Shaw and McKay: Chicago Criminologists

CLIFFORD R. SHAW AND HENRY D. McKAY: CHICAGO CRIMINOLOGISTS Author(s): Jon Snodgrass Source: The British Journal of Criminology, Vol. 16, No. 1 (January 1976), pp. 1-19 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23636249 Accessed: 30-03-2015 03:10 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The British Journal of Criminology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE BRITISH JOURNAL OF CRIMINOLOGY Vol. 16 January 1976 No.1 CLIFFORD R. SHAW AND HENRY D. McKAY: CHICAGO CRIMINOLOGISTS JoN SNODGRASS (Los Angeles) • THE sociological studies of juvenile delinquency conducted by Clifford R. Shaw and Henry D. McKay in the 1930s and early 1940s were considered extremely important contributions to criminological thought in their day and continue to be highly regarded in the social sciences today. The persisting interest in their work is reflected in the fact that Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas, their most comprehensive book, has been updated recently with new chapters by McKay and re-issued as a paperback, along with an introduction by James F. Short, Jr. (Short, 1972). Also, it is common to find Shaw and McKay's articles reprinted in modern anthologies (Radzinowitz and Wolfgang, 1971; Voss and Peterson, 1971). The contributions of Shaw and McKay can be divided into three main areas: (a) collection of autobiographies ofjuvenile delinquents, (b) research on the geographical distribution of delinquents and (c) creation of a delinquency prevention programme known as the Chicago Area Project (CAP). These effort'! were actually integrated theoretically: the geographical material located delinquency in "high delinquency areas", contiguous to commerce and industry and usually near the centre of the city. The autobiographies illustrated an individual case in one of the areas, and the CAP was a community organisation movement which attempted to reform the areas in the interest of delinquency prevention. • Asst. Professor, Dept. of Sociology, California State University. I am very grateful to a great number of people who gave me information and materials to compose, this article. In particular, Henry D. McKay received me very warmly and provided ample time for discussion and access to the files of the old Institute for Juvenile Research. Mrs. Hetta Shaw, William P. Shaw, Rita Shaw, Anthony Sorrentino and james R. Bennett were also very generous with time and materials. I would also like to thank Gilbert Geis, Terry Kendal and Dawn Baker for assistance, affection and support in completing this manuscript. 1 I This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JON SNODGRASS Little critical attention has been paid to Shaw and McKay, today or in the past, with the exception of reviews of technical-methodological issues. This paper attempts to provide an overview and criticism of their work. A biographical sketch preceding the analysis affords information about the background of two "social pathologists" and the social conditions under which their ideas developed. A critique follows which attempts to pinpoint theoretical limitations in their ecological studies which have been overlooked to date. The final part presents analysis of the CAP. The relationship between biographical origins and criminological ideas and practices is most developed in this section. Because of space limitations, no analysis of the life history material is presented in this paper. It is hoped that this article will serve as a small contribution to the history of criminological thought and provide some information about two important figures in, and the kind of work which developed out of, the Chicago School of sociology. The work of Shaw and McKay within criminology was a part of a larger movement in the social sciences usually known as "the social ecology school". The school was centred in the Sociology Department at the U niversity of Chicago, and was principally under the direction of Robert E. Park and Ernest W. Burgess. As University of Chicago students in the early 1920s Shaw and McKay's attention was drawn to the study of the city itself, and especially to those portions which constituted " social problems". "Social ecology " provided a general theoretical orientation to explain the causes of social problems in terms of ecological laws. The Sociology Department encouraged fieldwork, empirical research, participant observation and first-hand contact with residents and areas ofthe city. The efforts of Shaw and McKay in criminology were only one of a number of sociological studies which used ecological theory and case study methods to investigate " urban behaviour ". The same basic orientation was used by Dai in the study of opium addicts, Cavan of suicides, Faris and Dunham of mental disorders, among numerous others (Faris, 1967, 64-67). The Backgrounds of Shaw and McKay Clifford R. Shaw and Henry D. McKay, two farm boys who came to Chicago in the 1920s to undertake graduate work in sociology at the famous university, were both born and brought up in rural, mid-western areas of the United States, both received Christian upbringings, and both attended small, denominational country colleges. Shaw was from an Indiana crossroads that barely constituted a town, and McKay was from the vast prairie regions of South Dakota. Following graduate school, Shaw and McKay worked together for 30 years as a research team at the Institute for Juvenile Research near the Chicago Loop. Although their social origins were quite similar, the personalities of the two men were strikingly different. McKay was the quiet statistician, a man who stayed removed at the Institute and plotted the maps, calculated the rates, ran the correlations and described the findings which located empirically and depicted cartographically the distribution of crime and delinquency in Chicago. Shaw, on the other hand, was an activist, who " related " to 2 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CLIFFORD R. SHAW AND HENRY D. McKAY: CHICAGO CRIMINOLOGISTS delinquents and got their life stories, and an organiser who attempted to create a community reform movement. McKay was the professional scholar and gentleman-polite, kind, thoughtful-an academic out to prove his position with empirical evidence. Shaw was the more emotional practitioner, a professional administrator and organiser-talkative, friendly, personable, persuasive, energetic and quixotic-out to make his case through action and participation. Clijford R. Shaw Shaw, the fifth of 10 children, was born in August 1895 in Luray, an Indiana farm community 30 miles south-east of Muncie. " A dozen little old-fashioned houses snugly hidden among the hills " is the way Shaw once described it. " The houses were neatly and compactly gathered in four right angles made by the intersection of two roads." 2 Shaw's father owned and cultivated an eighty-acre tract of land, owned the small general store, and often worked as a harness-maker and shoemaker. Although Shaw represented his family as poor dirt-farmers, it appears that they were more substantial small-town people; Republican, Scottish-Irish, Protestant, established in Indiana for several generations. 8 Shaw began school when he was seven and went irregularly until he was fourteen. " At that age I was forced to leave school and work on the farm with my father " Shaw wrote. The reasons why he was " forced " to leave school are not completely known; perhaps his labour was needed at home, apparently he had not done especially well, and there is some indication that his departure was not totally involuntary. Shaw's disenchantment with farming grew over the next several years. He studied vocabulary while working behind the plough, read books at night, longed for brighter lights, and aspired to the ministry. During public addresses Shaw often, and somewhat fondly, mentioned his own childhood delinquencies in Luray. In one of these, he was caught stealing stove bolts from the blacksmith's shop in order to repair a toy wagon. The blacksmith shook him upside down by the heels, Shaw said, and the bolts fell to the ground. This experience was used to illustrate the typical smalltown reaction to delinquency-the blacksmith then helped him repair the wagon. When Shaw was 15, a Methodist minister from Adrian College in Michigan spoke at the Luray church and encouraged him to pursue his studies. " He told me that there was opportunity for a young man to work his way through college without much financial aid." That fall, Shaw went off to Adrian to study for the ministry. 