of Dreams: History and Identity in Post-Soviet Ukraine (1998) and Communities of the Converted: Ukrainians and Global Evangelism (2007), which won four prizes and was named a Choice Outstanding Academic Title. She is co-editor of Religion, Morality and Community in Post-Soviet Societies (2008) and editor of the forthcoming New Religious Histories: Rethinking Religion and Secularization in Russia and Ukraine (2012). She is currently writing a book on Soviet policies of secularization and the transformation of religious life in the former Soviet Union after World War II. Her research has been supported by awards from the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Science Foundation, and the Social Science Research Council among others. Helena Yakovlev-Golani is a PhD Candidate at the Swiss Centre for Conflict Research at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Her PhD thesis deals with the Russian Federation's foreign policy towards Belarus and Ukraine. As part of her research, she conducted field work at the Carnegie Moscow Center. She has recently edited the book, Exploring the Facets of Revenge (forthcoming), for the Inter-Disciplinary .Net, Oxford. Her areas of expertise include security, economic, geopolitical, and cultural aspects in Europe, the post-Soviet space and the Middle-East. Serhy Yekelchyk is Associate Professor of History and Slavic Studies at the University of Victoria. A native of Ukraine, he received his PhD from the University of Alberta in 2000. Yekelchyk has published four books on various aspects of Modern Ukrainian history, including a one-volume history of Ukraine (Oxford University Press, 2007). He is currently writing a history of the revolution and civil war in Ukraine (1917-1920). Florin Curta and Jace Stuckey Charlemagne in Medieval East Central Europe (ca. 800 to ca. 1200) Abstract: During the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the legend of Charlemagne gained widespread popularity, as the figure of the emperor became a model for rulers and crusaders. However, at the same time, there was no equivalent cult of the emperor in East Central Europe, despite intensive intellectual exchange with those parts of the continent in which Charlemagne served as the highest political ideal. The examination of two early texts—the chronicles of Gallus Anonymus and Cosmas of Prague—reveals that although not completely absent from the chroniclers' repertoire of historical parallels and examples, Charlemagne was either mentioned simply as a chronological marker or (especially in the Chronicle of Cosmas of Prague) given attributes that do not appear in any other contemporary works and which suggest a local reinterpretation of his role in history and of his personality. Additionally, this is confirmed by an examination of a slightly later text—the Gesta Hungarorum, the earliest surviving work of medieval historiography in Hungary. Charlemagne was never particularly popular in East Central Europe. The emperor rarely appears in the medieval historiography of Hungary and his name is not even mentioned in any of the medieval chronicles of that country.1 Emperor Charles IV attempted to introduce the cult of Charlemagne to Bohemia, when in 1350 he dedicated to him a church in Prague, and later built the Karlstejn as a shrine for the imperial insignia, some of which were said to have been Charlemagne's.2 Nonetheless, such efforts remained a historical curiosity of no political significance.3 Laszlo Veszpremy, "Kaiser Karl der GroBe und Ungarn," in "... swer sinen vriunt behaltet, daz is lobelich." Festschrift fur Andrds Vizkelety, edited by V. Marta Nagy and Laszlo Jonacsik (Budapest and Piliscsaba: Katholische Peter-Pazmany Universitat, 2001) 195-196. Franz Machilek, "Karl IV. und Karl der GroBe," Zeitschrift des Aachener Geschichtsvereins 10 (2003): 137-138. For the liturgy of St. Charlemagne established in Prague, see Robert Folz, Etudes sur le culte liturgique de Charlemagne dans les eglises de I'Empire (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1951) 39^10. There is a portrait of Charlemagne in the Chapel of the Holy Cross at Karlstejn, for which see Sven Luken, "Karl der GroBe und sein Bild," in Karl der Grofie und Europa. Symposium, edited by Bernd Bastert (Frankfurt a. M.: Peter Lang, 2004) 72 with fig. 22. Frantisek Graus, Lebendige Vergangenheit. Uberlieferung im Mittelalter und in den Vorstellungen vom Mittelalter (Cologne and Vienna: Bohlau, 1975) 183-184; Marie Blahova, "Nachleben Karls des GroBen in der Propaganda Karls IV.," Das Mittelalter 4 (1999): 11-25. Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes Vol. Lin, Nos. 2-3^1, June-September-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 2011 tluk1n UURTA AND JACE STUCKEY Why was there no interest in Charlemagne before the mid-fourteenth century? Did anyone in Bohemia remember Charlemagne's dealings with the Czechs? Did educated clergymen in medieval Hungary know that Charlemagne had waged war against the Avars in those same lands now under the rule of the Arpadian kings? Did the Piast rulers of Poland view Charlemagne as an ideal monarch? What was ultimately the image of Charlemagne in East Central Europe at the time when his legend had begun to develop in the West, most famously in the Song of Roland? Through an examination of two key texts—the chronicles of Gallus Anonymus and Cosmas of Prague—we will attempt to provide plausible answers to those questions. Our goal is to show that despite the rarity of direct references to Charlemagne, the earliest historiographical works produced in the Middle Ages in East Central Europe show both familiarity with the developments of the legend of Charlemagne and an interest in adapting elements of that legend for local use. We will limit our study chronologically to the early twelfth century, when the two chronicles were written, for two main reasons. First, it is important to gauge the influence of the legend of Charlemagne in the lands of East Central Europe before the emperor's canonization in 1165. Second, we decided to focus on the earliest surviving chronicles in East Central Europe because they were written at a time of great significance for the development of Charlemagne's legend in Europe. Moreover, this approach raises a number of questions pertaining to cultural synchronism and the mechanisms of cultural transmission, two issues which have formed the staple of studies in the cultural history of modern Europe but have only recently been tackled by historians interested in the Middle Ages.4 We will first examine the development of the legend of Charlemagne, with a particular focus on aspects that may be relevant to its reception in East Central Europe: the Avar and Bohemian wars, the voyage to Constantinople, Charlemagne's contact with God, and Charlemagne as a lawgiver and a crusader. We will then turn to the reception of the legend in East Central Europe. The conclusion will substantiate some of the arguments in that discussion through a brief expansion of focus to the early thirteenth century to include an examination of Gesta Hungarorum, the earliest surviving work of medieval historiography in Hungary. The literature on cultural transmission in the modem period is enormous, and cannot be cited here in full. See, more recently, Catherine Evtuhov and Stephen Kotkin, eds., The Cultural Gradient: The Transmission of Ideas in Europe, 1789-1991 (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003), and Ute Schonpflug, ed., Cultural Transmission: Psychological, Developmental, Social and Methodological Aspects (Cambridge and New York- Cambridge University Press, 2009). For cultural transmission in the Middle Ages, see the stud.es collected in L. H. Hollengreen, ed., Translatio or the Transmission of Culture in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009). CHARLEMAGNE IN MEDIEVAL HAST CENTRAL EUROPE (CA. 800 TO CA. 1200) 183 CHARLEMAGNE IN EAST CENTRAL EUROPE AND THE MAKING OF THE CHARLEMAGNE LEGEND Charlemagne never set foot in Bohemia and Poland. Even in what is now Hungary, he did not go beyond the river Raba when he campaigned against the Avars in 791.5 The campaign was a grand-scale demonstration of military might. Two armies of Franks, Saxons, Frisians, Thuringians, Bavarians, and Slavs were assembled, the largest of which followed the Danube on the southern bank under Charlemagne's direct command. A second corps moved along the northern bank, while a fleet sailed down the river carrying supplies for both armies.6 In a letter to his wife, Fastrada, Charlemagne described the three days of fasting and prayer preceding the military actions.7 A third army, under the dukes of Istria and Friuli, had by then entered the Avar territory from the south and obtained the first victories against the Avars.8 Charlemagne encountered Avar fortifications in the northern part of modern Austria, before reaching the Vienna Woods and the river Raba, where an epidemic killed all his horses. The emperor decided to return through Savaria (present-day Szombathely), and ordered the northern army to withdraw through Bohemia.9 Over the next two years, Charlemagne prepared for a new expedition against the Avars, while a civil war broke in Avaria.10 Envoys of at least one party in the conflict came to him to offer submission and to request baptism for 5 Jozsef Deer, "Karl der GroBe und der Untergang des Awarenreiches," in Karl der Grofie: Lebenswerk und Nachleben, edited by Wolfgang Braunfels and Helmut Beumann (Dusseldorf: L. Schwann, 1967) 719-791; Peter Vaczy, "Der frankische Krieg und das Volk der Awaren," Acta Antigua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 20 (1972): 395— 420; Walter Pohl, Die Awaren: Ein Steppenvolk im Mitteleuropa 567-822 n. Chr. (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1988) 315-323; Istvan Bona, "Az avar birodalom vegnapjai. Vitak es uj eredmenyek," in A honfoglaldsrol sok szemmel I. Honfoglalds es regeszet, edited by Gyorgy Gyrjrffy and Laszlo Kovacs (Budapest: Balassi, 1994) 67-75; Krzysztof Polek, "Wojna awarska Karola Wielkiego i jej wptyw na stosunki polityczne, etniczne i kulturowe w strefie Srodkowego Dunaju w koricu VIII i na pocza_tku IX wieku," in Viae Historicae. Ksiega juhileuszowa dedykowana Profesorowi Lechowi A. Tyszkiewiczowi w siedemdziesiqtq rocznice urodzin, edited by Mateusz Goliriski and Stanistaw Rosik (Wroclaw: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wroclawskiego, 2001) 131-141; Bela Miklos Szoke, "Az avar-frank haboruk kezdete," Zalai Muzeum 14 (2005): 233-244. ' Pohl 315; Polek 135. Charlemagne, ep. 20, edited by Ernest Dummler, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Epistolae Karolini aevi (Berlin: Weidmann, 1895) 528. 8 Pohl 316. Royal Frankish Annals, s.a. 791, edited by Georg H. Pertz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum 6 (Hannover: Hahn, 1895) 89. See also Polek 135-136. 10 Royal Frankish Annals, s.a. 793, 93. Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes Vol. LIU, Nos. 2-3-4, June-September-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 2011 their leader." Meanwhile, the troops of the duke of Friuli organized another raid into Avar territory under a commander named Voinimir, who reached the Avar "ring" in 795 and returned with a great amount of booty.12 Charlemagne's son, Pippin, who was at that time king of Lombardy, struck again at the heart of the Avar polity and obtained the submission of the Avar ruler before occupying and thoroughly plundering the "ring."13 In 803, Charlemagne dispatched an army into Avaria, where an anti-Frankish revolt had broken in 799.14 However, Charlemagne had by then shifted his political and military interests to Bohemia, which was invaded in 805 by three armies, one of which was under the command of his other son, Charles the Younger.15 In 806, another army entered Bohemia and forced the local chieftains to pay a tribute (the earliest evidence of the latter, however, post-dates Charlemagne's death in 814).16 To Einhard, writing more than a decade after the emperor's death, the war "with the Avars, or Huns, was the greatest of all the wars he waged, except for that against the Saxons, to which this one succeeded."17 The most surprising element of the long description of that war is the removal of Charlemagne from the foreground.18 Except for his participation in the first campaign, much of the work is done on his behalf by others, from his son Pippin to prefects and counts. " Royal Frankish Annals, s.a. 795, 64; Annals of Lorsch, s.a. 795, edited by Georg H. Pertz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores, 1 (Hannover: Hahn, 1826) 36. Royal Frankish Annals, s.a. 796, 64; Polek 136. Royal Frankish Annals, s.a. 796, 66. See also the poem De Pippini Regis victoria Avarica, in Poetae Latini aevi Carolini, edited by Ernest Dummler, I (Hannover: Hahn, 1881) 116-117. Royal Frankish Annals, s.a. 797 and 799, 66 and 70. Two counts, Cadaloh and Goteram, died in battle against the Avars in 802 {Annals of St. Emmeram in Regensburg, s.a. 802, in Pertz 93). Royal Frankish Annals, s.a. 805, 120; Annals of Metz, s.a. 805, edited by B. von Simson, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 10 (Hannover: Hahn, 1905) 93; Dusan Tfestik, Vznik Velke Moravy. Moravane, Cechove a stfedniEvropa v letech 791-871 (Prague: Lidove noviny, 2001) 72-81. The first mention of the tribute paid by the Czechs is in Ordinatio imperii of 817, edited by Alfred Boretius, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Capitularia regum Francorum, 1 (Hannover: Hahn, 1893) 270. See also Dusan Tfestik, Pocdtky Pfemyslovcu. Vstup Cechu do dejin (530-935), Ceska Historie, 1 (Prague: Lidove noviny, 1997) 70-73. Einhard, The Life of Charles the Emperor, 13, edited by Oswald Holder-Egger, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 25 (Hannover: Hahn, 1911) 15; English translation from Charlemagne and Louis the Pious: The Lives by Einhard, Notker, Ermoldus, Thegan, and the Astronomer, translated by Thomas F. X. Noble (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009) 32. For the date of Einhard's Life of Charles the Emperor, see Thomas F. X. Noble, in Charlemagne and Louis the Pious 11-13. 18 Einhard 13: 15-16. In the end, the victory over the Avars is attributed to the Franks, in general, as if it were a collective endeavour. In describing the Avar war as part of a long section dedicated to Charlemagne's military exploits, Einhard wanted to show that, despite the length of time it took, this was in fact a relatively easy war with only a few losses on the Frankish side. After properly starting the war, Charlemagne could leave the task to be finished by his son and deputies. This is in sharp contrast with what Einhard has to say about Bohemia, where Charlemagne is said to have waged war in person.19 In this case, Einhard seems to have simply ignored the fact that in reality all operations had been led by Charles the Younger, and not by the emperor. Most likely his intention was to emphasize how little value the Avars had as Charlemagne's enemies and how easy it had been not only to defeat them, but also to extinguish "the entire nobility of the Huns."20 Writing some sixty years later, Notker the Stammerer employed a similar approach when explaining that the emperor had had to intervene when "the Huns and Bulgars, and many other fierce peoples, were still whole and intact along the land road to the Greeks." "The most warlike Charles" decided to conquer some of those peoples, mainly the Slavs and the Bulgars, and he "virtually eradicated them, such as the ironlike and rock-hard people called Huns."21 But he chose not to press things to a final conclusion with the Bulgars, because "they no longer seemed to threaten the kingdom of the Franks, once the Huns had been defeated."22 Like Einhard, Notker knew that the war against the Huns was waged primarily by Charlemagne's son, Pippin.23 However, the idea that the war against the Avars was ultimately no military challenge at all takes a different twist in Notker's work. In a story apparently collected from the oral tradition, he introduces a warrior of a very large frame named Eishere. Just as Einhard's Charlemagne cannot waste his time fighting the Avars in person, so is Notker's Eishere somewhat annoyed by the interest others have in people whom Einhard 15: 18. The "Bohemian war" (bellum Boemanicum) immediately followed the Avar war (Einhard 15: 16-17). Unlike the Avar war, the Bohemian one "did not take very long" (diu durare non potuerunt). Einhard 13: 16; English translation from Charlemagne and Louis the Pious 32. Notker the Stammerer, The Deeds of Emperor Charles I, 27, edited by Hans F. Haefele, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, Nova seria, 12 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1959) 37-38. English translation from Charlemagne and Louis the Pious 83. Notker the Stammerer II 1: 51; English translation from Charlemagne and Louis the Pious 91. Notker the Stammerer II 12: 70 and II 1: 51. Unlike Einhard, Notker has a detailed, albeit fantastic description of the Avar strongholds in the form of nine concentric circles (II 1:49-50). Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes Vol. LIO, Nos. 2-7s-A, June-September-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 2011 I 80 FLORIN CURTA AND JACE STUCKEY he views as "worms" to be skewered on his spear.24 It is worth noting at this point that in the eyes of Notker, who used Eishere's story to illustrate the point, both Bohemians and Avars were equally worthless adversaries of the Franks. The underlying idea, which may have originated in Einhard's account of the Avar war, is that to the East, on the road to "the Greeks", lived people who could be easily conquered, should the emperor have decided to do so. However, it was ultimately Einhard's, and not Notker's version that would be transformed into legend.25 Writing a few years after Notker, an unknown monk from Corvey turned Einhard's Life of Charles the Emperor into a long poem and took the story a step further: at the Last Judgment, Charlemagne presents the Saxons to the Saviour, in the same way Peter introduces the Jews, Paul the pagans, and John the Gentiles of Asia.26 This entirely new development in the transmission of Einhard's portrait of the Frankish emperor shows that before the end of the ninth century associating Charlemagne with the divine had already become an important component of the legend.27 Furthermore, it was from Einhard that Widukind of Corvey learned of Charlemagne's victory against the Avars, who had been driven across the Danube and "enclosed in a large valley and so restrained from committing their 24 Notker the Stammerer II 12: 75; English translation from Charlemagne and Louis the Pious 106-107. Heinrich Hoffmann believed this story to have been based on the "folk traditions of the Swiss." See his Karl der Grosse im Bilde der Geschichtsschreibung des friihen Mittelalters (800-1250) (Berlin: Ebering, 1919) 19. Robert Folz, Le souvenir et la legende de Charlemagne dans Vempire germanique medievale (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1950) 9 and 15; Matthias Tischler, Einharts Vita Karoli: Studien zur Entstehung, Uberlieferung undRezeption, I (Hannover: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 2001); Santiago Lopez Martinez-Moras, "Carlomagno y la tradicion oral: de Notker Balbulus a los primeros textos epicos," in El Pseudo-Turpin lazo entre el culto jacobeo y el culto de Carlomagno. Actas del VI Congreso internacional de estudios jacobeos, edited by Klaus Herbers (Santiago de Compostela: Xunta de Galicia, 2003) 49. Gesta Karoli Magni imperatoris, U. 679-688, edited by Paul de Winterfeld, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Poetae Latini aevi Carolini, 4.1 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1899) 71. For an analysis of this passage, see Hans-Joachim Reischmann, Die Trivialisierung des Karlsbildes der Einhard-Vita in Notkers Gesta Karoli Magni. Rezeptionstheoretische Studien zum Abbau der kritischen Distanz in der spdtkarolingischen Epoche (Konstanz: Hartung-Gorre Verlag, 1984) 82-83. The war against the Saxons had already been depicted as a holy war, a proto-crusade in the Translation of St. Vitus, written at Corvey in or shortly before 837 (Folz, Le souvenir 30). Christine Ratkowitsch, "Das Karlbild in der lateinischen GroMchtung des Mittelalters," in Karl der Grofie in den europdischen Literaturen des Mittelalters: Konstruktion eines Mythos, edited by Bernd Bastert (Tubingen: Max Niemayer Verlag, 2004) 4. CHARLEMAGNE IN MEDIEVAL HAS I LbMKAL cunurt(l«. ouu iw wa. ,iuu, usual depredations."28 Like other medieval authors, Widukind drew inspiration from the ethnographic concepts of Late Antiquity and believed that ancient nomads periodically reappeared under different names, even though they were essentially the same people. He therefore depicted Otto I's crushing defeat of the Magyars as a v'ctory over me Avars, previously conquered (but apparently not entirely wiped out!) by Charlemagne.29 Benedict of Saint Andrew (a monastery on Mount Soracte, north of Rome), who wrote in ca. 968, mentioned the Avars twice in his chronicle, first as envoys from the "chagangu" to Charlemagne's court in Aachen.30 Much more interesting is the other reference to Avars in the context of the journey Charlemagne is said to have made to Jerusalem and Constantinople, the first such instance in the development of the Charlemagne legend. Benedict's Charlemagne built bridges across the sea, so that he could cross to Jerusalem together with his great army made up of "all of the Franks, Saxons, Bavarians, Aquitanians, Gascons, Pannonians, Avars, Alamans, and Lombards, a mass of peoples that no one is able to quantify."31 The list of ethnic names is most likely derived from the enumeration of conquered peoples and territories in chapter 15 of Einhard's Life of Charles the Emperor?2 A turning point in the development of the Charlemagne legend was the decision of Emperor Otto III to open Charlemagne's tomb in Aachen in 1000. Some even believe that the emperor's intention was to establish Charlemagne's cult in Aachen.33 Two later accounts of this event definitely point in that Widukind, Deeds of the Saxons 1.19, edited by H. E. Lohmann and Paul Hirsch, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 60 ( Hannover: Hahn, 1935) 29; English translation from Raymund F. Wood, "The Three Books of the Deeds of the Saxons," Diss. (University of California, 1949) 186. 29 "Avares, quos modo Ungarios vocamus." Widukind 1.17: 28. A connection between Avars and Magyars was also established in Passau in the circumstances surrounding Otto I's efforts to convert the Magyars to Christianity in the aftermath of his victory of 955. A series of forged diplomas of this period claimed that the jurisdiction of the bishop of Passau over Pannonia had been established by Charlemagne himself (Folz, Le souvenir 72-73). 