoothed out in The True Chronicles of Jean le Bel, 1290–1360, trans. N. Bryant, 16 Woodbridge: Boydell, 2011, p. 237. 17   41 G. Nachtwey, ‘Scapegoats and conspirators in the Chronicles of Froissart and Jean le Bel’, Fifteenth-­ 18 Century Studies, 36, 2011, pp. 103–25.   42 Diana Tyson has argued repeatedly for Jean le Bel’s earnest veracity: D. B. Tyson, ‘Jean le Bel: portrait 19 of a chronicler’, JMH, 12, 1986, pp. 315–32; D. B. Tyson, ‘Jean le Bel, annalist or artist? A literary 20 appraisal’, in S. Burch North (ed.), Studies in Medieval French Language and Literature Presented to Brian 21 Woledge in Honour of his 80th Birthday, Geneva: Droz, 1988, pp. 217–26. Cf. N. Chareyron, Jean le 22 Bel: Le Maître de Froissart, grand imagier de la guerre de Cent Ans, Brussels: De Boeck Université, 1996. 23   43 De Medeiros speculates on the rédaction hâtive of this passage (Jacques et chroniqueurs, p. 42). For tension between Coucy and Robert le Coq see Laon, archives départementales de l’Aisne G 69. On the 24 interpretative possibilities of chroniclers’ ‘slips’, see Justice, Writing, pp. 4–8, passim and P. Strohm, 25 Hochon’s Arrow: The Social Imagination of Fourteenth-­Century Texts, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University 26 Press, 1992, ch. 2. 27   44 Flammermont, ‘La Jacquerie’, 130, n. 2; la feste du saint Sacrement l’an mil ccc lviii ou environ que ladite 28 commotion commenca (AN JJ 100, no. 478, fol. 148r). See also AN JJ 86, no. 387, fols 133v–4r, ed. Luce, 29 Histoire, no. 37; AN JJ 90, no. 148, fols 79v–80r; AN X1c 32, no. 31.   45 S. K. Cohn, ‘Enigmas of communication: Jacques, Ciompi, and the English’, in Oliva Herrer et al. 30 (eds), La comunidad, pp. 227–47. 31   46 AN JJ 89, no. 377, fol. 159; Guerra: AN JJ 86, no. 152, fol. 51v; AN X2a 7, fol. 213r. 32   47 Chicago, Newberry Library, MS F.37, fol. 168v; see n. 38, above. A transcription is available from 33 the online Froissart, www.hrionline.ac.uk/onlinefroissart. 34   48 Chronique normande, ed. Molinier and Molinier, p. 129.   49 Chronique des quatre premiers Valois (1327–1393), ed. S. Luce, Paris: Mme Ve Jules Renouard, 1862, 35 p. 73. 36   50 AN JJ 89, no. 481, fol. 242v; J. de Venette, Chronique, ed. Beaune, p. 174. The Parisians also carried 37 unfurled flags (bannières desploiées) when attacking Meaux (AN JJ 105, no. 91, fols 57–8r, ed. Luce, 38 Histoire, no. 19) and Étienne Marcel had his own standard (vexillum seu penuncellum) (AN JJ 86, no. 39 321, fol. 107v). For raised banners as a legal sign of war, see M. H. Keen, ‘Treason trials under the law of arms: the Alexander Prize essay’, TRHS, 5th ser., 12, 1962, pp. 93–5; R. W. Jones, Bloodied 40 Banners: Martial Display on the Medieval Battlefield, Woodbridge: Boydell, 2010, ch. 2. 41   51 The military activities of French countryfolk are poorly understood, though participation in village 42 watches and even seigneurial and/or royal expeditions is attested: P. Contamine, Guerre, État et société à la 43 fin du Moyen Âge: Études sur les armées des rois de France, 1337–1494, 2 vols, Paris: École Pratique des Hautes 44 Études et Mouton & Co, 1972, vol. 1, pp. 35–8, 53–6; X. Hélary, L’armée du roi de france: La guerre de Saint Louis à Philippe le Bel, Paris: Perrin, 2012, pp. 56–60; and works cited in n. 115, below. For the use of 45 English village military organisation in later revolts, see M. Bohna, ‘Armed force and civic legitimacy in 46 Jack Cade’s Revolt, 1450’, EHR, 118, 2003, pp. 563–82 and A. Wood, ‘Collective violence, social drama 47 and rituals of rebellion in late medieval and early modern England’, in S. Carroll (ed.), Cultures of Violence: 48 Interpersonal Violence in Historical Perspective, Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave, 2007, pp. 101–4. 