2 This, and several following quotations, are from a handwritten autobiography by Shaw, probably done in the summer of 1919 in connection with his application to gain admission to the Univeraity of Chicago. They should be read with Shaw's goal in mind. 8 Shaw wrote further:" My father was a man of medium size, of kind yet firm disposition, and was not very free toward his children. He had always worked hard to provide a living for the members of his family. He has always lived on a farm, depending upon renting land from neighbors and giving half of the proceeds for rental. His education was very scant and as a result, hard manual labor has been the only source of financial income he has had. This fact of my parents' financial status has had a very marked influence upon the coune and thought of my life." 3 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JON SNODGRASS The religious education, however, prompted a deconversion. Shaw was exposed to more liberal ideas than he had known in his home community. While he remained a non-institutional Christian in principle all his life, Shaw gave up the ministry and left the church. His experiences at Adrian· created a deep conflict:" By the end of my junior year I had abandoned the thought of becoming a minister. This radical change in my life-purpose was due to the fact that my religious views were quite liberal and could not find favor in the church to which I belonged, and secondly, I found that I had idealized the ministry as a profession and on finding that my previous conception of the minister was wrong, I suddenly became very intolerant with the profession. My attitude toward ministers and ministerial students became very inimical, especially if their religious views were conservative. My attitude toward religion in general was very hostile. I even came to the place where I considered religion a barrier to the progress of humanity." In the spring of I9I7, after his junior year, and while his mind was still very unsettled, Shaw went from God to anns and joined the U.S. Navy. He was trained at johns Hopkins University as a pharmacist's mate for the submarine corps, but the war ended before he went to sea. In the fall of I9I8, he returned to Adrian to complete the A.B. The next year, having fallen backwards out of the church, Shaw fell forward, as it were, into graduate school in sociology, at the University of Chicago. This shift in career line further substantiates C. W. Mill's (I962) frequently-cited observation that many of the" social pathologists" were" fathered" by the rural, protestant ministry. In Chicago, Shaw lived in a settlement, " The House of Happiness", in an Eastern European neighbourhood, near the inner city. This introduction to the slum sections served to awaken a consciousness to the starker realities of American social life. Similarly, we know that Edwin H. Sutherland, who came to Chicago out of a background resembling Shaw's, once wrote: "When I became an officer of the juvenile Protective Association I saw for the first time in my life the conditions of life in the immigrant sections of a large city. These impressed me very much, as had some of the earlier literature I had read (Jacob Riis, etc.) and I developed a somewhat radical attitude." (Sutherland, I973)· The qualification "somewhat radical" was entirely appropriate both for Sutherland and for Shaw. The experience "liberalized " the conservative orientation " naturally " acquired in their rather strict home communities. From I92I to I923, Shaw worked part-time as a parole officer for the Illinois State Training School for Boys at St. Charles. From I 924 to I 926, he was employed as a probation officer at the Cook County Juvenile Court. He continued course work at the University through I924. Shaw did not complete the Ph.D., mainly because of the language requirement, though he was awarded an honorary Doctor of Laws degree from Adrian in I939· Toward the end of his graduate studies, Shaw was offered a professorship at McGill University, and nearly took it to be nearer his prospective wife, a Smith graduate who had practised social work in Chicago and then returned to Boston. She agreed to marriage and to return to Chicago, however. They had two children. Shaw subsequently taught criminology, in addition to his 4 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CLIFFORD R. SHAW AND HENRY D. McKAY: CHICAGO CRIMINOLOGISTS research at the Institute, at the George Williams College and the Central Y.M.C.A. College and, after I94I, at the down-town centre of the University of Chicago. He belonged to and participated in professional organisations only briefly in the early part of his career. In I 926, The Behavior Research Fund made provisions for a research section at the Institute for Juvenile Research. The Institute was formerly the Chicago Juvenile Psychopathic Institute, directed by the well-known criminologist William Healy.' The Psychopathic Institute was taken over officially by Cook County in I9I4 and by the State of Illinois in I9I7. In the I920s it was renamed the Institute for Juvenile Research and the Sociology Department became the site for Shaw and McKay's researches. Shaw was appointed Director in October I926 and Henry D. McKay, who had known Shaw as a fellow graduate student, was employed inJanuary I927 as a clerical research assistant. Henry D. ｍ｣ｋｾ＠ McKay was born near Orient, in Hand County, South Dakota, on a 300acre farm, in December I 899. His grandfather immigrated from Scotland in 1873 and his father had migrated from Minnesota in I883. It is not surprising then that ideas of race and nationality, migration and immigration, played a large role in his criminology. McKay was the fifth in a family of seven children. In addition to farming, his father was active in county politics. The family was religious, but not as strongly as was Shaw's. McKay worked on the farm and attended public schools, prior to receiving an A.B. from Dakota Wesleyan University. McKay arrived in Chicago to do graduate work four years after Shaw (I923). He stayed only one year before leaving to teach and study at the University of Illinois. At Illinois, he became acquainted with, though he did not study under, Sutherland, who had begun teaching there in 1919. A very close friendship developed over the years. McKay married in 1926 and had one daughter. He returned to Chicago in 1926 and took courses intermittently through 1929, but did not complete his degree for the same reason as Shaw. The major question which haunted McKay over the years was whether race and nationality had an effect on delinquent behaviour. He now has long outlived the excitement over this issue in criminology, and publishers considered his overdue manuscript, devoted entirely to the subject, likely to prove unprofitable. The McKay and Shaw researches originally answered this question firmly in the negative by repeatedly showing that the delinquency rates for each nationality were high only while the group resided in a deteriorated area. As assimilation took place and the nationalities were dispersed to outlying areas of Chicago, their delinquency rates approximated to those of " native Americans ". Thus, crime and delinquency were caused by the social conditions, not by racial and ethnic origins. The generalisation broke down, however, when assimilation was not the natural course for black ' A biographical sketch and analysis of Healy's work is available in jon Snodgrass (1972, pp. s8I23)· 5 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JON SNODGRASS Americans. Stuck in the ghetto, blacks had crime rates that remained high over generations. This not only threatened the generalisation, it also implicated American society. Stubbornly, trying to support his thesis in regard to blacks as well, McKay persisted with the calculation of rates with each decennial issue of the national census. Finally, the 1960 delinquency rates began to show that for a few ghetto areas on the south and west sides of Chicago, delinquency had declined. (McKay, 1967). This finding tended to vindicate the generalisation and exonerate American society. It took a few decades longer, McKay thought, but delinquency dropped as the black American was " accepted " and as the black community was "stabilised". When last interviewed in 1972, McKay was patiently waiting for the rates based on the 1970 census further to confirm this trend. Shaw and McKay The character of Shaw and McKay's intellectual and research relationship changed over the years. Until the initiation of the CAP in 1932, the writing and research seem to have been shared. Mterward, Shaw's contribution fell off sharply, perhaps partly as a result of his involvement in the sociology department and the action projects, but also because of his health. Although he was rugged in appearance, Shaw's health progressively declined; this lessened his activism and dampened his reputation during the last decade of his life. Shaw was a spent man in the process of being forgotten toward the end. Paradoxically, his death resurrected his contributions and standing in the field. Shaw reached the peak of his creativity and productivity before he was 40; McKay's intellectual maturity seemed to develop more slowly, and was sustained over a longer range oftime. The characterisation of Shaw as the hot crusader and McKay as the cool researcher is drawn mostly from the 1932-45 period. 5 At the Institute, McKay took over more and more responsibility for correspondence, memoranda, progress reports and other written material (including the books), many of which were for Shaw's signature or presentation. McKay has described Shaw's activities during this period: " Shaw was a great organiser. He kept a research department alive throughout a long depression, and a great war, which is no mean achievement. First as a participant in the Behavior Research Fund and later as director of the Chicago Area Project he developed private sources of support which were coupled with the State facilities with which both of us were connected. Clifford coupled charisma with organisation talent with very interesting results" (McKay, 1971). Shaw was an impressive and extraordinary figure. He had a charming and 5 The division oflabour between Shaw and McKay was once described by McKay in the following terms: " .•. About the division of labor between Mr. Shaw and myself, .