30 Benedict of Sant'Andrea del Soracte, Chronicon, edited by Giuseppe Zuichetti (Rome: Tipografia del Senato, 1920) 104. Benedict of Sant'Andrea del Soracte 113; English translation from Anne Austin Latowsky, "Imaginative Possession: Charlemagne and the East from Einhard to the Voyage de Charlemagne" Diss. (University of Washington, 2004) 64. ^ Latowsky 63. Knut Gorich, "Otto III offhet das Karlsgrab in Aachen. Uberlegungen zu Heiligenverehrung, Heiligsprechung und Traditionsbildung," in Herrschaftsreprdsentation in ottonischen Sachsen, edited by Gerd Althoff and Ernst Schubert (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1998) 381-430; Matthew Gabriele, "Otto III, Charlemagne, and Pentecost A.D. 1000: A Reconsideration Using Diplomatic Evidence," in The Year 1000. Religious and Social Responses to the Turning of the First Millennium, edited by Michael Frassetto Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes Vol. HII, Nos. 2-3^1, June-Septeraber-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 2011 Florin Curta and Jace Stuckey ■ „, fmagne in Medieval East Central Europe (ca. 800 to ca. 1200) CHAKL& 189 direction. Writing at least 27 years after the event, the chronicler of Novalesa (a monastery in Val di Susa, on the route to the Mont Cenis Pass) put the account into the mouth of Emperor Otto Ill's sword-bearer, Count Otto of Lomello, according to whom Charlemagne's corpse exuded a particularly sweet odour.34 Otto III and his companions promptly venerated the uncorrupted remains of Charlemagne, as if he were a saint. Ademar of Chabannes, who wrote in 1028, brought another twist to the story, in order to support the idea of Charlemagne's sanctity. According to him, upon seeing Charlemagne's enormous body preserved intact, a priest from Aachen who had entered the tomb in the company of Otto III reached for the crown on Charlemagne's head in order to see if it would fit his own head. Not only was the crown too large for him, but a miracle instantly took place, as the priest was eventually paralyzed as a punishment for his sacrilegious behaviour.35 The transformation of Charlemagne into a saint-like ruler in a special relation to God is also visible at this time in the epic production.36 In the so- called "Hague Fragment," which is dated to ca. 1030, Charlemagne invokes God at the siege of an unknown city, which is believed by many commentators to be Gerona.37 During the second half of the eleventh century, Charlemagne became the archetypal warrior against Muslims and thus the paramount crusader. In his Translation of St. Servais written in 1088, Jocundus described the emperor as outnumbered by Muslims, but still entering the battle, with no fear of dying for (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002) 111-123. Contra: Ludwig Falkenstein, Otto III. und Aachen (Hannover: Hahn, 1998); Anna Benvenuti, "San Carlomagno: de Oton III al pseudo-Turpm," in Herbers 210. Cronaca di Novalesa III 32, edited by Gian Carlo Alessio (Turin: Einaudi, 1982) 182. It is difficult to date the account, but book III of the chronicle, in which this passage is to be found, must have been written after 1027 (Folz, he souvenir 92, n. 105). 35 Ademar of Chabannes, Chronicon III 31, edited by Pascale Bourgain (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999) 153. It has been suggested that this particular passage is a later interpolation to be dated after 1154. Charlemagne had already been the subject of such a production for some time, as clearly attested in the mid-tenth century by Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus. Relying on information from his daughter-in-law, Bertha-Eudokia (the daughter of King Hugh of Provence), the Byzantine emperor knew that Charlemagne was a "man much celebrated in song and story and author of heroic deeds in war." See Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio 26, edited by Gyula Moravcsik and translated by R. J. H. Jenkins (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Center of Byzantine Studies, 1967) 109. 37 Martin de Riquer, Les chansons de geste francaises (Paris: Nizet, 1968) 328. See also Paul Aebischer, "Le Fragment de La Haye. Les problemes qu'il pose et les enseignements qu'il donne," Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie 73 (1957): 20-37. For Charlemagne as God's chosen in the epic production, see also Karl-Heinz Bender, "La genese de l'image litteraire de Charlemagne elu de Dieu au Xle siecle," Boletin de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 31 (1965-1966): 35—49. the Church.38 This is in essence the image of Charlemagne in the Song of Roland?9 In tnat Poern> Charlemagne appears as a man of considerable age ( yer 200 years old), with white hair and a white beard that he often pulls when thinking or when anxious. The emperor of the vernacular epic is particularly ious: he wakes up early in the morning for mass and always asks God for help before battle. He can also ask God for favours, as in the famous miracle of the sun 40 He leads a Christian army made up of various ethnic groups against the treacherous Saracens.41 This is in no uncertain terms a battle between Christendom and Islam, with Charlemagne leading God's army to victory. Charlemagne as a proto-crusader, a great warrior, an ideal king, and a defender of the Church was a dominant theme for chroniclers and historians of the First Crusade. In his version of Pope Urban H's speech at Clermont in 1095, Robert the Monk, who wrote just over a decade after the event, described Charlemagne as having "destroyed the kingdoms of the pagans, and extended in these lands the territory of the Holy Church."42 The pope invited the crusaders to emulate the deeds "of your ancestors" (praedecessorum vestrorum), specifically those of Charlemagne and of his sons, the ideal Christian kings who defeated enemies on the battlefield while championing the cause of the Church 43 When crossing Hungary to go to Constantinople, some participants in the First Crusade appear to have been willing to give to Charlemagne (Karlomagnus) the credit otherwise due to Coloman (Calomanus), King of Hungary (1095-1116), for the repair of the road. Robert the Monk thus wrote of the King of the Franks Jocundus, Translation of St. Servais 1, edited by R. Kopke, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores, 12 (Hannover: Hahn, 1856) 93. For the date of Jocundus's work, see Folz, Le souvenir 137-138, who notes that "un Charlemagne croise existe done tres probablement dans les esprits a la veille du concile de Clermont." D. Karl Uitti, Story, Myth, and Celebration in Old French Narrative Poetry 1050-1200 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973) 69-79; Jace Stuckey, "Charlemagne As Crusader: Memory, Propaganda, and the Many Uses of Charlemagne's Legendary Expedition to Spain," in The Legend of Charlemagne in the Middle Ages: Power, Faith, and Crusade, edited by Matthew Gabriele and Jace Stuckey (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2008) 137-153. Song of Roland, 11. 2447-2459, edited by Jean Dufournet (Paris: Flammarion, 1993) 252. 41 Song of Roland, 11. 3045-3046 and 3052 in Dufournet 298. However, unlike the chronicle of Benedict of Saint Andrew, in the Song of Roland the Avars (Avers; 1. 3242) and the Slavs (Esclavoz; 1. 3255) are troops in Baligant's army, so Charlemagne's enemies. For the identification of the Avers as Avars, see Gaston Paris, Melanges linguistiques (Paris: H. Champion, 1909) 581. Recueil des historiens des croisades. I, 3. Historiens occidentaux (Paris: Imprimerie royale, 1866; reprint Farnborough: Gregg, 1969) 728; English translation from Carol Sweetenham, Robert the Monk's History of the First Crusade (Aldershot and Burlington: Ashgate, 2005) 79-81. Recueil des historiens 728. Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes Vol. LIU, Nos. 2-1-4-, June-September-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 2011 i vu Florin Curta and Jace Stuckey ordering the building of a road to Constantinople, while the anonymous author of the Gesta Francorum el aliorum Hierosolimitanorum described the journey to the East as following "the road that Charlemagne, the heroic king of the Franks, had once caused to be built to Constantinople."44 Ralph of Caen described Baldwin [, the King of Jerusalem, as a descendant of Charlemagne and thus "destined to be born as the one who would sit on David's throne."45 A certain concern with linking current emperors genealogically with Charlemagne also appears in the historiography of the Holy Roman Empire. Adelbold of Utrecht claimed that Emperor Henry II was related to Charlemagne both on his mother's and on his father's side, while Wipo extolled Queen Gisela, Conrad IPs wife, for being a descendant of the Carolingians.46 On the other hand, during Emperor Henry IV's conflict with Otto of Northeim and the Saxon nobility in the 1070s, the imperial chancery did not hesitate to compare Charlemagne's wars against the Saxons with the campaign of the imperial army against the Saxon peasants who had sacked the imperial fortress at Harzburg. Bishop Benzo of Alba even placed in Charlemagne's mouth a brief encouragement for Henry IV based on an untranslatable pun: "Sic, sic victor eris, si crebro saxa teris" (Thus, thus you will win, if you will repeatedly break the stones).47 In turn, the Saxons often made recourse to the liberties and laws purportedly established for them by Charlemagne, and now apparently disregarded by Emperor Henry IV.48 44 Recueil des hisloriens 732; Gesta Francorum et Aliorum Hierosolimitanorum, edited by Rosalind Hill (London: T. Nelson, 1962) 2. See also Peter Tudebode, Historia de Hierosolymitano itinere, edited by John H. Hill and Laurita L. Hill (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1974) 16-17. For the confusion between Charlemagne and Coloman, see Folz, Le souvenir 142. For King Coloman, see Marta Font, Koloman the Learned, King of Hungary (Szeged: Szegedi kozepkorasz muhely, 2001). 45 Ralph of Caen, The Deeds of Tancred 37, English translation from The Gesta Tancredi of Ralph of Caen. A History of the Normans on the First Crusade, translated by Bernard S. Bachrach and David S. Bachrach (Burlington: Ashgate, 2005) 61. This was no new development, for in the early eleventh century, the princes of Brabant also claimed direct descendance from Charlemagne (Folz, Le souvenir 112). 46 Adelbold of Utrecht, The Life of Emperor Henry II, edited by Hand van Rij, I (Amsterdam: Nederlandse historische bronnen, 1983) 48; Wipo, The Deeds of Emperor Conrad, edited by Harry Bresslau, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 61 (Leipzig: Halm, 1956) 24-25. Wipo also compared Conrad II to Charlemagne. 47 ... Benzo of Alba, To Henry I 17, edited by K. Pertz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores, 11 (Hannover: Hahn, 1854) 606. Saxa means "large and rough stones" as well as "Saxons." For the Saxon opposition to Henry IV, see Horst Fuhrmann, Germany in the High Middle Ages, c. 1050-1200 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986) 62-63. 48 Folz, Le souvenir 1 18. charlemagne in medieval east central europe (ca. 800toca. 1200) 191 Charlemagne as lawgiver is first mentioned in the mid-eleventh century in the chronicle of the Bavarian Benedictine abbey of Ebersberg, the author oi which has Bishop Udalrich of Augsburg bemoaning on his deathbed the passing of the good old days in which Sigebert, Theoderich. and Charlemagne had established their laws.49 A century later, the Kaiserchronik, a work compiled by a group of authors in Regensburg, described Charlemagne as a lawgiver in the manner of Moses. Initially, all peoples had separate laws; after Charlemagne became emperor, by divine inspiration he introduced a single law for the entire empire.50 In the early thirteenth century, the Saxon Mirror [Sachsenspiegel], compiled by Eike von Repgow, was regarded as the law established by Charlemagne.51 Proto-crusader, ideal king, defender of the Church, and lawgiver: the myth of Charlemagne was most certainly in existence by 1100.52 It is therefore against this background that the image of Charlemagne needs to be examined in the earliest native sources of East Central Europe. The Legend of Charlemagne in East Central Europe A much repeated, but never demonstrated theory purports that the common noun for "king" in most Slavic languages derives from Charlemagne's name.53 A 49 Chronicle of Ebersberg, edited by Wilhelm Arndt, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores, 20 (Hannover: Hahn, 1868) 14. 50 Kaiserchronik, 11. 