71 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 71 13/8/16 06:42:50  J. Firnhaber-Baker   52 Aiton, ‘ “Shame” ’, pp. 217–45 discusses the importance of captains, while denying hierarchy. 1   53 Guillaume Cale, soi portant general capitaine dudit plat païs (AN JJ 86, no. 365, fols 124v–5r, ed. Luce, 2 Histoire, no. 35); Guillaume Calle, lors capitainne dez dictes gens du plat pays (AN JJ 98, no. 252, fol. 80, 3 ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 63); magno capitaneo dictorum innobilium (AN JJ 94, no. 4, fol. 3v, ed. Luce, His- toire, no. 61); ex parte Capitanei plane seu plate patrie tunc electi vel deputati (AN JJ 86, no. 606, fols 4 223v–4r). 5   54 He is mentioned as the leader of the Jacques in J. de Venette (Chronique, ed. Beaune, p. 174), Chro- 6 nique des règnes, ed. Delachenal, vol. 1, p. 178, and the Chronique des . . . Valois, ed. Luce, pp. 71–4. 7 Remissions: feu Guillaume Calle nagaires esleu Capitaine du pueple [sic] & commun de beauvoisiz (AN JJ 8 86, no. 391, fol. 136r); Guillaume Calle, soy portant capitaine du dit païs de Beauvoisin (AN JJ 86, no. 387, fols 133v–4r, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 37); ‘pueple [sic] du pais de Beauvoisiz, du quel Guill[aum]e Calle 9 estoit capitaine’ (AN JJ 86, no. 392, fol. 136). 10   55 [L]es Capitaines du dit pais contraindrent (AN JJ 90, no. 148, fols 79v–80r); par la contrainte et enortement 11 des capitaines du dit plat pais (AN JJ 86, no. 345, fol. 117); du mandement de plusieurs capitaines du plat pais 12 (AN JJ 86, no. 437, fol. 154, ed. V. de Beauvillé, Histoire de la ville de Montdidier, 2nd edn, 3 vols, Paris: 13 Imprimerie de J. Claye, 1875, vol. 1, pp. 112–14); ait este Capitaine subget des souverains capitaines du plat pais (AN JJ 86, no. 344, fols 116v–17r). 14   56 AN JJ 94, no. 4, fol. 3v, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 61. 15   57 Germain de Réveillon: AN JJ 86, no. 309, fol. 103, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 29. Archat de Bulles: AN 16 JJ 90, no. 294, fol. 150, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 48. 17   58 Chronique des . . . Valois, ed. Luce, p. 71. 18   59 Jaux: AN JJ 86, nos 361–2, fols 123–4r; Bessancourt: AN X1a 19, fols 348v–50r; Chambly: AN JJ 90, 19 no. 354, fol. 182, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 49.   60 Philippe Poignant (royal sergeant and guardian of the bishop of Beauvais and the monks of St-­Denis) 20 was captain of four towns between the Oise and the Thérain Rivers (AN JJ 90, no. 148, fols 79v–80r); 21 Simon Doublet, captain of three towns in Picardy (AN JJ 86, no. 392, fol. 136); Jean Flagelot, captain 22 of several towns in the Perthois (AN JJ 90, no. 292, fols 149v–50r, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 46), and 23 Jaquin de Chenevières, captain of the lands of Montmorency (AN JJ 86, no. 207, fol. 67v, ed. Luce, 24 Histoire, no. 25). Particular mission: AN JJ 90, no. 294, fol. 150, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 48.   