•• I fear that I cannot answer your inquiry in a satisfactory manner. For I suspect that any collaborative report is more than the sum of its parts and any effort to divide the whole into parts is genuinely impossible. A major publication as you know, requires the development of a situation where the work can be carried on, the conceptualisation of a study or studies, the gathering and analysis of the data, the preparation of the report, and finally the details of the publication. It would be foolish to argue that we shared all these tasks equally. The work was divided, but the division was made in the interest of expediency and efficiency and did not indicate necessarily our basic interests and enthusiasms. For this reason I am unwilling to formulate any statement about how the work was divided since the impression made by such a statement is essentially false" (B. Mannheim, 1953, p. 15). 6 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CLIFFORD R. SHAW AND HENRY D. McKAY: CHICAGO CRIMINOLOGISTS affectionate personality, organisational and leadership ability and a talent for obtaining funds. Friends often jested that it was a pity he became a sociologist, for the world thereby lost one of its ablest con-men. Shaw perhaps exemplifies Gouldner's (1973, p. xiii) remark that the Chicago reformer " ... was soon recognised as a kind of hustler, on the make in his own way .... " Great affection and respect were accorded Shaw by almost everyone he came to know, and this reverence seems to have grown over the years. In rg67, for instance, there was a memorial service in Chicago to commemorate the tenth anniversary of his death. Outside the movement he founded there was criticism, however. Professional social work resented the utilisation of untrained, indigenous workers, a fundamental element in his philosophy of prevention. Shaw and Joseph Lohman parted company (for unknown reasons). And Saul D. Alinsky, an early community organiser for the CAP near the Chicago stockyards, later fired by Shaw, differed sharply on the goals and type of direct action required for social change. 6 Alinsky once characterised the activities of the area projects in the following terms: "Finally, I quit Joliet and took a job with the Institute for Juvenile Research, one of those outfits that were always studying the causes of juvenile delinquency, making surveys of all the kids in coldwater tenements -with rats nibbling their toes and nothing to eat-and then discovering the solution: camping trips and some shit they called character building" (Alinsky, 1972, p. 68). Shaw's organisation was never in direct conflict with the political and economic leaders of Chicago. He co-operated with and used these men and their institutions to obtain funds and support for community organisation. He worked between the top industrial and civic leaders, and local " natural " leaders. His activities in this position verged on manipulation, albeit " altruistic " manipulation, for and against both sides. This is the level, too, at which Shaw was a " field worker "; he had much less contact with the "common people" in the community. One confidential investigation of the CAP expresses Shaw's method very well: " ... he really wants to help those who are poor and who live in the ' blighted ' areas of our city. His method is any method that will work. Consequently, he discovers the 'influential' people and uses them, no ·matter their personal or moral standards. Ward politicians, tavern keepers and gamblers serve his purpose, along with priests, industrialists and capitalists " (anonymous). It may be claimed that community organisation was a courageous undertaking, and perhaps the only realistic alternative, in his day. Had Shaw's health held out, he might have become a national figure. The CAP survived him and had an impact on public policy when they became the prototype for delinquency prevention and welfare programmes of the KennedyJohnson era. It is conjecture, however, to suggest that by the rg6os Shaw would have no longer been a Shawist, either in theory or action, and would have moved to a more radical posture. 6 For an understanding of some of the differences which divided Shaw and Alinsky, see Sanders (1970, p. 25) and a long letter from Shaw in August 1942 to.Sheldon Glueck, quoted in Snodgrass (1972, pp. 137-138). 7 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JON SNODGRASS Shaw was a kind of within-system politico-missionary. He used "pragmatic " political management in an attempt to form legendary communities of the past. He saw no incompatibility in pragmatism serving idealism. He was a charismatic in a rational age. Rather than founding a spiritual movement, as he might have done in an earlier period, he abandoned Christianity, borrowed many of its principles and values, and attempted methodically to create a community reform movement ostensibly based on science. An early worker has remarked that in the enthusiasm of the formative days many felt as acolytes, zealously hoping to kindle a popular return to hamlets and ethical humanism within the confines ofthe city. Shaw was an apostle of community organisation as a way of saving an American city from its own inherently great capacity for generating physical deterioration and social disorganisation. Shaw was known for his identification with, and for the kindness and generosity with which he treated, the subjects of his life's work. He was a " delinquent sympathiser" able to relate to and create trust in all manner of " deviant " individuals. Several delinquents eventually became his close friends. One, who had written an autobiography published by Shaw, remembered in 1971 the closeness of their friendship with .the comment: "We were such good friends, I'm sure that if hell is a bad place, Shaw will send me the message." Shaw's ability to stimulate authorship was remarkable. As McKay has written: " I believe that he was at his very best when interviewing juvenile delinquents from whom he got ' the whole story ' very quickly without any duress. With delinquents I have never been sure whether he joined them or they joined him. At any rate, many young offenders produced life stories for him, some of which were published" (McKay, 1971). There are currently more than 85 unpublished life-histories of varying quality and in varying stages of completion still in the files of the Institute for Juvenile Research. 7 Shaw's appearance and mien contributed to the impact and success which he had, both organisationally and interpersonally. An insightful vignette of Shaw comes from" the Jack Roller", Shaw's most famous delinquent and one ofhis best friends. Shaw encouraged the Jack Roller to write an autobiography which subsequently became a "classic" in criminology. (Shaw, 1930.) This description of Shaw was written by the Jack Roller one week following Shaw's death (on August r, 1957), in a letter of consolation to Mrs. Hetta Shaw:" As a boy oftwelve, I just met Cliff, back in 1921. He worked then at the Juvenile Court as well as at the settlement House on 31st Street. I remember quite vividly his splendid bearing, being rugged of build, and tall of stature with a thick mane of dark hair, and quite handsome too. However, he particularly impressed me with his sincere manner and a geniality that at once captured my confidence, and that I must say was a big thing, since at that time I had spent over half my twelve years in institutions and was very much on the defensive. Instinctively Lknew him as a friend ... " There are some amusing and some puzzling contradictions in Shaw's 7 James R. Bennett, at the Institute for Juvenile Research, is presently making use of these autobiographies and also collecting more recent autobiographies for comparative purposes. 8 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CLIFFORD R. SHAW AND HENRY D. Mo:KAY: CHICAGO CRIMINOLOGISTS biography. Never very organised in his personal life, he persistently attempted to create organised communities. He was an agnostic trying to create Christian order, a pragmatist seeking an ideal, a former delinquent turned delinquent reformer, and a reluctant writer who tried to get almost everyone to write. He was an individual ardently against delinquency and crime with more than a hint of being a" legitimate" confidence man himself. No doubt in some respects Shaw was an enigma to himself. The Ecological Studies In Shaw and McKay's ecological studies, the residences of official delinquents (and other kinds of offenders, and other behavioural forms of " social pathology") were plotted on maps of Chicago. "Spot maps", with one spot per delinquency case, showed the actual residential distribution. " Rate maps " showed the number of offenders per hundred individuals of the same age and sex in square mile areas. " Radial maps " showed the rate of delinquency at regular intervals along major axes drawn from the city centre. " Zone maps " showed the rates of delinquency in concentric zones drawn at one-mile intervals from the city centre. A major finding indicated that the highest concentration of delinquent residences was in the " transitional zone", the area surrounding the central business district, an "interstitial area" in transition from residence to business and industry. It is often overlooked, however, that delinquent residences were also found outside the transitional zone, in other areas which were similarly characterised by build-ups of business and industry; for instance, along both sides of the north and south branches of the Chicago River, around the Union