14414, 15040-15091, edited by Edward Schroder (Hannover: Hahn, 1892) 342 and 345. See Bernd Bastert, '"de Cristenheyt als niicz al skein czelffbott': Karl der Grofie in der deutschen erzahlenden Literatur des Mittelalters," in Karl der Grofie in den europaischen Literaturen des Mittelalters: Konstruktion eines Mythos, edited by Bernd Bastert (Tubingen: Niemayer, 2004) 128-133. Sachsenspiegel, Prolog, edited by Karl August Eckhardt, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Fontes luris Germanici Antiqui, N. S. 1 (Hannover: Hahn, 1933) 14. See Stephen Miiller, "'Schwabenspiegel' und 'Prosakaiserchronik.' Textuelle Aspekte einer Uberlieferungssymbiose am Beispiel der Geschichte Karls des GroBen (mit einem Anhang zur Uberlieferung der 'Prosakaiserchronik')," in Wolfram-Studien XIX. Text und Text im lateinischer und volkssprachiger Uberlieferung des Mittelalters. Freiburg Colloquium 2004, edited by Eckart Conrad Lutz (Berlin: E. Schmidt, 2006) 237. Max Kerner, Karl der Grofie: Entschleierung eines Mythos (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Bohlau, 2000); Matthew Gabriele, An Empire of Memory: The Legend of Charlemagne, the Franks, and Jerusalem Before the First Crusade (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2011). According to Erich Berneker, Slavisches etymologisches Worterbuch (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1924) 572-573, at the origin of the Czech word krdl or the Polish word km! is the Middle High German Karl. From the Slavic languages, the word was adopted with an identical or similar meaning by several non-Slavic languages, such as Romanian (crai), Albanian (kraT), Hungarian (kirdly), Lithuanian (karalius), and Turkish (keral). The idea goes back to Josef Dobrovsky, but was first developed by Franz von Miklosich, Etymologisches Worterbuch der slavischen Sprachen (Vienna: W. Braumuller, 1886; Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes Yol. UII, Nos. 2-3^1, June-September-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 201 1 142 Florin Curta and Jace Stuckey Charlemagne in Medieval East Central Europe (ca. 800toca. 1200) 193 Polish linguist even argued that only Polabian Slavic permitted a soft "I" in borrowings from Germanic languages, from which he drew the conclusion that *korljb (the name for "king" supposedly derived from Charlemagne's name) must have entered the world of the speakers of Slavic from the northwest, the area inhabited by Wilzi, Sorbs, and Obodrites—the Slavs who first encountered Charlemagne's armies.54 From the northwestern Slavs (so the theory goes), the word for "king" modelled after Charlemagne's name was then adopted by other Slavs farther to the east and to the south and modified phonetically according to their respective languages and dialects. However, while it is true that the word for "king" is the same in most Slavic languages, that meaning was established relatively late, as it is not attested in the earliest surviving texts written in Old Church Slavonic. The earliest reference to a native *korljb is in the Glagolitic inscription known as the Baska Tablet, which is dated to 1100 or shortly after that.55 The word korolb appears four times in the Life of Methodius and it is usually translated as "king."56 Aleksander Bruckner first noticed that the term was a proper name, not a noun—Karl or Carolus used in reference to Frankish kings.57 Thus, instead of the "heart of the Moravian king," the passage in reprint Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1970) 131. The issue has gained some significance among students of Slavic studies, especially linguists, because it supposedly illustrates the metathesis of the liquids (the *tort formula with suffixal ictus), which could then be conveniently dated to the Carolingian age on the basis of Charlemagne's first contacts with the Slavs. 54 Tadeusz Lehr-Splawiriski, "Pochodzenie i rozpowszechnienie wyrazu krol w polszczyznie i w innych jezykach slowiariskich," Prace Filologiczne 12 (1927): 44-53. See Einhard 15: 18. For a critique of Lehr-Spiawinski, see Horace G. Lunt, "Old Church Slavonic '*kraljr.,'" in Orbis scriptus. Dmitri] Tschizewskij zum 70. Geburtstag, edited by G. Dietrich, W. Weintraub, and H.-J. Zum Winkel (Munich: W Fink, 1966) 488. Branko Fucic, "Croatian Glagolitic and Cyrillic epigraphs," in Croatia in the Early Middle Ages: A Cultural Survey, edited by Ivan Supicic (London and Zagreb: Philip Wilson Publishers/AGM, 1999) 266-268. The inscription mentions Zvonimir, the king (kralh) of Croatia. Life of Methodius, edited by Otto Kronsteiner (Salzburg: Institut fur Slawistik der Universitat Salzburg, 1989) 66: "Bparoy MopaBCKaro Kopoji*" (the enemy of the Moravian king) and "pene Kopojib" (the king said); 68: "kopojiicbh en[n]c[Ko]nH" (the king's bishops); and 82: "Koponio oyrbpbCbKOMoy" (the Hungarian king). Of all four references to korolb, the last one is usually viewed as a later interpolation. See also Berthold Bretholz, "Ober das 9. Kapitel der Pannonischen Legende des Heil. Methodius," Milteilungen des lnstituts fur Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung 16 (1895): 346-347. Korolb as king is not attested in Ukrainian and Russian before the late thirteenth century. See Max Vasmer, Russisches etymologisches Worterbuch (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1953) 631. Aleksander Briickner, Die Wahrheit uber die Slavenapostel (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1913) 94-95. For the history of research on this matter, see Vladimir Vavnnek, "Ugar'skyj' korol' dans la Vie vieux-slave de Methode," Byzantinoslavica 25 (1964): 261. chapter 9 of the Life of Methodius should be translated as the "heart of the enemy of Moravia, Karl" or the "heart of his [Methodius's] enemy, Karl." The Karl in question is Carloman, Louis the German's son, who was at the time in Moravia with his army.58 Similarly, instead of "the king said" or "the king's bishops" in chapters 9 and 10, respectively, one should translate "Karl said" and "Karl's bishops," while the "Hungarian king" in chapter 16 is most likely Charles III ("the Fat"), who met with the Moravian ruler Sventopluk in 884 at Tulln.59 The idea that Charlemagne was such a popular figure in early medieval Slavic Europe that his name entered the fundamental political vocabulary as a common noun is directly contradicted by the evidence of the written sources pertaining to the name-giving practices of the local ruling families in the region. In Poland, Bolestaw the Brave's successors often used names of Western origin, particularly of emperors, for their children, in order to emphasize political connections or the high aspirations of the Piast family.60 However, the name Charles is not among them. The only exception is Mieszko II Lambert (1025- 1031 and 1032-1034) giving the name Charles (Karol) to his son Casimir (later Casimir the Restorer, duke of Poland between 1039 and 1058).61 Kazimierz Jasinski believed that this choice of name was a strong indication of a cult of Lunt, "Old Church Slavonic '*kralj-b,'" 486; Horace G. Lunt, "The Beginning of Written Slavic," Slavic Review 23.2 (1964): 215. 59 Vavnnek 267-268; Lunt, "Old Church Slavonic '*kralj-b,'" 487. The classic work on name-giving practices among the Piasts is Jacek Hertel, lmiennictwo dynastii piastowskiej we wczesniejszym sredniowieczu (Warsaw: Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1980), but some of his conclusions have been recently modified by Gerard Labuda, "O najstarszych imionach dynastii Piatowskiej," in Biedni i bogaci. Studia z dziejow spoleczehstwa i kultury oflarowane Bronislawowi Geremkowi w szescdziesiqtq rocznice urodzin, edited by Maurice Aymard (Warsaw: Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1992) 262-272, and Ambrozy Bogucki, "Kilka uwag o imieniu Mieszka I," in Spoleczehstwo Polski sredniowiecznej—Zbior studidw, V/10, edited by Stefan K. Kaczyhski (Warsaw: DiG, 2004) 9-18. Hertel's book deals with several other names of Western origin, both male and female, as well as with double names. For the names of the early Piasts in Gallus Anonymus, see Andrzej Bahkowski, "Imiona przodkow Boleslawa Chrobrego u Galla-Anonima (Rozwazania etymologiczne)," Onomastica 34 (1989): 103-138. For name-giving practices and political identity in the early Middle Ages, see Karl Ferdinand Werner, "Liens de parente et noms de personne. Un probleme historique et methodologique," in Famiile et parente dans I'Occident medieval. Actes du Colloque de Paris (6-8 juin 1974), edited by Georges Duby and Jacques le Goff (Rome: Ecole Francaise de Rome, 1977) 13-18 and 25-34; Wolfgang Haubrichs, "Identitat und Name. Akkulturationsvorgange in Namen und die Traditionsgesellschaften des friihen Mittelalters," in Die Suche nach den Urspriingen. Von der Bedeutung des friihen Mittelalters, edited by Walter Pohl (Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2004) 85-105. Przemyslaw Wiszewski, Domus Bolezlai. Values and Social Identity in Dynastic Traditions of Medieval Poland (c. 966-1138) (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2010) 371-372. Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue eanadienne des slavistes L11I, Nos. 2-3-4, June-September-December 201 I / juin-septembre-decembre 201 1 — 194 Florin Curta and Jace Stuckey Charlemagne among the early Piasts, perhaps in connection with Boleslaw the Brave's monarchic ideology and his presumed visit to Aachen at the time of the opening of Charlemagne's tomb.62 However, the evidence to support such a claim is simply missing. Most importantly, when first referring to Mieszko II's son, Gallus Anonymus, the author of the first Polish chronicle, wrote of "Casimir (that is, Charles), the restorer of Poland."63 [f Casimir had been named after Charlemagne, assuming the cult of the emperor in Piast Poland was the reason behind that choice of name, Gallus Anonymus would have certainly not missed the opportunity to comment upon that particular fact.64 Such a conclusion derives from what little we know about Gallus.65 Some believe he was from southern France; others tie him with either Flanders or Venice.66 Still others have noticed a great resemblance between the rhythmical prose in the chronicle and the style of the works in Latin produced in the late eleventh and early twelfth century in central France, in the region of Tour and Orleans, which may indicate that Gallus studied there before coming to Poland.67 He finished his chronicle at some point between 1113 and 1116 or Kazimierz Jasiriski, Rodowdd pierwszych Piastow (Warsaw and Wroclaw: Volumen, 1992) 130. For Boleslaw's Cracow as imitating Aachen, see Roman Michalowski, "Aix- la-Chapelle et Cracovie au Xl-e siecle," Bulletino dell'Istituto italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano 95 (1989): 45-69. Gallus Anonymus, The Deeds of the Princes of the Poles 1 17. edited by Karol Maleczynski and translated by Paul W. Knoll and Frank Schaer (Budapest and New York: Central European University Press. 2003) 72-73. Jacek Hertel notes that the double name (Casimir Charles) does not appear in the Annals of Cracow, which only know of the name Casimir. Casimir the Restorer is the only member of the entire Piast dynasty to be named Charles (Hertel 122). Among the Piasts, Otto and Henry were by far more popular names of imperial origin. It was the sixteenth-century Polish historian Martin Kramer who first called Gallus the unknown author of the first Polish chronicle. See Pierre David, Les sources de Thistoire de la Pologne a I'epoque des Piasts (963-1386) (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1934) 49. Marian Plezia, Kronika Galla na tie hisioriografii XII w. (Cracow: Naklad Polska Akademia Umiejetnosci, 1947) 149-150; Johannes Fried, "Gnesen, Aachen, Rom. Otto 111. und der Kult des HI. Adalbert. Beobachtungen zum alteren Adalbertsleben," in Polen und Deutschland vor 1000 Jahren: Die Berliner Tagung iiber den "Akt von Gnesen," edited by Michael Borgolte (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2002) 267-269; Tomasz Jasihski, "Czy Gall Anonim to Monachus Littorensis?" Kwartalnik historyczny 112 (2005): 69-89. See also Norbert Kersken, Geschichtsschreihung im Europa der "Nationes": Nationalgeschichtliche Gesamtdarstelhmgen im Mittelalter (Cologne: Bohlau, 1995) 493-495. Tore Janson, Prose Rhythm in Medieval Latin from the 9th to the 13th Century (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1975) 73-74; Marian Plezia, "Nowe studia oad Gallem Anonimem." in Mente et litter is: O kulturze i spoleczehstwie wiekow srednich, edited by Helena Chlopocka, Jadwiga Krzyzaniakowa, Gerard Labuda, Bohdan Lapis, and Jerzy Strzelczyk (Poznati: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, 1984) 111-120. His presence in the schools of central France Charlemagne in Medieval East Central Europe (ca. 800toca. 1200) 195 1117, most likely at the Cracow court of Prince Boleslaw HI Wrymouth (1102- 1138).6K Judging from the dedications of his work, Gallus wrote the