61 The possible exception is the region south of Paris, where we have only Jean Charroit, named indi- 25 vidually in a communal remission for the villages of Boissy and Egly, which may indicate he had a 26 leadership role (AN JJ 86, no. 215, fol. 70). 27   62 Parisienses et quamplurimi aliarum communitatum aliarum partium de regno Francie populi contra nonnullos 28 ipsarum partium nobiles (H. Denifle with E. Chatelain (eds), Chartularium universitatis Parisiensis, 4 vols, 29 Paris: Delalain, 1889–97, vol. 4, no. 1239); d’avoir esmeu les gens du plat païs de France, de Beauvoisins, de Champaigne et d’autres lieux, contre les nobles du dit royaume (Kervyn de Lettenhove (ed.), Oeuvres de 30 Froissart, 25 vols, Brussels: V. Devaux, 1867–7, vol. 6, p. 474, also published by M. F. Combes, Lettre 31 inédite du dauphin Charles sur la conjuration d’Étienne Marcel et du roi de Navarre addressée aux comtes de 32 Savoie (31 août 1358), Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1889, pp. 2–3). On this letter, see J. d’Avout, Le 33 meurte d’Étienne Marcel, 31 juillet 1358, Paris: Gallimard, 1960, pp. 259–62. 34   63 AN JJ 86, no. 282, fol. 94 among others. This language was borrowed from the general letter of remission issued for the Parisians on 10 August 1358 (AN JJ 86, no. 240, fols 79–80r, ed. in E. de 35 Laurière, D.-F. Secousse, L. G. de Villevault, L. G. O. F. de Bréquigny, C. E. J. P. de Pastoret, and 36 J. M. Pardessus (eds), Les ordonnances des rois de la troisième race . . ., 21 vols, Paris: Imprimerie royale and 37 others, 1723–1849, vol. 4, pp. 346–8). 38   64 AN JJ 86, no. 207, fol. 67v, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 25; AN JJ 86, no. 231, fols 75v–6r, ed. Luce, Histoire, 39 no. 30; AN X1a 19, fols 348v–50r. See also AN JJ 90, no. 288, fol. 148r, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 24. 40   65 Ermenonville: AN JJ 86, no. 391, fol. 136r; AN JJ 86, no. 309, fol. 103, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 29; Chronique des règnes, ed. Delachenal, vol. 1, p. 178; Chronique normande, ed. Molinier and Molinier, 41 p. 130. Gonesse: AN X1a 14, fols 476–7, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 57; AN X1a 19, fols 348v–50r; Luce, 42 Histoire, no. 18 (erroneously citing AN X1a 14, fol. 249). Meaux: AN JJ 86, no. 286, fol. 95v, ed. 43 Luce, Histoire, no. 27; AN JJ 86, no. 606, fols 223v–4r; Luce, Histoire, no. 18; Chronique normande, ed. 44 Molinier and Molinier, p. 131. Montépilloy: AN X1a 18, fol. 63. Palaiseau: AN JJ 86, no. 252, fol. 45 84v; Chronique normande, ed. Molinier and Molinier, p. 128.   66 Ed. in d’Avout, Le meurtre, pp. 304–10. 46   67 Cazelles, ‘La Jacquerie’; R. Cazelles, Société politique, noblesse et couronne sous Jean le Bon et Charles V, 47 Geneva and Paris: Droz, 1982, pp. 324–9. 48 72 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 72 13/8/16 06:42:50  The eponymous Jacquerie 1   68 Cf. Bessen, ‘The Jacquerie’, p. 56. For peasants’ potentially sophisticated opinions on high politics see 2 C. Gauvard, ‘Rumeur et stéreotypes à la fin du Moyen Âge’, in La circulation des nouvelles au Moyen Âge, Rome: École française de Rome, 1994, pp. 157–77 and F. Boutoulle, ‘ “il y un meilleur roi que 3 le roi d’Angleterre”: Note sur la diffusion et la fonction d’une rumeur dans la paysannerie du Bordelais 4 au XIIIe siècle’, in M. Billoré and M. Soria (eds), La rumeur au Moyen Âge: du mépris à la manipulation 5 (Ve–XVe siècle), Rennes: Press Universitaires de Rennes, 2011, pp. 279–90. 