Stock Yards, and around the south Chicago steel mills. There was not only an inner-zone concentration, but also a correspondence between the distribution of delinquency and the distribution of business and industry; wherever there were centres of commercial development, areas of social pathology seemed to surround them. Another major finding was a " gradient tendency " in which delinquency rates declined regularly with increasing distance from the city centre toward the suburban periphery. When the analysis was extended to 20 other large American cities, the two major findings of concentration and gradient proved to be applicable in these urban areas as well as Chicago. To interpret their findings, Shaw and McKay relied most heavily upon the general concept of "social disorganisation", the breakdown of social controls in the " communities " located in the transitional zone. The invasion by business and industries from the centre of the city into the former residential areas created a wake of social disorganisation in its advance which disturbed social cohesion and disrupted traditional conduct norms. Shaw and McKay explicitly and repeatedly mentioned industrial invasion as a primary source of communal disorganisation, although other sources, e.g. the influx of successive waves of highly mobile immigrant groups, were additional contributing factors, though not unrelated to business expansion. Shaw and McKay took " social disorganisation " for granted, however, and located the causes of delinquency predominantly in the internal conditions within the 9 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JON SNODGRASS disorganised areas, i.e. culture conflict, delinquent traditions, gangs, and interpersonal conflict within families. A most striking aspect of Shaw and McKay's interpretation, then, is the absence of attempts to link business and industrial invasion with the causes of delinquency. The interpretation stayed at the communal level and turned inward to find the causes of delinquency in internal conditions and process within the socially disorganised area. Thus, their interpretation stopped abruptly at the point at which the relationship between industrial expansion and high delinquency areas could have gone beyond the depiction of the two as coincidentally adjacent to one another geographically. The interpretation was paralysed at the communal level, a level which implied that either the residents were responsible for the deteriorated areas, or that communities collapsed on their own account. Instead of turning inward to find the causes of delinquency exclusively in local traditions, families, play groups and gangs, their interpretation might have turned outward to show political, economic and historical forces at work, which would have accounted for both social disorganisation and the internal conditions, including the delinquency. Needless to say, the interpretation as it stood left business and industry essentially immune from analysis, imputation, and responsibility in the causes of delinquency. The ecological studies usually made no comment about the joint distribution of delinquency and industry, beyond the fact that the two impinged upon one another. The following quotation, however, actually disputes a causal relationship between the two; the location of industry is regarded merely as an index to the location of a high delinquency area: " Proximity to industry and commerce is an index of the areas of Chicago in which high rates of delinquents are found. However, it is not assumed that this proximity exists because industry and commerce are in themselves causes of delinquency. It may be assumed, however, that the areas adjacent to industry and commerce have certain characteristics which result from this proximity and which serve to differentiate them from the areas with low rates of delinquents" (Shaw, 1932.) Industry's relationship to delinquency was no more than a landmark by which the whereabouts of high delinquency areas might be pinpointed. The transitional zone, Shaw and McKay noted, came about through the expansion of the central business district. Owners of land and property in the interstitial area retained ownership knowing that land values would go up and that eventually wealthy enterprises would pay handsome prices for the territory as more and more of it was required for expansion. They refrained from making new investments in construction and refused to make " wasteful " repairs on the property since the buildings would be demolished sooner or later to make way for the expansion. Land values remained high, but property rentals stayed comparatively low. Over time the areas deteriorated. Into these slums were drawn impoverished migrants and immigrants who struggled for an existence by performing the menial work in the central city, whose meagre wages errriched the absentee landlords and whose children in large numbers became the " notorious " delinquents. IO This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CLIFFORD R. SHAW AND HENRY D. McKAY: CHICAGO CRIMINOLOGISTS A number of observations could have been made about this " process " (even the term " transitional " implied that it was a process that took place without conflict). The most obvious was the" discrepancy" in the distribution of land, property, power, wealth, health and longevity between the residents of the high delinquency area and the business elites of the commercial centre. The fact that life resources were held by one class, the fact that landowners allowed their property to deteriorate, the fact that capitalist enterprises and other vaunted institutions invaded and destroyed communities, that this " process " was carried out " legitimately " and without concern for human dislocation and welfare, and that the residents were politically impotent and resourceless (and could offer no resistance) are all " points " unmentioned and apparently unnoticed. By way of contrast, it may be noted that the " Gold Coast " was the only area in the transitional zone preserved from invasion and destruction. It was safeguarded by the power, wealth, .and social prominence of its inhabitants. Zorbaugh has described this section: "Such is the Gold Coast. For in Chicago, all that is aloof and exclusive, all that bears the mark of l'haute societe, is crowded along the strip of" drive " between the Drake Hotel and Lincoln Park, or along the quiet, aristocratic streets immediately behind it. Here is the greatest concentration of wealth in Chicago. Here live a large number of those who have achieved distinction in industry, science, and the arts. Here are Chicago's most fashionable hotels and clubs. Here live two thousand of the .six thousand persons whose names are in the social register of Chicago and its suburbs, and these two thousand include in their number those who are recognized as the leaders of" society". (Zorbaugh, 1929.) The Gold Coast was the sanctuary for the elite who were in many instances directly responsible for the conditions in the high· delinquency area. When Shaw and McKay took notice of the Gold Coast, again, they merely observed descriptively that it stood in " vivid contrast " to the surrounding areas (Shaw and McKay, 1972, p. 26). In the last analysis, Shaw and McKay's interpretation of the geographical material took a curious shift and located the ultimate cause of deteriorated areas in ecological laws. In doing so, the interpretation skipped over dominant institutions and invested industrial invasion with a " naturalistic " philosophical justification. The process which created the transitional zone was an inherent one, a part of the general ecological metabolism and organic development of the city. Mter all, these were called "natural areas". It was not the decisions, actions and policies of business executives, landowners and political officials which created these miserable sections of Chicago; it was the laws of nature: " (The community) has resulted from the natural processes involved in the growth and expansion of the city " (Shaw and McKay, 1938; p. 97). Or: "In a like manner, the physical, economic, political and cultural conditions which obtained in the community were functions of larger processes of competition, segregation and differentiation within the life of the city as a whole " (Shaw and McKay, 1938; pp. 358359). The" plant-like" metaphor had the benevolent hand of nature regulating the process. The laws of nature created a cheap labour market, human 1 II This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JON SNODGRASS degradation and exploitation, and pre-ordained that one would have slums and delinquency. How consoling for those in power, resting comfortably in the Gold Coast to know that nature had predestined the expansion and legitimated the exploitation! The " spiritual " shift in the theory averted any human action that might be responsible for the process, and any human action that might seek to combat it; one would hardly attempt to organise politically to overcome or overthrow the laws of nature. The Chicago Area Project 40 Tears Later The Chicago Area Project began in 1932 in three high delinquency areas. A field worker from the Institute for Juvenile Research would enter the community to form councils of local residents which tried to organise the neighbourhood for civic betterment and delinquency prevention. The CAP began on a small scale as a private organisation and expanded over the years. Some CAP councils continue in operation to the present