chronicle for an audience of friends and supporters at the court in Cracow.69 Some have even suggested that Gallus was in fact commissioned to write the work at a moment of particular crisis for the prince.70 There is only one mention of Charlemagne in the Deeds of the Princes of the Poles. At the beginning of an excursus on Prussia in Book II related to Bolestaw Ill's 1108 expedition against the Prussians, Gallus inserts an historical note regarding the origins of the Polish duke's enemies: For in the time of Charlemagne, king of the Franks (tempore namque Karoli Magni, Francorum regis), when Saxony rose in revolt against him, and would accept neither the yoke of lordship nor the Christian faith, this people migrated with their ships from Saxony and took over this land [Prussia] and the name of the land. They still remain so, without king and without religion, and have not abandoned their ancient faithlessness and ferocity.71 At a first glance, this passage is about the Prussian ethnogenesis, and it was in fact interpreted in such a manner by several scholars who took the Saxon origin of the Prussians at face value.72 Widukind of Corvey has the Saxons coming to Saxony "in ships," and it is quite possible that Gallus drew inspiration from that account to create his own story of Prussian origins.73 However, while calling Charlemagne a king (rex), Gallus insists that the Prussians (formerly known as makes it very likely that Gallus had heard of, or even become familiar with the legend of Charlemagne. Before entering Boleslaw 111 Wrymouth's court in Cracow, Gallus spent some time in Hungary, perhaps at the Abbey of Somogyvar. See Daniel Bagi, Gallus Anonymus es Magyarorszdg: A Geszta magyar adatai, forrasai, mintai, valamint a szerzo tortenetszemlelete a latin Kelet-Kozep-Europa 12. szdzad eleji latin nyelvu tortenetirdsdnak tiikrehen (Budapest: Argumentum, 2005). 68 Plezia, Kronika Galla 136 and 192-193. 69 Gallus Anonymus 3, 111 and 211. That he dedicated two of his books to a chancellor of Boleslaw III Wrymouth shows that Gallus's major concern was the Piast dynasty (Kersken 497). Zbigniew Dalewski, Ritual and Politics: Writing the History of a Dynastic Conflict in Medieval Poland (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2008) 5-6. Gallus Anonymus II 42: 194-195. For Boleslaw III Wrymouth's 1108 war against the Prussians, see Karol Maleczynski, Boleslaw III Krzywousty (Wroclaw, Warsaw, Cracow, and Gdansk: Ossolineum, 1975) 140-141. Tucja Okulicz-Kozaryn, Dzieje Prusow (Wroclaw: Fundacja na Rzecz Nauki Polskiej, 1997) 141-142; Janusz Powierski, Prusowie, Mazowsze i sprowadzenie Krzyzakow do Polski, vol. 2, pt. 1 (Malbork: Muzeum Zamkowe w Malborku, 2001) 18. Widukind, Deeds of the Saxons 1.3: 5; English translation from Wood 162. Dariusz Adam Sikorski suggests that Gallus knew Widukind of Corvey through the intermediary °f Fruthold of Michelsberg's chronicle ("Galla Anonima wiadomosci o Prusach. Proba weryfikacji wybranych hipotez," Kwartalnik historyczny 110.2 [2003]: 12). Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes Vo'- LIII, Nos. 2-3^t, June-September-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 2011 196 Saxons) have no king at all. Just as the Saxons rebelled against Charlemagne rejecting both the Christian faith and any "yoke of lordship," their descendants—now known as Prussians—refused to adopt Christianity and effectively opposed Boleslaw III, who could not conquer their country.74 Gallus's goal therefore is to explain first why Boleslaw III moved against the Prussians in the first place (because they were faithless), and then why he failed to subdue them (because they were basically Saxon rebels, whom not even Charlemagne could subdue).75 Moreover, to Gallus, it was not so much that Charlemagne waged war against the Saxons, as that Saxony, as an entire country, had risen in rebellion against him. Most other references to Saxony as a whole have negative connotations: Saxony is the place where the stepmother of the rebel Zbigniew sent him "to be taught in a convent of nuns" and where Boleslaw would later send, "preserved in salt and spices," the eviscerated bodies of the German noblemen who followed Emperor Henry IV in his invasion of Poland.76 On the other hand, there can be no accident that perfidia (faithlessness), of which Gallus directly accuses Zbigniew, is also one of the fundamental attributes of the Prussians, along with ferocity.77 One is led to believe that Gallus had some knowledge of the imperial propaganda trying to draw a parallel between Charlemagne's and Henry IV's wars against the Saxon rebels. Therefore, to say that Gallus made of Boleslaw a "Polish Charlemagne"78 is to miss an important "* Gallus Anonymus explains that "the land has never been subdued by anyone, for no one has ever been able to ferry themselves and an army across so many lakes and marshes," which protect the inhabitants of Prussia better than any castle or city. Gallus Anonymus II 42: 195. ' Andrzej Feliks Grabski, "Polska wobec idei wypraw krzyzowych na przelomie XI i XII wieku: 'Duch krzyzowy' Anonima Galla," Zapiski Historyczne 26.4 (1961): 62-64; and Sikorski. Both Grabski and Sikorski believed that chapter 42 in Book II of the Deeds of the Princes of the Poles described if not a crusade, then at least a just war, and that Gallus Anonymus's description of Boleslaw III Wrymouth's 1108 campaign against the Prussians was greatly influenced by the "crusading spirit" of the early twelfth century. There is in fact no indication either of a crusade or of a "crusading spirit" in the text, and unlike the Pomeranians in chapter 44 of Book II, the Prussians are never mentioned as having converted to Christianity, whether sincerely or not. Boleslaw's only goal in Prussia appears to have been to burn and to plunder. This is also true for the account of his other expedition of 1110-1111. Gallus Anonymus III 24: 269. 76 Gallus Anonymus II 4: 122 and III 9: 238. Gallus Anonymus II 39: 190. Instead of perfidia, Gallus employs periurium in reference to Henry IV (Gallus Anonymus III 7: 236). Sikorski 15. If Gallus's Boleslaw were a "Polish Charlemagne," one would have to conclude that the Prussians were expected to accept the "yoke of lordship" imposed on them by the king of the Poles. However, Gallus never called Boleslaw III Wrymouth a "king" and throughout the Deeds of the Princes of the Poles used the term "king" in Florin c urt a and JaceStuckey charlemagne in Medieval East Central Europe (ca. 800 to ca. 1200) 197 point: in the Deeds of the Princes of the Poles, Charlemagne does not appear either as a proto-crusader, or as the apostle of the Saxons. He is simply the king of the Franks against whom those Saxons rebelled, and who, under the new name of Prussians, were now creating problems for Boleslaw. Neither Charlemagne, nor Boleslaw had any success in subduing them: they were indomitable and remained outside civilization, for they had no king {rex) and no law (lex). This can also explain why, to Gallus, Charlemagne was a king and not an emperor: he was the embodiment of the law of the Franks, against which the Saxons had rebelled, for they did not want to have any "yoke of lordship" (dominacionis iugum) or Christian faith.79 On this point, Gallus agreed with Cosmas of Prague, in whose chronicle Charlemagne twice appears as king. Cosmas finished Book I between 1119 and 1122, with Books II and III following in relatively quick succession until 1125, the year of his death. He most likely wrote at the request of, and on commission from the Bohemian duke Vladislav I (1110-1117 and 1120-1125), as a plea for strong rule in the years following the death of Vratislav II (1061-1092). To Cosmas, the ruler of the Holy Roman Empire was an imperator, whether or not that individual truly held the imperial title.80 Only Charlemagne was rex. In one instance, he is "the wisest king and most powerful in his army (hardly to be compared to us very humble men)."81 In calling Charlemagne a rex, Cosmas may have simply followed the usage of Regino of Priim, whose chronicle he used extensively.82 However, the phrase "wisest king" {rex sapientissimus) is nowhere to be found in Regino's work. Cosmas put those words in the mouth of Boleslav II giving advice to his son and successor. Given the elaborate rhetoric exclusive reference to those Piast rulers who were in fact crowned and were therefore entitled to be called so (Dalewski 112-113). 9Dalewski 112-113. 80 Cosmas of Prague, Chronicle of the Czechs I 19, 23, and 38, edited by Berthold Bretholz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, N. S. 2 (Hannover: Hahn, 1923; reprint 1995) 38, 45, and 68 (for Henry I). Henry III and Henry IV are each called imperator before their respective coronations. Cosmas of Prague II 8 and 12: 93 and 99; III 23 and 25: 116 and 118. Cosmas of Prague I 33: 59; English translation from the Chronicle of the Czechs, translated by Lisa Wolverton (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 2009) 86. 82 Regino of Prum, Chronicon II, s.a. 880 and 887, edited by Friedrich Kurze, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 50 (Hannover: Hahn, 1890; reprint 1989) 116 and 128. See Johannes Loserth, "Studien zu Kosmas von Prag. Ein Beitrag zur Kritik der altbohmischen Geschichte," Archiv fur osterreichische Geschichte 61 (1880): 4-19; Dusan Tfestik, "Kosmas a Regino. Ke kritice Kosmovy Kroniky," Ceskoslovensky casopis historicky 8 (1960): 572; Marie Blahova, "Die Beziehung Bohmens zum Reich in der Zeit der Salier und fruhen Staufer in Spiegel der zeitgendssischen bdhmischen Geschichtsschreibung," Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte 74.1 (1992): 29. Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes v°l- LIII, Nos. 2-3-4, June-September-December 2011 /juin-septembre-dccembre 2011 Florin Curta and Jace Stuckey Charlemagne in Medieval East Central Elrope (ca. 800 to ca. 1200) 199 of that long speech, Cosmas's sophisticated combination of alliteration and an epigonic note cannot surprise.83 However, the particular choice of words to describe Charlemagne may reveal more than just Cosmas's literary skills. While until the early twelfth century Charlemagne was rarely called "wise," "strong- handed" {manu potentissimus) was a standard description of David, and by extension of the ideal king.84 In other words, when referring to Charlemagne as the wisest and most strong-handed king, Boleslav II—or rather Cosmas, who put those words in his mouth—had in mind the ideal king. The following remark, according to which Charlemagne can "hardly be compared to us very humble men" is meant to signal to Cosmas's educated audience that Charlemagne is used here as an archetype in lieu of David. In the early twelfth century, such a procedure was entirely new, for Charlemagne, although a model for all kings, was rarely compared to David, especially in terms of wisdom. The reference to Charlemagne-David appears at the beginning of a section of Boleslav's long Fiirstenspiegel speech, in which the old duke of Bohemia attributes to Charlemagne the decision to bind his son Pippin "with a frightful oath, that there should never be deceitful or crooked valuing of weights or money in his realm."85 Dusan Tfestik believed that this remark was Cosmas's veiled critique of rulers of his own lifetime, who often drew large profits from steadily debasing coins (i.e., reducing the quantity of silver in each coin) and who fiddled with the continuous issuance of coins. According to him, the main culprit was Vratislav II (1061-1092), who is otherwise the chronicler's main villain.86 However, during Vratislav's reign, and especially at the time of the first debasement of coinage, Cosmas was actually not in Bohemia to suffer the consequences of the duke's ill-conceived monetary policies. It is much more likely that Cosmas's remark was made with someone else in mind, someone who ruled in Bohemia 83 Cosmas of Prague 1 33: 59: "rex sapientissimus et manu potentissimus, haud equipperandus nobis, hominibus valde humilibus." Cosmas knew and used Sallust, Vergil, Horace, and Lucan. Kersken 578. David is called manufortis et visu