6   69 Chronique des règnes, ed. Delachenal, vol. 1, p. 151. 7   70 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 165–7. 8   71 R. Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V, 5 vols, Paris: A. Picard & fils, 1909–31, vol. 1, pp. 383–85.   72 Chronique des règnes, ed. Delachenal, vol. 1, p. 177; J. de Venette, Chronique, ed. Beaune, p.  174; 9 Chronique des . . . Valois, ed. Luce, p. 71; AN JJ 90, no. 356, fol. 183v; AN JJ 92, no. 227, fol. 55v, ed. 10 de Beauvillé, Histoire de Montdidier, vol. 1, pp. 516–17. 11   73 Cazelles, ‘La Jacquerie’, pp. 663–5. 12   74 Durvin, ‘Les origines’. 13   75 See also AN JJ 90, no. 148, fols 79v–80r and AN JJ 86, no. 207, fol. 67v, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 25 for rivers. 14   76 Chronique des règnes, ed. Delachenal, vol. 1, pp. 178–80; Chronique normande, ed. Molinier and 15 Molinier, p. 126; AN JJ 86, no. 240, fols 79–80r, ed. Secousse, Les ordonnances, vol. 4, pp. 346–8; AN 16 JJ 86, no. 390, fol. 135. 17   77 Luce, Histoire, pp. 69–70. 18   78 Annales gandenses, ed. F. Funck-­Brentano, new edn, Paris: Alphonse Picard et fils, 1896, p. 32, n. 3; F. Funck-­Brentano, Les origines de la guerre de Cent Ans: Philippe le Bel en Flandres, Paris: Honoré 19 Champion, 1896, p. 409. 20   79 AN JJ 92, no. 227, fol. 55v, ed. de Beauvillé, Histoire de Montdidier, vol. 1, pp. 516–17. 21   80 Firnhaber-­Baker, ‘À son de cloche’. 22   81 He claims to have refused (AN JJ 90, no. 148, fols 79v–80r). See also AN X1a 19, fols 476–7, ed. 23 Luce, Histoire, no. 57 at p. 318; Cazelles, ‘La Jacquerie’, pp. 657, 662.   82 Bommersbach, ‘Gewalt’. See also A. Stella, ‘ “Racconciare la terra”: à l’écoute des voix des “Ciompi” 24 de Florence en 1378’, in J. Dumolyn, J. Haemers, H. R. Oliva Herrer, and V. Challet (eds), The 25 Voices of the People in Late Medieval Europe: Communication and Popular Politics, Turnhout: Brepols, 26 2014, pp. 139–47. 27   83 AN JJ 86, no. 142, fol. 49, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 21; AN JJ 86, no. 207, fol. 67v, ed. Luce, Histoire, 28 no. 25; AN JJ 86, no. 241, fol. 80, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 23; AN JJ 88, no. 1, fols 1–2; AN JJ 90, no. 29 425, fols 212v–13r; AN JJ 90, no. 556, fols 275v–6r (the only one to report actual violence – drown- ing – against a specific, named woman); and AN JJ 108, no. 86, fol. 55. 30   84 For example, the eight noblemen who accompanied Raoul de Clermont-­Nesle at St-­Leu; plusieurs 31 autres who fell in a battle in Ponthieu (AN JJ 89, no. 377, fol. 159); an unidentified squire killed near 32 Compiègne (AN JJ 86, no. 444, fol. 156, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 39); and an unnamed nobleman killed 33 near Pontpoint when it was discovered that he was a spy (AN JJ 96, no. 425, fol. 145; ed. Luce, His- 34 toire, no. 62).   85 Froissart, Jean le Bel, and Jean de Venette report rape, the Chronique des règnes, Chronique normande, 35 and Chroniques des . . . Valois do not. Remission: pro suspicione plurium & diversorum homicidiorum, incen- 36 diorum, raptorum (AN JJ 88, no. 1, fols 1–2, lost until now because erroneously cited as AN JJ 87, no. 37 1 in Luce, Histoire). On the absence of rape from the remissions, see Aiton, ‘ “Shame” ’, pp. 180–3. 