day. From its inception, the CAP raised its own funds but was staffed and administered by state personnel. Eventually, the State of Illinois took over the CAP as part of its general delinquency prevention programme. The CAP stressed the importance of maintaining the autonomy of the community. An effort was made to avoid the imposition of Anglo-Saxon, middle-class standards on residents. The aim was to " stimulate " community organisation without engineering and controlling it and to "spark" the latent potential for community control. Thus, the field worker was to act as a "catalyst", the leadership was to be " indigenous", the council was to be composed of local residents, and management and planning were to be carried out by the residents. There was hope for a wide basis of local, democratic participation. Shaw believed that communities had existed in the transitional zone prior to the expansion of industry, though the accuracy of this belief is open to question. It seems likely that community and neighbourhood were often used as just another expression for geographical area. Whether or not communities ever had prevailed, the purpose of the organisation fostered by the CAP was to build or rebuild communities. Shaw wanted to restore village life and tradition to city folk. The major tenet underlying the projects was the belief that organisation reinstated all the natural social control inherent in traditional communal life. Community organisation as the method of correction, the analogy between the CAP and the folk community, and the connection between this method and Shaw's personal life-history, are evident in the following lengthy quotation: Many of my ideas about delinquency seem to spring from the situation in which I found myself as I grew up. I grew up in the county in what was, in the real sense of the word, a community. In this situation, people were brought together by certain ties of long acquaintance and friendship, by certain common beliefs and interests. There was something under the surface which made it possible for them to rise to meet a crisis or disaster when the occasion 12 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CLIFFORD R. SHAW AND HENRY D. McKAY: CHICAGO CRIMINOLOGISTS arose. If there was an illness or death or ifsomeone's home burned, there was a reaction among all the people of the community. One night in January, when I was about eight years old, the house next to our home burned to the ground, and it seemed sure that our house would also go. Within a few minutes, 400 or 500 people from all over the area had collected, and they organised a bucket brigade, passing water to the men who had climbed to the top of our house. Bucket after bucket of water was poured, until they succeeded in saving the house. It was a tragic experience which I had that night, seeing the flames come up over our house. I will never forget the fear, the anxiety, and the anger; neither will I ever, ever forget that our house was saved by something called a community or a neighbourhood. A group of people united by a deep bond of friendship, of affection, and of common interest, saved our house. That is what we are talking about. That is the idea behind the community committees here and in .the different sections of the state, wherever we find groups of people living in these little areas who realise their common dependence upon each other, and who appreciate the fact that they can create moral values, spiritual values, and community values by their common efforts. The community in which I grew up taught me to know and respect its ideas, its ideals, and its values. Not that I was not a delinquent! I was a thief; the sheriff never caught me, but I stole. One of the boys that I knew habitually stole. But these were little things, unimportant exceptions, and they did not seriously interfere with the process through which the community impressed its values upon me. None of my elders ever told me so in words, but I was not very old when I knew that it was all right to steal a chicken to roast, but that to steal one to sell was a serious crime. I think that we may perhaps be able to build this kind of community in these little neighbourhood areas, and in this way provide the kind of social situation in which all children may grow up as normal and reasonably happy human beings (Shaw, 1951; pp. 6g-7o). Shaw was then a folk-idealist waging an imaginary war with urbanindustrial reality. The model underlying his projects was turn of the century Indiana farm town. Throughout his life persisted a country boy's fascination and distaste, an attraction and a repulsion, regarding the enticing vice and sins of delight in the city. Rural, small-town life preserved middle-class, Christian, democratic values and habits. Shaw had come to the city to reveal, with missionary zeal, that all that vice, crime and corruption were bred, not just in the city, but right outside its centre. The fact that delinquency rates "thinned" as one travelled the gradient towards rural Illinois was not empirical alone; it had a solid basis in Shaw's personal history and ideology. The gradient implied that the further away one went, the fewer pathologies one found. Back home in rural Indiana, one did not find delinquency, but wild-oats and corn-bred mischievousness ("little things, unimportant exceptions "). Upstate and downtown, serious delinquency was bred massively in the streets. Beating city blocks into county squares and turning passive city people into active townsmen, creating "little neighbourhoods" 13 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JON SNODGRASS just outside the Chicago Loop was the ideal Shaw sought, and was the agrarian conservatism that lay at the base ofhis criminology. Shaw's goal was to create community cohesion by having " little groups of neighbours " participate in various activities and projects. The actual goals of the CAP, however, were remarkably vague. No doubt this vagueness derived in part from the desire to leave the precise formulation of aims to the discretion of the people. But discretion veered almost exclusively towards matters that were internal. Points of contact and organisation around econ.omic, political and social matters in the larger city were not evident. 8 " The specific activities conducted by the Area Project are in most respects the same as those conducted by organisations such as boys' clubs, the Young Men's Christian Association, settlements, and parks. Included are camping, baseball, football, basketball, boxing, movies, ping-pong, pool and billiards, small table games, music, dramatics, handicrafts, printing, newspaper work, and club discussions" (Shaw and Jacobs, 1939; p. 45). Shaw ardently believed that organisation itse"lf rendered the purpose of organisation quite secondary; any internal aim which united the residents and reinstated the bonds of social control would do. Organisation itself was the dominant goal and the dominant good. Concentration on the inside, however, detracted from and disregarded the economic and political sources of delinquency arising from the outside, and left them to run their course. . Shaw was aware of the external sources and was uncertain whether local organisation around social activities might achieve change. " In conclusion, it should be emphasised that the socio-economic conditions which are probably responsible for delinquency in the areas in which the Area Project is . operating, are the product of influences which are city-wide in their scope. It is not known, therefore, just how far the reorganisation oflife in local areas can be achieved without reorienting the social and economic life of the city itself" (Shaw and Jacobs, 1939, p. 5) . It is surprising, given the awareness of external sources, that the projects did not attempt to deal with them directly. The CAP was not an overt political organisation fighting for fundamental rights and an effective voice in Chicago politics, nor was it oriented towards dealing with the industrial invasion, or the economic and physical conditions that the invasion created. The CAP was designed for social activities instead of social action. A major thrust of Shaw's work was not in cha nging conditions in the high delinquency areas, but in lifting nationalities out of them. This was done despite the fact that Shaw, of all people, knew that the upward mobility of · 8 Shaw and McKay recognised that fundamental changes in political and economic conditions were necessary to prevent delinquency. Shaw wrote : "Any great reduction in the volume of delinquency in large cities probably will not occur except as general changes take place which effect improvements in the economic and social conditions surrounding children in those areas in which the delinquency rates are relatively high" (Shaw and McKay, 1972; p. 441.) Shaw was aware that crime and delinquency were an integral part of the life of the larger city. In a mimwgraphed report on the Area Project, he suggested that the vice and prostitution in the transitional areas were " in no sense a purely local responsibility. . .. In a sense, they are located in specific areas for the convenience of the entire city. The local population plays a negligible role in subsidising gambling and prostitution." He also stated: "Crime is not a matter of personal or neighborhood blame. It appears rather as an infectious growth within the whole social structure.. . ." (Shaw, 1943 ; pp. 36 and 40). This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CLIFFORD R. SHAW AND HENRY D. McKAY: CHICAGO CRIMINOLOGISTS one national group out of the areas, into the suburbs and into the middle class, left the same area open for a succeeding immigrant group; one nationality rose up and out while another took its place. Time and again Shaw and McKay noted that the areas and delinquency were relatively unchanged despite alterations in population compositton; this was, indeed, perhaps the central finding of their work. In this respect, they attempted to console various nationalities, suggesting that with time and initiative, the economic discrimination and their days in court would eventually vanish. One ethnic group followed another, as though one generation's confinement in the transitional zone, labouring in factories and locked in jails, was the sentence one paid for full acceptance into American society. Any consolation this theory might have offered expired, however, when black southern immigrants came to rest, after World War I, for successive generations at the bottom of the Chicago social structure. The CAP was consistently concerned with goals for uplifting the community by self-help from within. The organisation was not addressed to broader types of social action and in particular did not seek to deal directly with the forces destroying and disorganising the community. 