desiderabilis in Jerome's treatise on Hebrew names, in Pseudo-Rufinus's commentaries on the Psalms, as well as in Isidore of Seville's Etymologies. See Kornel Szovak, "The Image of the Ideal King in Twelfth-Century Hungary (Remarks on the Legend of St. Ladislas)," in Kings and Kingship in Medieval Europe, edited by Anne J. Duggan (London: King's College Centre for Late Antique and Medieval Studies, 1993) 259. Cosmas of Prague I 33: 59; English translation from Wolverton 86. Dusan Tfestik, Kosmas (Prague: Academia, 1972) 160. Cosmas's hostile attitude towards Vratislav II derives primarily from his condemnation of Vratislav's disrespect for the political traditions of Bohemia, which he pushed aside when proclaiming himself king in 1085. See Martin Wihoda, "Kosmas a Vratislav," in Querite primum regnum Dei. Sbornik prispevku k pocte Jany Nechutove, edited by Helena Krmickova, Anna Pumprova, Dana Ruzickova, and Libor Svanda (Brno: Matice moravska, 2006) 367-381. after 1 100.87 Ever since Pavel Radomersky, Czech scholars have regarded Vladislav I's monetary policies as a progressive debasement of the coinage up to Cach's type 545, then as a repetition of the process with type 546.88 Vladislav I ruled for a little more than fifteen years, during which period he issued no fewer than 29 coin types—about two new coin types per year. He may have altered the coinage three or four times a year during his entire reign, but the recall of the old coins (a procedure known as renovatio monetae) was not always accompanied either by a change in weight or by debasement. In other words, although the remark in the chronicle may well be a critique of Vladislav I, Cosmas may have misunderstood or exaggerated the significance of the duke's monetary policies.89 What are we then to make of Cosmas's claim that Charlemagne demanded a "frightful oath" {terribili [...] Sacramento) from his son Pippin? Could this too be a commentary on events of Cosmas's day? Johannes Loserth long ago remarked that this bit of information is most likely Cosmas's fabrication, for it does not show up in any other source and does not have the appearance of anything Cosmas may have lifted from the oral tradition.90 On the other hand, oaths appear frequently in the Chronicle of the Czechs, often to confirm a promise or an agreement, or to strengthen the credibility of a statement.91 Charlemagne extracted the "terrible oath" from Pippin when making arrangements that he (Pippin) would succeed him after death {cum filium sum Pippinum post se in solio sublimandum disponeret). Similarly, at some point before his death in 1055 Duke Bfetislav I asked his son Vratislav, as well as the magnates of the land to take an oath on their faith that upon the see becoming 87 See Petr Kopal's commentary in Kosmova Kronika ceska, translated by Karel Hrdina and Marie Blahova (Prague and Litomysl: Paseka, 2005) 251. Pavel Radomersky, "Pem'ze Kosmova veku (1050-1125)," Numismaticky casopis 21 (1952): 7-158. For the types of Vladislav I's coins, see Frantisek Cach, Nejstarsi ceske mince: Ceske a moravske denary od mincovni reformy Bretislava I. do doby braktedtove (Prague: Numismaticka Spolecnost Ceskoslovenska v Praze, 1972) 38-39. Ruth Mazo Karras, "Early Twelfth-Century Bohemian Coinage in Light of a Hoard of Vladislav I," American Numismatic Society. Museum Notes 30 (1985): 203-206. _ Loserth 28-29. Loserth thought that at the origin of this story was Cosmas's misunderstanding of canon 41 of the Council of Reims (813), which he may have found >n some twelfth-century collection of conciliar decisions {Concilia aevi Karolini, part 1, edited by Albert Werminghoff, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Concilia, 2 [Hannover: Hahn, 1906; reprint 1997] 257). However, that canon concerns the rate of exchange between gold and silver (or the circulation of gold, along with silver), and not debasement or counterfeiting. Heinrich Hoffmann believed that Cosmas got the idea of Charlemagne establishing good coins and measures from Belgium, specifically from the region of Liege where he spent a few years for his studies (Hoffmann 87). E- g., Cosmas of Prague III 1: 162; III 9: 169; III 19: 184; III 21: 207; III 22: 189. Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes ol- LlH.Nos. 2-3^4, June-September-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 2011 200 vacant, his son Jaromir would become bishop of Prague.92 That this was indeed a "terrible oath" results from the story of the eventual appointment to that see in 1068 of Jaromir, the man whom Cosmas regarded as "the gem of priests, light of all Czechs."93 In power in Bohemia at that time was Vratislav, who, according to Cosmas, exceeded his ducal power and acted like an emperor when investing with both staff and ring his favourite candidate, Chaplain Lanzo. However, at the intervention of his brothers Conrad and Otto, and under pressure from the count palatine Kojata and from Smil, the castellan of Zatec, Vratislav rescinded his decision and accepted his brother Jaromir instead. Violating the oath to his father has brought the wrath of his brothers upon Vratislav, who had further trespassed the limits of his authority and begun to regard himself as more than a duke. Pippin is the exact counterpart of that disobedient son. Pippin, "the son of King Charles the Great," is mentioned again in the context of the answer the "Slavs" (Czechs) gave to Emperor Henry III, who, following Duke Bfetislav I's successful expedition to Poland in 1039, demanded that the silver collected by the Czechs be given to him: "We have always kept within our law and are still today subject to the command of King Charles and his successors."94 To Emperor Henry's immoderate request, the Czech envoys answered by reminding him that Charlemagne's son Pippin had established for them an annual payment "to the successors of the emperors in the amount of 120 choice cows and 500 marks."95 There are clear indications that this passage, as well as the following paragraph, are based on the written sources Cosmas had at hand.96 However, the exact nature of, and quantity in which the tribute needed to Cosmas of Prague II 22: 114. That Vratislav took an oath to respect his father's decision results from the speech Cosmas put in the mouth of the count palatine Kojata, accusing Vratislav of violating the oath to his father (Cosmas of Prague II 23: 116). During his reign, Bfetislav had twice asked the magnates of the land (comites) to take an oath of their faith, first to confirm the introduction of the so-called "Bfetislav Decrees" (Cosmas of Prague II 4: 86), then to abide by his decision that after his death his eldest son, Spitihnev, would succeed him (Cosmas of Prague II 13: 102). Cosmas of Prague II 41: 146; English translation from Wolverton 169. 94 Cosmas of Prague II 8: 93; English translation from Wolverton 123. For the circumstances surrounding the conflict between Bfetislav I and Emperor Henry III over the silver booty from the Polish expedition, see Lisa Wolverton, Hastening Toward Prague: Power and Society in the Medieval Czech Lands (Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press, 2001) 231-232. 95 Cosmas of Prague II 8: 93; English translation from Wolverton 123. Cosmas explains that marcam nostre monete CC nummos dicimus. Once again, Pippin is mentioned in relation to coins. 96 For example, the words which he employed to describe Henry Ill's beginning the war against Bfetislav I for the spoils of the latter's expedition to Poland (Cosmas of Prague II 8: 93: "Tunc imperator cepit querere occasiones adversus eos, quoquo modo ab eis [...] eriperet aurum") are those he found in Regino of Priim's description of Lothar's search for a pretext to divorce his wife Thietbirga (Regino of Priim, Chronicon, II, s.a. 864, 80: Florin Curta and Jace Stuckey charlemagne in Medieval East Central Europe (ca. 800 to ca. 1200) 201 be paid are believed to be Cosmas's own invention.97 In other words, Cosmas ain projected the concerns of his own lifetime onto the age of Bfetislav.98 aS Unlike Vratislav II, Bfetislav I (1034-1055) is the great star in Cosmas's allery of good princes. The greatest memories of the "golden age" are connected to his rule, for during his reign everything appears to have been in the isht place, with peace everywhere in Bohemia, a country which had back then a role in the Christian world very different from that in Cosmas's own lifetime. What Emperor Henry III had demanded therefore appeared excessive, a patently unjust request. Pippin had introduced an arrangement between the Czechs and the emperors that Henry III was now violating. It is important to note that to Cosmas, Pippin, "the son of King Charles the Great," was the ruler establishing the "law," even though the Czechs had supposedly turned into subjects of the emperor under Charlemagne. Pippin thus appears as the agent of Charlemagne's power and will in matters Bohemian: the latter brings the Czechs sub imperio, but only the former deals with the practical issue of how large should be the tribute that the Czechs were to pay to the Empire. The relationship between Charlemagne and his son Pippin in Book II is therefore a mirror of that shown in Book I, where the father imposes a "frightful oath" not to allow "deceitful or crooked valuing of weights or money." That Pippin appears in this context is surprising. Jaroslav Goll believed Cosmas had found the information about the Czechs being "subject to the command" of Charlemagne in Einhard's Life of Charles the Emperor, which, as we have seen, makes him participate in person in the Bohemian war. According to Goll, Cosmas was simply confused when attributing to Pippin the imposition of tribute on the Czechs. He must have known from Einhard that Pippin had conducted the war against the Avars, and he may have thought that Pippin had waged war against the Moravians as well.99 However, no source mentions Pippin in relation to either Moravia or Bohemia, and there was no reason for Cosmas to equate the Moravians with the Czechs. Goll's explanation has therefore convinced nobody. In reply, some have rightly pointed out that the "Lotharius rex coepit occasiones querere, qualite Thietbirgam reginam a suo consortio separare potuisset"). See Tfestik, "Kosmas a Regino," 572. Cosmas took the information about the conflict between Henry III and Bfetislav I from the Saxon Annalist (Annalista Saxo, s.a. 1042, edited by Georg Waitz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 6 [Hannover: Hahn, 1844] 685-686) and from the Annals of Altaich (Annates Altahenses, s-a. 1041, edited by Edmund L. B. Oefele, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 4 [Hannover: Hahn, 1891] 26-28). 98 B'ahova, "Die Beziehung Bohmens" 30. Barbara Krzemienska, "Boj knizete Bfetislava I. o upevneni ceskeho statu (1039- 1041)," Rozpravy Ceskoslovenske akademie ved. Rada spolecenskych ved 89.5 (1979): 99 ' ^Einhard 15: 18; Jaroslav Goll, "Kosmas, II 8," Cesky casopis historicity 6 (1900): 355- Canadian Slavonic Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes LIII, Nos. 2-3^t, June-September-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 2011 202 Florin Curta and Jace Stuckey words uttered by Bfetislav's envoys apply more to Cosmas's own lifetime than to relations between the duke of Bohemia and the Empire under Henry HI.100 Nonetheless, Goll was probably right about Einhard being the source of Cosmas's interest in Pippin.101 He mentioned his name for a third time in the answer Emperor Henry III gave to Bfetislav's envoys: "King Pippin did what he wanted. Unless you do what I want, I will show you how many painted shields 1 have and my prowess in war."102 Henry's threat is in fact based on the words Sallust put in the mouth of Sulla: our "power in war you already know from experience."103 This literary allusion was most certainly meant for Cosmas's audience, and not for Bfetislav's envoys. The general sense of Henry's reply is that he, like Pippin, was entitled to have his own "law" with the Czechs. While Bfetislav, through his envoys, insisted upon a law of venerable age, Henry chose to innovate. Those in Cosmas's audience who would have recognized the quotation from Sallust, would have therefore drawn the conclusion that Henry III was in fact challenging the authority of a much greater, ideal ruler— Charlemagne, Pippin's father. In other words, both Vladislav I (whom Cosmas most likely had in mind when referring to debased coins and altered weights) and Emperor Henry III infringed upon the right decisions taken by the "wisest king" Charlemagne, a ruler "hardly to be compared to us very humble men." They violated the "law" established by the ideal king. In the Chronicle of the Czechs Charlemagne appears primarily as a lawgiver. Cosmas drew on a particular line in the development of the Charlemagne legend, namely that already attested in the mid-eleventh century in the Chronicle of Ebersberg, then amplified in the Kaiserchronik in the mid- twelfth century, and culminating in the early thirteenth-century Saxon Mirror. We have seen that Charlemagne was already given credit for the Saxon liberties during Emperor Henry IV's conflict with the Saxon nobility in the 1070s. Robert Folz has noted that the idea of Charlemagne as lawgiver, ultimately derived from Einhard, developed in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as one of the most important elements of the Charlemagne legend in the German lands.104 Krzemieriska 23-24. 