38 Rape was generally a pardonable crime in fourteenth-­century France (C. Gauvard, ‘De grace especial’: 39 Crime, État, et société en France à la fin du Moyen Âge, 2 vols, Paris: Publiations de la Sorbonne, 1991, vol. 1, p. 308, 330–39, vol. 2, pp. 813–17), though under Marcel and le Coq the Estates General had 40 attempted to forbid the crown from remitting it in 1357 (Secousse (ed.), Les ordonnances, vol. 3, 41 pp. 128–9). 42   86 AN JJ 95, no. 121, fols 47–8r. 43   87 The most illuminating story in this regard is that of Mahieu de Roye’s family, which appears only in 44 Chicago, Newberry Library, MS F.37, vol. 2, fols 168–9r (transcribed at www.hrionline.ac.uk/ onlinefroissart). I am grateful to Godfried Croenen for drawing my attention to this story. For 45 Froissart’s narrative use of rape see de Medeiros, Jacques et chroniqueurs, ch. 2. 46   88 Dijon, AD de la Côte-d’Or B 1451, fol. 85v (recording a donation of one franc made in 1377 by the 47 duke of Burgundy to une povre dame de Peronne qui eust son filz Rosti par les Jaques). I am grateful to the 48 AD Côte-d’or for providing me with an image of the document. 73 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 73 13/8/16 06:42:50  J. Firnhaber-Baker   89 For example, In 1364, a squire sued a Jacques for damages of 300 écus incurred during the commotio 1 gentium de plana patria when he and other nonnobiles burned the squire’s house (hospicius) and stole his 2 goods (AN X1a 18, fol. 204r). 3   90 A droit d’arsin authorised Flemish communities to destroy the homes and castles of publicly offensive individuals: A. Delcourt, La vengeance de la commune: l’arsin et l’abattis de maison en Flandre et en Hainaut, 4 Lille: É. Raoust, 1930. Many Northern French communities also had this right (ibid., pp. 20–3), and 5 French royal courts sometimes meted out this punishment to violent nobles, e.g. AN X1a 12, fols 6 239v–40r. J. Dumolyn sees this as a keystone of communal mobilisation in Flemish rebellions: ‘The 7 vengeance of the commune: sign systems of popular politics in medieval Bruges’, in Oliva Herrer et 8 al. (eds), La comunidad, pp. 251–89. See also Challet’s chapter in this volume.   91 J. le Bel, Chronique, ed. Viard and Déprez, vol. 2, p. 259 reports that the nobles went to Creil because 9 they thought the Jacques were based there. He does not say whether they were right. One Jacques 10 repaired to the fortress of Cramoisy, but this was after (depuis) the revolt (AN JJ 90, no. 378, 11 fol. 239). 12   92 G. Algazi, ‘The social use of private war: some late medieval views reviewed’, Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für 13 Deutsche Geschichte, 22, 1993, pp. 253–73; H. Zmora, State and Nobility in Early Modern Germany: The Knightly Feud in Franconia, 1440–1567, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, pp. 102–11; 14 J. Firnhaber-­Baker, ‘Techniques of seigneurial war in the fourteenth century’, JMH, 36, 2010, 15 pp. 94–8. 16   93 N. Wright, Knights and Peasants: The Hundred Years War in the French Countryside, Woodbridge: 17 Boydell, 1998, pp. 98–100; P.-C. Timbal, La guerre de Cent Ans vue à travers les registres du parlement 18 (1337–1369), Paris: CNRS, 1961, pp. 149–65. For 1358: AN X1c 11, no. 9. 