9 The continual expansion of industry and institution, outward in space and ever more profound in depth of effect, received not the slightest attention. Active opposition to the industrial invasion was very remote for, after all, industry was not considered to be causally related to delinquency. Shaw attempted to prop up and repair the community from the inside, while its walls were "progressively " wrecked and bulldozed from the outside-a curious posture for a man standing in the rubble and who believed that treatment programmes had to deal directly with the actual forces producing delinquency. The neglect of invasion is perhaps best illustrated by the transition in land use in the Near West Side, one of the three areas in which the CAP first began. Today, the eastern portion is dominated by the University of Illinois at Chicago Circle, "Mayor Daley's School". Sherman's study of the Near West Side Community Committee in 1946 notes: "In the course of a halfcentury, there have been great changes on the West Side .... The whole area east of Halsted Street seemed to be awaiting the commercial and industrial invasion. This did take place over the years, so that now the whole area east of Halsted Street, which was once a seething mass of humanity, is now almost devoid of residential dwellings. This section has been given over almost completely to business establishments and small factories" (Sherman, 1946; pp.g8-g).10 9 Betty Mannheim's study of the CAP recognised this: "The committees are adept at solving local problems, yet, despite their willingness, they are unable to deal with the wider aspects of the social process. They cannot call a halt to urbanisation and to the industrialising processes which contribute to the break-down of social controls, which create areas of housing shortage, slum conditions, unemployment, and similar conditions. They do, however, facilitate the understanding of these processes on the part oflocal residents, and thus enable them to cope with the more visible effects of the disintegrative forces. The committees may have some delaying influence and hence can be of use in promoting adjustment even if they are unable to remove the basic disruptive cause. In a sense, they are more of a stop-gap than a radical remedy, and therefore it seems that Shaw's theory does not strike at the roots of the problems of modem society" (B. Mannheim, 1953; pp. 138-139). 10 A study of the " Addams " area took place in a portion of the Near West Side. The researcher explained that" after a few months in the area, I mentioned to some people that I wanted to write a history of the neighborhood before the city' tore it down'" (Sutdes, 1970; p. 31). IS This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JON SNODGRASS The CAP was too intimately tied to industry to combat it: its Board of Directors was composed ofleading " civic-minded " businessmen, the CAP's financial support came in part from business contributions (and indirectly from business through the United Fund). It was also supported at times by foundations (Rockefeller, Wieboldt, and others). The CAP was cosmetic rather than surgical; the approach was almost trivial in the face of the realities of Chicago politics and economics. The philosophy of the Board of Directors and the futility of the CAP approach is captured in the following transcription of a conversation between McKay and Sutherland in 1935. McKay is speaking:" ... the businessmen who are on the boards want to be told that they are doing something important by their contributions and hours of conferences and that their philanthropy is curing the evil. Consequently, they state during one year that they have done a certain amount of work; next year they must report a little more, and the next year still more; and it thus becomes cumulative until their reports of accomplishment have no relationship whatever to their actual accomplishments. But this is what the board wants to hear anyhow, and it makes no difference to them that the conditions which they are trying in this trivial manner to correct are largely due to their own every-day behavior " (Shaw and McKay, "Chicago Area Projects"). Another conversation recorded at the same time between Shaw and Sutherland reveals the deep reservation which Shaw had about the effectiveness of the projects. Two of the grounds for his pessimism are quoted below: " I hear that you are contemplating an area project in Indiana. Why don't you leave the poor people alone? We are pretty well convinced now that we are not going to accomplish anything in our area projects. There are several reasons for this : Third, why should anyone object if they are delinquent? It might be an excellent thing if the delinquents did make organised raids on the Gold Coast. There may be only one way to settle things, that is, by organised power. That seems to be the way it works now. Fourth, the Gold Coast businessmen who are leaders of our projects are not evidently better than the people in the neighbourhood. They knowingly misrepresent things because this makes a good story on the coast and helps to raise money. I can see the reasons why the welfare organisations are so dishonest in their reports; they have to be dishonest to satisfy the boards and to raise money. If we were dependent on local finances, I can very well conceive that within a few years we would be just as petty and dishonest as the rest of the organisations we see " (Shaw and McKay, "Chicago Area Projects"). This passage discloses a radical understanding with regard to the Gold Coast that was never displayed in the projects themselves or in Shaw's formal writings. It also shows, of course, how hampered the projects were by their funding and business ties. The CAP was actually a measure designed to curb delinquency, not industry, in the interim between initial invasion and complete succession. It 16 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CLIFFORD R. SHAW AND HENRY D. McKAY: CHICAGO CRIMINOLOGISTS was a palliative attempting to bring temporary stability to the areas to control delinquency until the area was no longer in transition. There was no quarrel with the invasion, only with the ensuing disorganisation, and thus Shaw had community members occupied in innocuous organisations while industrial leaders proceeded with business as usual. Beneath it all lay the assumption that the expansion and prosperity of industry took ultimate precedence over the preservation of community. Industry proceeded without hindrance. In an ironic way, the projects protected the property and equipment of the very concerns which were the root causes of the disorganisation and delinquency. Such mild alleviation even within the logic of the theory probably only aggravated the origins of delinquency. 1'he concern with playgrounds, summer camps and carnivals mistook the incidental for the essential. Shaw and McKay thus unwittingly contributed to the decline of community and the rise of delinquency the very outcomes they fundamentally sought to oppose. While searching for what might create community, they ignored what they knew full well destroyed it. The judgment may seem harsh, but the concentration on internal organisation and neglect of the political and economic realities of slum residents stems from the fact that there was less concern with rights and welfare than with behaviour control, less concern with community prosperity than with community constraint. The highest priority was given to establishing local social control. The logic of community organisation underscored the normative more than the reformative, the internal constraints of organisation rather than the external benefits that organisation might achieve. The rationale for the sports programme emphasised discipline more than recreation or education. The study of the family and delinquency centred on the breakdown of primary group controls. There is a final irony that cuts straight across many of the values Shaw and McKay espoused: some of the procedures of the CAP are uncomfortably reminiscent of the coercive techniques commonly associated with authoritarian political regimes; for instance, taking down the names and addresses of all the boys in an area and organising block councils in order" to have little groups of neighbours living in the same block who can meet with us when a boy gets into difficulty and thus bring to bear upon that case some public disapproval of his act" (Shaw, I 933, p. 3 I) •11 The Chicago Area Project was first and foremost a disciplinary force, designed to inculcate values, socialise behaviour, and to achieve an accommodation of slum residents to the conventional order. The projects sought fundamentally to force individuals to adapt to American society. 