101 The wide circulation of the manuscripts containing the Life of Charles the Emperor makes it possible that Cosmas had access to Einhard's work, even though no direct evidence of that may be detected in the text. At Pram, around 1100, a manuscript of Regino's chronicle (which Cosmas most certainly knew and used as an historiographic model) also included Einhard's Life of Charles the Emperor (Folz, Etudes sur le culte liturgique de Charlemagne and Le souvenir et la legende de Charlemagne 159). im Cosmas of Prague II 8: 94; English translation from Wolverton 124. "nam bello quid valeat, tute scis." Sallust, The War Against Jugurtha 102, edited and translated by Michael Comber and Catalina Balmaceda (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2009) 174-175. Folz, Le souvenir 170. charlemagne in Medieval East Central Europe (ca. 800 to ca. 1200) 203 th Gallus Anonymus and Cosmas of Prague used the German tradition of Charlemagne, which depicted him either as the conqueror of Saxony or as lawgiver- ignorecj the most conspicuous development of the Charlemagne legend taking place during their lifetime—the emperor's a formation from God's chosen into a saint—is not necessarily an indication 'Ttiie absence of that development in East Central Europe. Berthold of 7 iefalten (an abbey established in 1089 near Ulm in Swabia) mentions in his hronicle that at some point between 1134 and 1139, a Czech woman named "Sextibrana" (most likely Cestibrana) made a donation to his monastery. Among other things, her donation included a large dossal made of wool having the image of Christ in the mandorla on one side, and an image of Charlemagne on the other.105 Cestibrana's gift was an ornamented ecclesiastical cloth, the purpose of which was to be suspended behind the altar.106 There can be little doubt that if not already the portrait of a saint, Charlemagne's image on the Czech dossal was a reflection of those developments which led to the emperor's canonization some thirty years later. Why do those developments not show up in the chronicles of Gallus Anonymus and Cosmas of Prague? A quick look at the saints mentioned in those chronicles may provide some answers. The most important non-Roman saints in the chronicle of Gallus Anonymus are Adalbert and Stephen (the king of Hungary).107 In the Chronicle of the Czechs, by far the largest number of references is to St. Wenceslas, immediately followed by St. Adalbert.108 Leaving aside the prominent position of Adalbert in both Poland and Bohemia, which has Berthold of Zwiefalten, Chronicle 11, in Luitpold Wallach, "Berthold of Zwiefalten's Chronicle," Traditio 13 (1957): 201. Berthold was abbot of Zwiefalten between 1139 and 1141, 1146 and 1152, and again between 1158 and 1169. Chapter 11, in which Cestibrana's dossal is mentioned, was interpolated after this first term, i.e., between 1141 and 1146. For the dating of Cestibrana's donation, see Vaclav Rynes, "K datovani Zwiefaltenskeho dorsale ceskeho puvodu," Umeni 12 (1964): 95. In that respect, the dossal may be compared to the famous Halberstadt tapestry showing Charlemagne on the throne surrounded by four ancient philosophers, which is dated to ca. 1200 and believed to be of local manufacture. See Oskar Doering, Die Kirchen in Halberstadt (Augsburg: Filser, 1927) 70-71. Rynes notes that Cestibrana's dossal must also have been of local (i.e., Bohemian) manufacture (Rynes 94). Adalbert: Gallus Anonymus I 6: 32, 34, and 36; I 19: 78 and 80; II 6: 130; 111 25: 279. Stephen: I 18: 74; II 1: 116; III 25: 276. Wenceslas: Cosmas of Prague I 15: 35; I 17: 35; I 22: 43; 1 36: 64; II 7: 93; II 13: 102; 11 17: 108 (four times); II 42: 148; II 43: 148; II 47: 154 (three times); III 1: 160; III 4: I64; HI 13; 175; III 33: 204 (two times); III 54: 228; III 55: 228; III 60: 230. Adalbert: ^°smas of Prague I 27: 49; I 28: 51 (two times); 1 29: 53 (two times); I 34: 60; 1 39: 72; 1 ~: 79; I 42: 80; II 3: 85; II 4: 85 (two times); II 4: 88; II 4: 89; II 17: 108 (two times); II 4: 130 (two times); II 37: 135; II 43: 148; II 47: 154 (two times); III 4: 164; III 54: 228. Vo?a?'an ^'avoruc Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes I • LIU, Nos. 2-3-^1, June-September-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 2011 204 FLORIN CURTA AND JACE STUCKEY CHARLEMAGNE IN MEDIEVAL EAST CENTRAL EUROPE (CA. 800 TO CA. 1 200) 205 otherwise been long noted,109 it is remarkable that the most popular saints in both chronicles are royal saints. As Gabor Klaniczay has observed, royal sainthood was not at all common in the early Middle Ages and the Church only slowly accepted the idea of elevating kings to the status of saints. Things began to change in the eleventh century when a new model of sacral kingship appeared. In his view, "the royal saint as a type emerged step by step and grew into the ultimate symbol of power, a paradox, which peaked in the twelfth century."110 The crowning moment of this development was the canonization of Charlemagne in 1165. In East Central Europe, the conversion to Christianity of the newly emerging kingdoms took place precisely "at the moment when the original hostility to royal sainthood ha[d] started to fade and the receptivity to the dynastic cults [had] entered a new phase that would facilitate their ultimate triumph. The peoples of East Central Europe thus would have no strong sense of the traditional contradiction between rulership and sainthood."111 Local saints— such as Wenceslas and Stephen—were therefore much more important than other royal saints, because they were linked to local dynasties and identities. There was little room left for St. Charlemagne in East Central Europe, an area which, judging by the chronicles of Gallus Anonymus and Cosmas of Prague, was dominated around 1100 by three most prominent cults—those of Wenceslas, Adalbert, and Stephen. Nonetheless, the evidence of the chronicle of Berthold of Zwiefalten shows that there was some room left for the burgeoning cult of Charlemagne, at least in Bohemia. That no indication of that cult appears in the earliest chronicles is most likely to be explained in terms of the goals their authors had in mind when addressing their respective audiences. This remained true even after Charlemagne's canonization of 1165. There is no mention of Charlemagne in the chronicle of Vincent Kadlubek (1161-1223) or in any medieval chronicle produced in Hungary. Nonetheless, the Charlemagne legend had a great influence on the legend of St. Ladislas, who was canonized in Oradea in 1192, possibly in imitation of Charlemagne's canonization of 1165.112 Jerzy Kloczowski, "Saint Adalbert (Vojtech, Wojciech), patron de la Pologne, de la Boheme et de la Hongrie," in Motions de Dieu et hommes d'Egltie: Florilege en I'honneur de Pierre-Roger Gaussin, edited by Henri Duranton, Jacqueline Giraud, and Nocile Bouter (Saint Etienne: Publications de l'Universite de Saint Etienne, 1992) 145- 149; Jerzy Strzelczyk, "Die Rolle Bohmens und St. Adalberts fur die Westorientierung Polens," in Adalbert von Prag—Briickenbauer zwischen dem Osten und Western Europas, edited by Hans Hermann Henrix (Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft. 1997) 141-162; Adam Somorjai, "Kelet-Kozep-Europa szentje: Adalbert (Vojtech- Wojciech, Bela)," in Ezer ev Szent Adalbert oltalma alatt, edited by Andras Hegedus and Istvan Bardos (Esztergom: Primasi Leveltar, 2000) 13-20. See also Gabor Klaniczay, Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses: Dynastic Cults in Medieval Central Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002) 396. Klaniczay, Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses 398. " Veszpremy, "Kaiser Karl derGrofie" 195-196. That lnnucuv^ — - - instances surrounding the visit to Hungary of Frederick Barbarossa on his cirCUt0 the Holy Land in 1189.'13 It was at Frederick's initiative that a new t influence may have been mediated by the political and cultural circu biography"'0*' Charlemagne {Vita Karoli Magni) was written for his canonization hv Pope Paschal III. Charlemagne is also absent from the Deeds of the Hungarians (Gesta marorum), the earliest chronicle written in Hungary by the former notary of king named'Bela, who called himself "Master P."114 However, the source of * spiration for many passages in the Deeds of the Hungarians was the same Vita ^Karoli Magni that had influenced the legend of St. Ladislas.115 The author of the Deeds of the Hungarians may have also directly known Einhard's Life of Charles the Emperor, which inspired his description of the tactics employed by the Magyars in their conquest of the Carpathian Basin, their riding abilities compared to those of their Scythian ancestors, and the efforts to fortify the frontiers of their new homeland.116 If Master P. had access to at least two key 113 Laszlo Veszpremy, "Megjegyzesek korai elbeszelo forrasaink tortenetehez," Szdzadok 138.2 (2004): 325-348. Contra: Kornel Szovak, "Szent Laszlo alakja a korai elbeszelo forraskorban. A Laszlo-legenda es a kepes kronika 139. Fejezete forrasproblemai," Szdzadok 134 (2000): 117-145. 114 Deeds of the Hungarians, in Anonymus and Master Roger, edited by Martyn Rady, Laszlo Veszpremy, and Janos M. Bak, Central European Medieval Texts, 5 (Budapest and New York: Central European University Press, 2010) 2-129. Much ink has been spilled over the true identity of the author of the Gesta and of the king for whom he served as notary (three kings named Bela ruled Hungary between the late eleventh and the late twelfth century). See Gyorgy Gyorffy, "Abfassungszeit, Autorschaft und Glaubwurdigkeit der Gesta Hungarorum des anonymen Notars," Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 20 (1972): 209-229, and "Anonymus Gesta Hungaroruma," in A honfoglaldskor irott forrdsai, edited by Laszlo Kovacs and Laszlo Veszpremy (Budapest: Balassi, 1996) 193-213; Laszlo Veszpremy, "Historical Past and Political Present in the Latin Chronicles of Hungary (12th—13th Centuries)," in The Medieval Chronicle: Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on the Medieval Chronicle. Driebergen/Utrecht, 13-16 July 1996, edited by Erik Kooper (Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi, 1999) 260-268. For the identity of "Master P.," see Kornel Szovak, "Wer war der anonyme Notar? Zur Bestimmung des Verfassers der Gesta Hungarorum," Ungarn- Jahrbuch 19 (1991): 1-17; Laszlo Veszpremy, "Anonymus Italiaban?" Szdzadok 139.2 (2005): 335-352; Rady, Veszpremy, and Bak xix-xxiv. Jozsef Deer, "Aachen und die Herrschersitze der Arpaden," Mitteilungen des Instituts Jur Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung 791.2 (1971): 41-49. For example, Master P.'s description of Attila's establishment of his capital "beside the Danube above the hot springs" (Deeds of the Hungarians 1: 7) is modelled after the description of the hot Pnngs near Aachen in the Vita (Vita Karoli Magni I 16, in Gerhard Rauschen, Die 18901 KarlS deS Grossen im 11 ■ und n- Jahrhundert [Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, you 6er' "^acnen und die Herrschersitze," 47^19. For example, when describing how the ng Magyars "hunted almost every day, whence from that day until now, the V^LuT ^'aVOnic PaPers 1 Revue canadienne des slavistes ' Nos- 2-3-4, June-September-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 2011 sources about Charlemagne, why was the emperor never mentioned in the Deeds of the Hungarians, especially since by the time that chronicle was written down, the cult of Charlemagne was well established in Aachen? Master P. wrote most likely around AD 1200, at a time when a great number of foreign knights came to Hungary from the Empire, but also from France and from Italy.117 This coincided in time with the growing popularity among Hungarian noble families of such names as Lorant and Oliver, showing familiarity with the Charlemagne legend in the epic production, especially with the Song of Roland.™ Knowledge of that text among students returning to Hungary from Paris cannot be doubted.119 Unlike Gallus Anonymus and Cosmas of Prague, Master P. had no interest in any saint other than St. Stephen, King of Hungary.120 In Hungary, ever since the late eleventh and early twelfth century, the ideal ruler had been King St. Stephen, not Charlemagne.121 He had converted his own people to Christianity, ruthlessly suppressed paganism, and organized the Church in Hungary. Because of the reputation of the Admonitions he was believed to have written for his son, Hungarians are better at hunting than other peoples," Master P. employed the words that Einhard had used to describe the inimitable horse-riding qualities of the Franks, epitomized by his hero, Charlemagne {Deeds of the Hungarians 7: 20-21; Einhard 22- 27). Erik Fugedi and Janos M. Bak, "Fremde Ritter im mittelalterlichen Ungarn," Quaestiones Medii Aevi 3 (1998): 3-17. For the French influence in Hungary in the High Middle Ages, see Dezso Pais, "Les rapports franco-hongrois sous le regne des Arpads," Revue des etudes hongroises et fwno-ougriennes 1 (1923): 23; Gyula Kristo, "Influences de la direction politique francaise en Hongrie au debut du XHIe siecle," Chronica. Annual of the Institute of History, University of Szeged 1 (2001): 45-51. Agnes Kurcz, Lovagi kultura Magyarorszdgon 1 13-14. szdzadban (Budapest: Akademiai kiado, 1988) 246-248; Andras Vizkelety, "Literatur zur Zeit der hofisch- ritterlichen Kultur in Ungarn," in Die Ritter: Burgenldndische Landesausstellung 1990, Burg Cussing, 4. Mai-28. Oktober 1990, edited by Harald Prickler (Eisenstadt: Amt der Burgenlandischen Landesregierung, 1990) 90. For the earliest heraldic devices in Hungary, see Ivan Bertenyi, "L'apparition et la premiere diffusion des armoiries en Hongrie," in Les origines des armoiries: He Colloque international d'heraldique, Bressanone/Brixen, 5-9. X. 1981, edited by H. Pinoteau, M. Pastoureau, and M. Popoff (Paris: Leopard d'or, 1983) 43-48. Veszpremy, "Kaiser Karl der GroBe," 202. For Hungarian students in Paris or Oxford, see Jozsef Laszlovszky, "Nicholaus Clericus: A Hungarian Student at Oxford University in the Twelfth Century," Journal of Medieval History 14.3 (1988): 217-231; and "Hungarian University Peregrinatio to Western Europe in the Second Half of the Twelfth Century," in Universitas Budensis, 1395-1995. International Conference for the History of Universities on the Occasion of the 600th Anniversary of the Foundation of the University of Buda, edited by L. Szogi and J. Varga (Budapest: Eotvos Lorand Tudomanyegyetem Leveltara, 1997) 51-61. Deeds of the Hungarians 11: 32; 24: 58; 27: 64; and 57: 126. Klaniczay, Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses 134-147. Florin Curta and Jace Stuckey charlemagne in Medieval East Central Europe (ca. 800 to ca. 1200) 207 ric, stephen also appeared as the archetypal lawgiver.122 By 1200, he was ularly commemorated in a special liturgy.123 His memory was even invoked ""broad at the foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem.124 Moreover, when thirteenth-century Hungarians thought of a crusader king, St. Ladislas, and not rharlemagne came to their minds.125 There was in fact no role of Charlemagne • Deeds of the Hungarians that had not already been taken by either Stephen or Ladislas. Cosmas was interested in the historical tradition of the Avar and Bohemian wars only in order to emphasize the significance of Pippin's • position of the tribute to be paid by the dukes of Bohemia to Charlemagne's imperial successors. In early thirteenth-century Hungary, no memory existed of the wars Charlemagne had waged in that country. Only in Western Europe was Charlemagne's Avar war still remembered in the eleventh and twelfth century, albeit in a distorted form.126 CONCLUSION That Charlemagne as ideal king did not inspire any member of the Pfemyslid, Piast, or Arpadian dynasties had nothing to do with the lack of genealogical ties, 122 Ferenc Pelsoczy, "Szent Istvan kiraly Intelmei az ezredik ev kozfelfogasaban," Vigilia 35.8 (1970): 527-535. For the Admonitions and the issue of authorship, see Elod Nemerkenyi, Latin Classics in Medieval Hungary (Eleventh Century), CEU Medievalia, 6 (Debrecen and Budapest: University of Debrecen, Department of Classical Philology, and CEU, Department of Medieval Studies, 2004) 32-34. J6zsef Torok, "Szent Istvan tisztelete a kozepkori magyar liturgiaban," in Szent Istvan es kora, edited by Ferenc Glatz and Jozsef Kardos (Budapest: MTA Tortenettudomanyi Intezet, 1988) 197-201, and "Szent Istvan tisztelete a liturgiaban," in Allamalapitds, tdrsadalom, muvelddes, edited by Gyula Kristo (Budapest: MTA TT1, 2001) 101-117. Pal Gereon Bozsoki, "Szent Istvan kiraly Jeruzsalemi alapitvanyairol," in Doctor et apostol Szent Istvan—tanulmdnyok: studia theologica Budapestensia. A Pdzmany Peter katolikus egyetem, edited by Jozsef Torok (Budapest: Marton Aran Kiado, 1994) 23-82. Laszlo Veszpremy, "Dmx et praeceptor Hierosolimitanorum. Konig Ladislaus (Laszlo) von Ungarn als imaginarer Kreuzritter," in "...The Man of Many Devices, Who Wandered Full Many Ways... " Festschrift in Honor of Janos M. Bak, edited by Balazs Nagy and Marcell Sebok (Budapest: Central European University Press, 1999) 470 and 473-474. For the cult of St. Ladislas in the thirteenth century, see Gabor Klaniczay, 'Szent Laszlo kultusza a 12-13. szazadban," in A kdzepkor szeretete. Torteneti tanulmdnyok Sz. Jonas llona tiszteletere, edited by Nagy Balazs (Budapest: ELTE Kozep- es Koraujkori Egyetemes Torteneti Tanszek, 1999) 357-374. . Emhard's and Notker's idea of the quasi-extermination of the Avars by Charlemagne is still repeated by Marianus Scotus (Chronicle, s.a. 814, edited by Georg Waitz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores, 5 [Hannover: Hahn, 1843] 548) and the Wafe 0f Hildesheim (edited by Georg Waitz, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, 8 Hannover: Hahn, 1878] 14) in the eleventh century, as well as by the Annals of 5 n°beuren, s.a. 791 (edited by G. H. Pertz, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores Vcrt^'m ^'avomc Papers / Revue canadienne des slavistes • L1U,Nos. 2-3-4, June-September-December 2011 /juin-septembre-decembre 2011 208 Florin Curta and Jace Stuckey but rather with the powerful influence of royal saints of local origin, such as Wenceslas and Stephen. Even though he never acquired in Poland quite the same political status and popularity as King Stephen in Hungary, Boleslaw the Brave nonetheless served as a political model for the Piast rulers of the eleventh and twelfth century. In the words of Galius Anonymus, "such was the glory of the great Boleslaw, worthy to be remembered; let his valor be told and remembered, and imitated by those who come after him."127 We will never know what Bolestaw III the Wrymouth thought of Charlemagne, if anything, but Galius Anonymus's comparison between his expedition into Prussia and Charlemagne's wars against the Saxons is meant not as a compliment to the Polish prince, but rather as an explanation for the fierce resistance of the pagan Prussians. When it came to famous characters with whom to compare his hero. Galius Anonymus preferred Hannibal or "the son of Mars."128 Similarly. Cosmas of Prague does not compare Charlemagne with either Boleslav II or Bfetislav [. The proper comparison for Bfetislav I is with Achilles, Diomedes. Gideon, Samson, Solomon, Joshua, and the "kings of Arabia"—not with Charlemagne.129 To chroniclers writing the history of local dynasties. Charlemagne had no appeal as a (would-be) saint, but his reputation could be used to gauge the political performance of more recent rulers. He was, after all, a legendary figure. Galius Anonymus I 16: 66-67; Wiszewski 185-215 Ano"n:34GmS. An°nymUS m 211 254- B°leS,aW "the s°" of M-'- ^lius Cosmas of Prague II 1: 81-82. John-Paul Himka The Lviv Pogrom of 1941: The Germans, Ukrainian Rationalists, and the Carnival Crowd Abstract: This study examines three actors in the Lviv pogrom of 1 July 1941: the Germans, Ukrainian nationalists, and the urban crowd. It argues that the Germans created the conditions for the outbreak of the pogrom and encouraged it in the first place. They also shot Jews en masse, both during and after the pogrom. The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) set up a short-lived government in Lviv on 30 June headed by a vehement anti-Semite. It simultaneously plastered the city with leaflets encouraging ethnic cleansing. It formed a militia that assumed leadership in the pogrom, arresting Jews for pogrom activities. The militiamen were also present at the execution of Jews. The day after the pogrom they began to work directly for the Einsatzgruppen, again arresting Jews for execution. OUN co-operated in these anti-Jewish actions to curry favour with the Germans, hoping for recognition of a Ukrainian state. OUN's anti-Semitism facilitated assistance in anti-Jewish violence, but it was not an independent factor in the decision to stage a pogrom. The urban crowd, composed of both Poles and Ukrainians, took advantage of the particular conjuncture of high politics to act out an uninhibited script of robbery, sexual assault, beating, and murder. Particularly since the publication of Jan Gross's Neighbors, describing the brutal murder of a town's Jewish inhabitants by their gentile neighbours, the investigation of the violence of the summer of 1941 has moved to the forefront of Holocaust studies. The outbreak of pogroms and mass executions in Poland's eastern borderlands and the Baltic states seems to offer clues about the Germans' thinking in the very first days of the war against the Soviet Union, as they were formulating their deadly policy toward Jews. Determining the responsibility of various actors in these violent events has been very difficult, however, and therefore it has become necessary to study them on the micro level, with the hope that eventually clear patterns will emerge.1 The present vl Jan T. Gross, Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001). Jiirgen Matthaus, "Operation Barbarossa and the Onset of the Holocaust," in The Origins of the Final Solution: The Evolution of Nazi Jewish Policy, September 1939-March 1942, by Christopher R. Browning, with contributions by Jiirgen Matthaus (Lincoln and Jerusalem: University of Nebraska Press and Yad Vashem, 2004) 244-277. Dieter Pohl, "Anti-Jewish Pogroms in Western Ukraine—A Research Agenda," in Shared History—Divided Memory: Jews and Others in Soviet-Occupied Poland, 1939-1941, edited by Eleazar Barkan, Elizabeth A. C°le, and Kai Struve (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitatsverlag, 2007) 305-313. I would like ^ thank the Social Sciences and Research Council of Canada and the Pinchas and Mark Wisen Fellowship at the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies, United States Holocaust Canadian Slavonic Papers/Revue canadienne des slavistes Vo1- LIII, Nos. 2-3^1, June-September-December 2011 / juin-septembre-decembre 2011