19   94 For example, AN X1a 19, fols 348v–50r, 407v. Extant medieval peasant houses in France have not been catalogued to my knowledge, but many surviving English peasant houses from the period are 20 substantial, two-­story buildings (N. Alcock and D. Miles, The Medieval Peasant House in Midland 21 England, Oxford: Oxbow, 2012; C. Dyer, An Age of Transition? Economy and Society in England in the 22 Later Middle Ages, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. 51–6). 23   95 P. Mane, ‘Le paysan dans ses meubles’, in E. Mornet (ed.), Campagnes médiévales: L’homme et son espace: 24 Études offertes à Robert Fossier, Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1995, pp. 247–60.   96 [B]ona reperta rapiebant, se ipsos et uxores suas rusticanas curiosius vestientes, facing page translation as Il se 25 livrèrent au pillage; eux et leurs femmes revêtirent avec une curiosité indue l’habit des nobles (Chronique, ed. 26 Beaune, pp. 176–7). Translated into English as ‘carried off such property as they found, wherewith 27 they clothed themselves and their peasant wives luxuriously’, in J. de Venette, The Chronicle of Jean de 28 Venette, trans. J. Birdsall, New York: Columbia University Press, 1953, p. 77. 29   97 Marriage: AN JJ 90, no. 476, fols 238v–9r, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 52; playing: AN JJ 99, no. 480, fols 149v–50r; castles: AN JJ 86, no. 153, fol. 51v regarding the man discussed in AN JJ 86, no. 365, fols 30 124v–5r. 31   98 Ibid. See C. Tilly, The Politics of Collective Violence, Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University 32 Press, 2003, esp. pp.  75–80 on the activation of latent social boundaries in the mobilisation of 33 violence. 34   99 P. Contamine, ‘Noblesse française, nobility et gentry anglaises à la fin du Moyen Âge: une comparai- son’, Cahiers de recherches médiévales et humanistes, 13, 2006, pp. 105–31; P. Contamine, La noblesse au 35 royaume de France de Philippe le Bel à Louis XII: essai de synthèse, 2nd edn, Paris: Presses universitaires de 36 France, 1997. 37 100 Three remissions for villages in Champagne say that the Jacquerie was directed against both clerics and 38 nobles, but this was not a general feature of the revolt (AN JJ 86, no. 357, fol. 122, ed. Luce, Histoire, 39 no. 31, confirmed at AN JJ 95, no. 19, fols 9v–10r; AN JJ 90, no. 271, fols 139v–40r; and AN JJ 95, 40 no. 22, fols 10v–11r). On clerical participation, see Luce, Histoire, pp. 64–5. 101 AN X1a 14, fols 476–7, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 57; Chronique normande, ed. Molinier and Molinier, 41 p. 130. 42 102 For example, AN X1c 32a, nos 30–1, an accord between the lord of Vez and his subjects. 43 103 My thanks to H. Ward for analysing my data as part of module SG4228 at the University of St 44 Andrews. 45 104 AN JJ 86, no. 346, fols 117v–18r; AN JJ 86, no. 357, fol. 122, ed. Luce, Histoire, no. 31; AN JJ 86, nos 377–9, fols 129–30r; AN JJ 90, no. 564, fol. 279r; AN JJ 95, no. 22, fols 10v–11r; AN JJ 107, no. 46 185, fol. 87. 47 105 AN X1c 11, nos 61–2. 48 74 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 74 13/8/16 06:42:50  The eponymous Jacquerie 1 106 Flammermont, ‘La Jacquerie’, p. 129. 2 107 Luce, Histoire; Cazelles, ‘The Jacquerie’, pp. 81–2; Hilton, Bond Men, pp. 114–19; Bommersbach, ‘Gewalt’, pp. 50–62; Firnhaber-­Baker, ‘À son de cloche’; but cf. Firnhaber-­Baker, ‘Soldiers, villagers, 3 and politics’ for lack of pillage in the Jacquerie heartlands. 