11 Another example:" Last week we had the case of three boys charged with burglary. We had a juvenile police officer there. We sat down with each boy and his parents and that little committee in the block in which he lived, and talked over that whole question. Those boys know now that there are certain persons in that neighborhood who disapprove of their behavior and who are interested in them. We are attempting to bring that sort of public opinion to bear on these cases of beginning delinquency" (Shaw, 1933, p. 31). This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JON SNODGRASS REFERENCES ALINSKY, SAuL (I972)." Interview." Playboy I9 (March). ANONYMOus (n.d.). "Report on the Investigation of the Area Project." Typewritten. FARIS, RoBERT E. L. (Ig67). Chicago Sociology: Ig2o-I932. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. GouLDNER, ALVIN W. (I973). Foreword to The New Criminology, by Ian Taylor, Paul Walton and Jock Young. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. MANNHEIM, BETTY (1953). The Chicago Area Project: In Theory and Practice. Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of Illinois. McKAY, HENRY D. ( 1g67). " A Note on Trends in Rates of Delinquency in Certain Areas of Chicago." Juvenile Delinquency and Youth Crime. President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office. McKAY, HENRY D . (197I). Letter to Snodgrass. March 3· MILLS, C. WRIGHT ( 1962). "The Professional Ideology of Social Pathologists." Power, Politics and People. Edited by lrvirig Louis Horowitz. New York: Ballantine Books, Inc. RADZINOWICZ, LEON AND WoLFGANG, MARVIN E. (eds.) (197I). The Criminal in Society. New York: Basic Books. SANDERs, MARION K. (ed.) (I 970). The Professional Radical: Conversations with Saul Alinsky. New York: Harper and Row. SHAW, CLIFFORD R. (I930). The Jack-Roller: A Delinquent Boy's Own Story. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. SHAW, CLIFFORD R. (I932). "Housing and Delinquency." Housing and the Community-Home Repair and Remodeling. Edited by John M. Grimes and James Ford. Washington: The President's Conference on Home Building and Home Ownership. SHAW, CLIFFORD R. (I933). "Neighborhood Program for the Treatment of Delinquency." Quarterry of the Minnesota Education, Philanthropic, Correctional and Penal Institutions 33 (Sept.). SHAW, CLIFFORD R. (1943). "The Area Project." Mimeograph. (November g). SHAW, CLIFFORD R. (I95I). "From the Inside Out: Self-Help in Social Welfare," General Session, Illinois Federation of Community Committees. Twentieth Annual Conference on Youth and Community Service. Sta te of Illinois: Dept. of Public Welfare. SHAW, CLIFFORD R. AND jACOBs, jESSE A. ( 1939). "The Chicago Area Projects." Proceedings of the 6gth Annual Conference of the American Prison Association. New York: American Prison Association. SHAW, CLIFFORD R. AND McKAY, HENRY D. (n.d.)." The Chicago Area Projects." Unpublished. SHAW, CLIFFORD R. AND McKAY, HENRY D. (1938). Brothers in Crime. Chicago : University of Chicago Press. SHAW, CLIFFORD R AND McKAY, HENRY D. (I972) . ]uvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas. Revised edition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. SHERMAN, RocHELLE D. (I946) . The West Side Community Committee: A People's Organization in Action. Unpublished Master's thesis, University of Chicago. I8 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CLIFFORD R. SHAW AND HENRY D. McKAY: CHICAGO CRIMINOLOGISTS SNODGRASS, JON ( 1972). The American Criminological Tradition: Portraits of the Men and Ideology in a Discipline. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. SuTHERLAND, EDWIN H. ( 1 973). " Fields of Interest." On Analyzing Crime. Edited by Karl Schuessler. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. SuTTLES, GERALD D. ( 1970). The Social Order of the Slum. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Voss, HARWIN L. AND PETERSON, DAVID M. (eds.) (1971). Ecology, Crime and Delinquency. New York: Appleton Century Crofts. ZoRBAUGH, HARVEY (1929). The Gold Coast and the Slum. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 19 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:10:05 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions BIBLIOGRAPHY OF AND ON SHAW AND McKAY Source: The British Journal of Criminology, Vol. 16, No. 3 (July 1976), pp. 289-293 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23636405 Accessed: 30-03-2015 03:13 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The British Journal of Criminology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:13:26 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions NOTES The terms of reference are: to consider the. social, legal, medical and ethical problems relating to " dangerous " offenders, to review methods of dealing with them in institutions and in the community, having regard to experience in the United Kingdom, the United States, and elsewhere, and to make recommendations. The proposal is related to a study being undertaken at the Academy of Contemporary Problems, Columbus, Ohio, under John Conrad, Senior Fellow, Social Justice Program. The intention is that the working party should undertake a study of British practice and make proposals which would be useful both for this country, and in the American project for comparative purposes. The working party hopes to complete its work in about 18 months. CENTRE FOR CRIMINOLOGICAL STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF SHEFFIELD THE Centre for Criminological Studies at Sheffield University was officially opened on Wednesday, March 31, 1976 by the Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur James, Lord Justice of Appeal. During the afternoon's proceedings an honorary degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred upon Professor Nils Christie of the University of Oslo, who then delivered the Foundation Lecture of the Centre entitled "Conflicts as Property: societies described through their types of crime control ". The Centre is the third of its kind in a British University, the others being the Institute of Criminology at Cambridge and the Department of Criminology at Edinburgh. (Additionally, there is the specialist Penal Research Unit at Oxford). The Centre has grown out of a steady development of teaching and research in criminology within the Faculty of Law at Sheffield over the last few years. A specialist taught M.A. course in criminological studies has been run since 1971, undergraduate teaching of law and social science students has been in progress for many years, and there is now a small group of doctoral students. The first Director of the Centre is Dr A. E. Bottoms, and the remainder of the staff comprises I. R. Taylor, Paul Wiles, D. S. Sethi, Monica A. Walker, and M. G. Collison. Enquiries about the Centre and its work may be addressed to the Director at: Centre for Criminological Studies, The University, Sheffield S10 2TN. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF AND ON SHAW AND McKAY An appendix to the article" Clifford R. Shaw and Henry D. McKay: Chicago Criminologists," by Jon Snodgrass, published in the January 1976 issue (16, 1, 1-19) CLIFFORD R. SHAW Books 1929 In collaboration with Frederick M. Zorbaugh, Henry D. McKay and Leonard S. Cottrell. Delinquency Areas: A Study of the Geographic Distribution of School Truants, Juvenile Delinquents, and Adult Offenders in Chicago. Chicago: University of Chicago· Press. This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:13:26 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions NOTES The Jack-Roller: A Delinquent Boy's Own Story. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1931 With Maurice E. Moore. The Natural History of a Delinquent Career. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. With Henry D. McKay. Social Factors in Juvenile Delinquency: A Study of the Communiry, the Family and the Gang in Relation to Delinquent Behavior. (Report on the Causes of Crime, National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement, Vol. 1 1.) Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1938 With Henry D. McKay and James F. McDonald, and with special chapters by Harold B. Hanson and Ernest W. Burgess. Brothers in Crime. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1942 With Henry D. McKay, with chapters by Norman S. Hayner, Paul G. Cressey, Clarence W. Schroeder, T. Earl Sullenger, Earl R. Moses, and Calvin S. Schmid. Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas: A Study of Rates of Delinquents in Relation to Differential Characteristics of Local Communities in American Cities. Revised edition by Henry D. McKay, with a new" Introduction " by James F. Short, Jr., 1969. 1930 Articles 1923 "Separation in the Mter-care of Juvenile Delinquents and Adult Offenders," Institutional Quarterly (Illinois), 14 (December 1923), 145-146. 