4 108 For example, AN JJ 86, no. 585, fol. 212 and AN JJ 86, no. 267, fols 89v–90r, ed. Luce, Histoire, 5 no. 36. 6 109 Chronique normande, ed. Molinier and Molinier, pp. 127–8. 7 110 Arnold, ‘Religion and popular rebellion’, p. 161. See also Snow et al. ‘Frame alignment’, pp. 477–8 on ‘frame transformation’. 8 9 111 Tunc temporis [1356] nobiles, derisiones de rusticis et simplicibus facientes, vocabant eos Jaque Bonne 10 homme. Unde illo anno qui in bellis rusticaliter missi portabant arma sua, trufati et spreti ab aliis, hoc nomen Jaques Bonne homme acceperunt, et nomen rustici perdiderunt. 11 (  J. de Venette, Chronique, ed. Beaune, p. 144) 12 112 Arnold, ‘Religion and popular rebellion’, p. 159. 13 113 Cohn, Lust for Liberty, ch. 2. 14 114 For example, M. Boone, ‘The Dutch revolt and the medieval tradition of urban dissent’, Journal of 15 Early Modern History, 11, 2007, pp. 351–75; J. Dumolyn and J. Haemers, ‘Patterns of urban rebellion 16 in medieval Flanders’, JMH, 31, 2005, pp. 369–93; Lantschner, ‘Revolts and the political order’. 17 115 R. Fossier, La terre et les hommes en Picardie jusqu’à la fin du XIIIe siècle, Paris: Béatrice-Nauwelaerts, 1968; G. Fourquin, Les campagnes de la région parisienne à la fin du Moyen Âge (du milieu du XIIIe siècle 18 au début du XVIe siècle), Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1964; A. Chédeville, Chartres et ses 19 campagnes, XIe–XIIIe siècles, Paris: Editions Klincksieck, 1973, pp. 331–92; G. Brunel, ‘Seigneurs et 20 paysans en Soissonnais et Valois aux XIe–XIIIe siècles’, in Seigneurs et seigneurie au Moyen Âge, Paris: 21 CTHS, 1993, pp.  289–306; G. Brunel, ‘Les hommes de corps du chapitre cathédral de Laon 22 (1200–1460): continuité et crises de la servitude dans une seigneurie ecclésiastique’, in P. Freedman and M. Bourin (eds), Forms of Servitude in Northern and Central Europe: Decline, Resistance, and Expan- 23 sion, Turnhout: Brepols, 2005, pp. 131–77. The Jacquerie’s Picard heartlands had witnessed a rural 24 communal movement in the thirteenth century, which lapsed or was even suppressed in the four- 25 teenth: R. Fossier, ‘Les “communes rurales” au Moyen Âge’, Journal des savants, 1992, pp. 235–76; 26 Brunel, ‘Les hommes de corps’, pp. 171, 175. 27 116 Village organisation: Wright, Knights and Peasants, chs 4–5; Cohn, ‘Enigmas’. Laon: Brunel, ‘Les hommes de corps’ pp. 171–5. Flanders: W. H. TeBrake, A Plague of Insurrection: Popular Politics and 28 Peasant Revolt in Flanders, 1323–1328, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993; B. J. P. 29 van Bavel, ‘Rural revolts and structural change in the Low Countries, thirteenth–early fourteenth 30 centuries’, in R. Goddard, J. Langdon, and M. Müller (eds), Survival and Discord in Medieval Society: 31 Essays in Honour of Christopher Dyer, Turnhout: Brepols, 2010, pp. 249–68; thirteenth century: Four- 32 quin, Les campagnes, pp. 167–8, 171–2. 117 For example, Justice, Writing and Rebellion, p. 222, n. 103; Y.-M. Bercé, History of Peasant Revolts: The 33 Social Origins of Rebellion in Early Modern France, trans. A. Whitmore, Cambridge: Polity, 1990, 34 p. 100. 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 75 926 03 History H-Book 03.indd 75 13/8/16 06:42:50