1926 "The Case Study Method," Papers and Proceedings of the American Sociological Sociery, 21 (1926), 149-157· 1927 " Correlation of Rate of Juvenile Delinquency with Certain Indices of Community Organization and Disorganization," Papers and Proceedings of the American Sociological Sociery, 22 (1927), 174-179· 1929 "Quantity of Delinquency in Cook County," and "Personality of a Delinquent Offender," Illinois Crime Survey (Chicago: Illinois Association for Criminal Justice, 1929), 645-661, 662-676. "Delinquency and the Social Situation," Religious Education, 24 (May 1929) 409-417. 1931 "What a Delinquent Boy's Own Story Reveals," Religious Education, 26 (February 1931), 163-169. 1932 With Henry D. McKay, "Are Broken Homes a Causative Factor in Juvenile Delinquency?", Social Forces, 10 (May 1932), 514-524. See alsoJonna C. Colcord, Katharine F. Lenroot, Harry M. Shulman and J. B. Maller. "Discussion of' Are Broken Homes a Causative Factor in Juvenile Delinquency? ' ", Ibid., 525-553. "Radial Variations of Rates in Juvenile Delinquency in Seven American Cities (Abstract)," Papers Presented at the 26th Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Sociery. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, August 1932, p. 130. With Charles Elmer Gehlke, Sheldon Glueck, A. Warren Stearns and Edwin H. Sutherland. "Housing and Delinquency," Housing and the Community--Home Repair and Remode,ling, ed. John M. Gries and James Ford. 290 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:13:26 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions NOTES I933 I934 I935 I937 I939 I95I I952 I 956 I967 I942 I943 I 944 I944 Washington, D.C.: The President's Conference on Home Building and Home Ownership, I932, I3-49· "Juvenile Delinquency: A Case History," Bulletin of the State University of Iowa, Child Welfare Pamphlet No. 24. Iowa City, Iowa: August I9, I933, p. I I. "Juvenile Delinquency: A Group Tradition," Bulletin of the State University of Iowa, Child Welfare Pamphlet No. 23. Iowa City, Iowa: August I2, I933, p. I4. "Neighborhood Program for the Treatment of Delinquency," Quarter!J! of the Minnesota Education, Philanthropic, Correctional and Penal Institutions, 33 (September 2I, I933). St. Paul, Minnesota: State Board of Control, 26--32. "Exit: The ｎ･ｩｧｨ｢ｯｵｲｾ､＠ Gang," Character, October-November, I934, I4, I5, 21. (Unverified.) "Delinquents and Delinquency Areas," Mental Health Observer, 3 (January I935), I, 8. Reprinted, Ibid., 5 (December I937), 27-30. With E. W. Burgess, J. D. Lohman. "The Chicago Area Projects," National Probation Associates Tearbook: Coping With Crime, ed. Marjorie Bell. New York: National Probation Association, I937, 8-28. ''The Chicago Area Project,'' Twentieth Annual Report of the Department of Public Welfare, State of Illinois, June 30, I937, 7I6--7I9. With Jesse A. Jacobs." The Chicago Area Projects," Proceedings of the 69th Annual Conference of the American Prison Association. New York: American Prison Association, I939, 4G-53· "From the Inside Out: Self-Help in Social Welfare," General Session, Illinois Federation of Community Committees, Twentieth Annual Conference on Touth and Community Service. State of Illinois Department of Public Welfare, I95I, 67-71. "Summary: Teamwork at the Grassroots," Twenty-First Annual Conference on Touth and Community Service. Chicago, Ill., I952, IOI-I05. With Anthony Sorentino. " Is ' Gang Busting ' Wise? ", National ParentTeacher's Magazine, 50 (January I956), I8-2o. With Henry D. McKay, ed. "Criminal Careers of Former Juvenile Delinquents," Subsequent Arrest, Corrections and Commitments Among Former Juvenile Delinquents, ed. Henry D. McKay. Chicago: The President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, I967 (mimeo), 7-49. (Actually written largely by John Clausen.) With associates. "Subsequent Criminal Careers of Juvenile Delinquents, School Truants, and Special School Pupils," Ibid., 5o-g9. (Actually written by McKay, with the assistance of Solomon Kobrin.) "Needed: A Community Attack on Delinquency." Address before the Chicago Recreation Commission, September 22, I942. Typewritten, p. 5· "The Area Project." November 9, I943· Mimeograph, p. 68. " Memorandum Submitted to the Board of Directors of the Chicago Area Project." January IO, I944· Mimeograph, p. IO (incomplete). "Methods, Accomplishments and Problems of the Chicago Area Project." September 20, I944· Mimeograph, p. 25. (An expansion of the . paper above.) This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:13:26 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions NOTES HENRY D. McKAY (Material not published collaboratively with Shaw) Book With Solomon Kobrin. Nationality and Delinquency: A Study qf Variation in Rates qf Delinquents for Nativity, Nationality and Racial Groups Among Types qf Areas in Chicago. (Unpublished.) Articles 1949 "The Neighborhood and Child Conduct," The Annals qf the American Academy qf Political and Social Science, 262 (January 1949), 32-41. 1959 "Juvenile Delinquency: Basic Considerations in Delinquency Prevention," Hearings Before the Subcommittee to Investigate Juvenile Delinquency qf the Committee on the Judiciary. U.S. Senate, 86th Congress, 1st Session, May 28 and 29, 1959. Reprinted, Department of Public Welfare, State of Illinois. 1960 '' Differential Association and Crime Prevention: Problems of Utilization," Social Problems, 8 (Summer 196o), 25-38. 1962 "Social Influence on Adolescent Behavior," Journal of the American Medical Association, 182 (November 1962), 643-649. MATERIALS ON SHAw AND McKAY Published Ernest W. Burgess and Donald]. Bogue,'' The Delinquency Research of Clifford R. Shaw and Henry D. McKay and Associates," Urban Sociology, ed. Burgess and Bogue. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1931, 549-565. Bill Davidson, " 18,ooo,ooo Teenagers Can't Be Wrong," Collier's, 139 (January 1957), 13-25· John Dollard. Criteria for the Life History. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1935· Robert E L. Faris. Chicago Sociology 192D-1932. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967. Mark H. Haller. "Introduction" to John Landesco, Organized Crime in Chicago. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968, vii-xviii. Christian T. Jonassen. "A Re-evaluation and Critique of the Logic and Some Methods of Shaw and McKay," American Sociological Review, 14 (August 1949), 608-614. Shaw and McKay," Rejoinder," Ibid., 614-617. Jackson Toby, "Comment on the Jonassen-Shaw and McKay Controversy," ASR, 15 (February 1950), 107-108. Solomon Kobrin. "The Chicago Area Project-A 25-Year Assessment," Annals oj the American Academy oJ Political and Social Science, 322 (March 1959), 19-29. Solomon Kobrin. "Clifford R. Shaw, 1895-1957," American Sociological Review, 23 (February 1958), 88--89. Peter Lisagor and Arthur J. Snider." They Tamed the Boy Criminals of Chicago,' The Saturday Evening Post, 223 (July 15, 1950), 36-37, 98, 101. James Bartlow Martin." A New Attack on DeliJ?.quency: How the Chicago Area Project Works," Harpers, 188 (May 1944), 502-512. Terence Morris. The Criminal Area: A Study in Social Ecology. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1957· Fred A. Ramano. "Organizing a Community for Delinquency Prevention," 1940 Tearbook National Probation Association, 3-14. 292 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:13:26 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions NOTES Stuart A. Rice. "Hypotheses and Verifications in Clifford R. Shaw's Studies of Juvenile Delinquency," Methods in Social Science: A Case Book, ed. Stuart A. Rice. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, I93I, 549-565. Sophia M. Robison. Can Delinquency Be Measured? New York: Columbia University Press, I936. James F. Short, Jr. "Introduction to the Revised Edition," Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas: A Study of Rates of Delinquency in Relation to Differential Characteristics of Local Communities in American Cities. Clifford R . Shaw and Henry D. McKay. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, I969. Anthony Sorrentino. "The Chicago Area Project After 25 Years," Federal Probation, June I959, 4o-45. Maurice R. Stein. The Eclipse of Community. New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, I 960. "What Makes A Criminal?" ("Crime in the U.S.," Part V). Life, 43: I44, I47-I52, 156, I58, x6o, I6S-I66, x6g-I70. Especially 152 and xs6. Unpublished Frances Bendex. " The Effectiveness of the Area Project as a Means of Social Control." Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of Chicago, June I952, pp. 173· Dorothy Crounse, Louise Gilbet:t and Elizabeth W. Pettis. "Chicago Area Project." Council of Social Agencies of Chicago, November I4, I936. Typewritten, pp. 132. Golden B. Darby. " History and Philosophy of the Chicago Area Project and a Community Worker Manual," I944· Mimeographed, pp. 14. "The Institute for Juvenile Research, I909-I959·" N.d. Mimeographed, pp. I3· Betty F. ｍ｡ｮｨ･ｾＮ＠ " The Chicago Area Project: In Theory and Practice." Unpublished Master's Thesis, Univresity oflllinois, I953, pp. 146. "Proposal for the Research Needs of Recording the Work of the Chicago Area Project (Clifford R. Shaw)." N.d., Ditto, N.p. Rochelle D. Sherman. "The West Side Community Committee: A People's Organization in Action." Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of Chicago, December I 946, pp. I I I. 293 This content downloaded from 130.182.50.101 on Mon, 30 Mar 2015 03:13:26 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions