1 Tapio Salminen, MA, School of Social Sciences and Humanities, Department of History and Philosophy, University of Tampere How did the Cistercian Abbey of Padis in Estonia first come into possession of fishing rights for salmon in the River Vantaanjoki in Finland, and what was the significance of these rights for the economy and everyday life of the monastery during the period of the abbey's donation in 1351– 1429? What impact did the monks and lay brethren have on the use of the river and the structure of settlement in its area, now in the dense suburban network of Vantaa and Helsinki? Fishing with Monks – Padis Abbey and the River Vantaanjoki from 1351 to 1429 The medieval Diocese of Turku, roughly the same area as present-day Finland, essentially differs from other parts of the Baltic region once belonging to the medieval sphere of influence of the Catholic Church. Here, none of the monasteries of the old, pre 13th-century orders, such as the Benedictines, Carthusians, Cistercians or Premonstratensians had ever been established and, with the exception of the Cistercian Abbey of Padis in Estonia, they are not known to have had property or rights in Finland. Although ecclesiastical culture and spiritual life in the medieval Diocese of Turku was by no means different to the rest of Europe, one of their most characteristic features, monasticism, was represented in its fully secluded form only by the Bridgettine convent of Naantali, founded in 1438. This double monastery of nuns and canons met all the requirements of the monasticism: property in land obtained through donations, monastic vows, the copying and production of religious texts, and a continuous life of prayer in seclusion. The convents of the Dominicans, who were active in Finland since the 13th century and the Franciscans, who came to Finland by the early 15th century at the latest, were popularly known as monasteries, but much of the activity of the friars occurred outside of their houses among the local population. Observant to their rules, Dominicans of Turku and Viipuri and Franciscans of Viipuri, Rauma and Kökar Island never accumulated significant endowments of landed property to sustain their houses. The Cistercian order and the pursuit of monasticism in high medieval Europe The most important monastic order that spread into the Baltic region in the 12th century was the Cistercians, a reformed branch of the Benedictines, which originated in 1098, when a number of  2 monks established a monastery at Citeaux, near Dijon in France. The name of the order derives from the original name of Citeaux which was either based on the Old French word Cistel, meaning "reed", or on the Latin Cistercium, explained as referring to the site of the monastery close to a three-mile stone on an old Roman road. The Cistercian order was a reaction against the wealth of the Cluniac movement of the previous major reform of monasticism and contained both Benedictine and Cluniac features. In the former, each monastery was an independent unit, and in the latter they were under the authority of the monastery of Cluny in France. The purpose of the new monastery was to re-establish the monastic rule written by Benedict of Nursia in the early 6th century in its original form and to exclude all activities beyond the rule from the life of the monks. The activities of the Cistercians were regulated in the rule Carta caritatis approved by the pope in 1119, the manual Liber usum on life within the monasteries and the decisions of the General Chapter that convened annually at Citeaux. The abbot of each monastery, or a representative acting as his deputy, was required to attend the meeting of the chapter, but exceptions were made if the monastery was far away. In addition to Citeaux, special privileges were enjoyed by its four first daughter houses, La Ferté (1113), Pontigny (1114), Clairvaux (1115) and Morimund (1115), all of which were in the region of Burgundy. The affiliation of mother and daughter houses was extremely important because it specified the right of visitation, i.e. inspection among the Cistercian Abbeys and the spiritual supervision of parish churches under their patronage.1 The Cistercian order emerged as an influential spiritual, political and economic actor as a result of the work of Bernard of Clairvaux (c. 1090–1153), a young Burgundian nobleman who entered Citeaux in 1113 and founded the daughter monastery of Clairvaux two years later. He was an important organizer and theologian, who defended the rights of the church and emphasized the role of the Virgin Mary as an intercessor between man and God. Bernard was instrumental in the preaching of the Second Crusade to the Holy Land and had a strong influence to the role of the Cistercians as one of the most important missionary organizations accompanying the Crusader armies in the 12th century. In Germany, one of the main results of his work was a papal bull issued in 1147, decreeing that the spiritual merits of participating in a crusade did not depend on whether the crusade was to the Holy Land or against enemies and apostates of the faith elsewhere. The papal bull laid the basis for later theological arguments for crusades to the east of the River Elbe, to the Baltic lands and Russia.2  3 From the beginning of the 12th century, the community of Cistercian monasteries consisted of not only monks who maintained the unbroken chain of canonical hours of prayer and performed their assigned work in the monastery, but also of lay brothers (Latin conversi), who had made a vow of chastity and obedience to the abbot. The lay brothers had their own quarters and did not take part in the offices of the Hours, having instead their own programme of prayer and religious activity. In church, they were separated from the monks by a screen. Their activities and life were regulated with a separate rule called the Usus conversorum, of which no version applying to the whole order was ever issued. As opposed to the tonsured monks, who had shaved their beards and the crown of their heads, the lay brothers were allowed to let their beard and hair grow and were called fratres barbati (bearded brothers). Both groups were also distinguished by their habits. The monks wore a hooded tunic of white or pure wool covered by a white (later black) hoodless scapular (Lat. scapulare), an apron-like vestment hanging from the shoulders over the front and back of the wearer. The tunic of the lay brothers was of coarse dark-brown wool with a removable cowl covering the head and shoulders. Because the lay brothers had not taken monastic vows, they could move about freely and spend long periods outside the monastery, attending to its lands, organizing the transport of goods and supervising the tenant farms of the monastery. The inhabitants of the surrounding countryside called them monks, but in reality they were administrators, craftsmen and specialists with their own internal hierarchy, without whom the monastery could not have managed. Among the Cistercians, the ratio of monks to lay brothers was generally one to two, but in places it could be one to three.3 The Cistercians' main period of expansion was from the 12th century to the end of the 13th, during which some 500 monasteries were founded. The original aim of all of them was to keep to the monastic rule, the core of which consisted of prayer and work. Since the monks were meant to earn their living by clearing and cultivating fields and keeping livestock, the new monasteries were often established in the outskirts of settlements in areas which were suitable for clearing fields and where subsistence was based on farming and animal husbandry. Since most of the monks came from the elites of society, the monasteries often gained possession of considerable property in land, which consisted of not only the domestic fields and plots around the monastery but also of separate clusters of tenant farms further away. The centre of each cluster of tenant farms was a central manor or grange (Latin grangia), where rent was collected and which was administered by a lay brother, occasionally by even one of the monks. Characteristic of the landed property of Cistercian Abbeys  4 was that the possessions were almost invariably a result of conscious planning and they were collected and managed through a systematic programme of donations and endowments.4 From the 12th century onwards, the Cistercian monasteries formed an important network supporting the spread of agriculture and inventions in building technology, with the special feature of using water power for mills and smithies. Some monasteries specialized in metallurgy and their property included deposits of ores. Although the monasteries may have been important in promoting new methods of work, the Cistercians should not always be considered as the sole leaders in developing or passing on innovations. Nonetheless, Cistercian Abbeys may have had wide-ranging influence especially in regions with no previous monastic culture, and they may have had impact on local practices at many different levels of technology and society. 5 From the very beginning, one of the most characteristic features of Cistercian Abbeys was their interest in fishing. Since fish was an important nutritional and symbolical part of the diet during Lent and other periods of fasting of the church year, most ecclesiastical organizations sought to secure their share in fish in different ways. Fish was especially important to the Cistercians, whose rule required abstinence from meat, which was allowed, under certain conditions, only as late as 1481 after a constitution by the General Chapter. The important role of fish in Cistercian monastic life is shown by the fact that most of the monasteries had fish ponds built to ensure availability. The deliberate attempts of Cistercian abbeys to increase the productivity of salmon fishing are known for example from Ireland, where, as early as the 13th century, a monastery with a share in the fishing of the River Boyne redirected the flow of the river for a better catch in their weirs. In 1320, Tintern Abbey in Wales had a special ‘guardian of the fisheries’ who was a monk or lay brother. The interest of the Cistercians in fish and rights for fishing was equally great also in Scandinavia, where the monks of Nydala Abbey in Sweden had joint fishing rights with the nuns of the nearby Cistercian nunnery of Byarum as early as in the end of the 12thcentury and excavations of the floor of the kitchen of the Cistercian Abbey of Øm in Denmark have revealed a large selection of remains of different species of fish that had been prepared for consumption in the monastery. 6 The Cistercians in Scandinavia and Livonia The Cistercian order spread into the northern Baltic Region along two routes. In the three Scandinavian kingdoms of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, the main period of founding the monasteries occurred from the early 1140s to the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries, with the result  5 that all 24 known monasteries for monks except for two were founded between 1143 and 1207. As elsewhere in Europe, Cistercian Abbeys in Scandinavia were established upon the initiative of rulers and bishops sympathetic to the order and with the support of the landed elites of the society. Of the six monasteries for monks, the first ones, Alvastra and Nydala, both founded in 1143 and located within the Diocese of Linköping in Götaland and Småland, were daughters of Clairvaux. In 1143 monks from Clairvaux also established a monastery at Lurö, later transferred to Varnhem in Västgötaland, but after the expulsion of the monks in the 1150s, Cistercian activity in Varnhem was restored only in the 1160s. The spread of the order into Svealand met apparent resistance as late as at the end of the 12th century, when the monks of Viby, founded near Sigtuna in ca. 1160, were relocated in 1185 to Julita south of Lake Mälaren. The last Cistercian monastery founded in Sweden was Gudsberga in Dalecarlia, which began its work in 1480. Close to important iron-ore deposits, it owned shares in local mines and produced iron.7 With regard to the areas around Gulf of Finland, the most important Cistercian Abbey in Sweden was Gutnalia, a daughter house of Nydala, founded on the island of Gotland in 1164. Later called Roma, the abbey had been in the 1220s donated landed property in Danish Estonia, where its tenant farms were located close to its central manor at Kolga in the Parish of Kuusalu on the highway from Tallinn to Narva and opposite to the archipelago between Helsinki and Sipoo in Finland. Kolga Manor and the nearby tenant villages remained in the possession of Roma Abbey until 1519, when King Christian II of Denmark forced the monastery to relinquish them to the Danish crown.8 The authority of Rome on the Gulf of Finland in the 1220s is shown by the fact that in 1229 Pope Gregory IX ordered, upon the request of the Bishop of Finland, the Bishop of Linköping, the Cistercian abbot of Gotland and the Dean of Gotland to ratify the relocation of the cathedral of the diocese to one of the sites proposed as suitable by the bishop and the clergy of the diocese and to ensure that no injustice be done to the bishop, clergy and people of Finland whom the Pope had taken directly under his protection. In Finland, this has been regarded as marking the relocation of the centre of the diocese from Nousiainen to Koroinen near Turku. The above parties together with the Cistercian abbot of Dünamunde and the Benedictine abbot of Lübeck were also ordered to prevent merchants of the region from trading with the Russians as long as these kept harassing the Finns. At the time, the term 'Finn' applied to the inhabitants of the Diocese of Finland, comprising present-day Finland Proper (Sw. Finland), Lower Satakunta and possibly parts of the regions of Western Uusimaa (Sw. Nyland) and Upper Satakunta.9  6 Different to the three Scandinavian realms, the arrival of monasticism and first monasteries in medieval Livonia (roughly the area of present-day Estonia and Latvia) was not related to local rulers or inborn landed elites but was instead a deliberate product of mission and conquest. Cistercian monks had participated in the conversion and colonization of areas east of the River Elbe already in the latter half of the 12th century, and in 1167 the monk Fulco of the Cistercian Abbey of Celle in France was appointed, possibly upon the initiative of the Archbishop of Lund in Denmark, to serve as missionary bishop in Estonia. In the early 1170s, Fulco and an Estonian-speaking monk from Norway were engaged in missionary work in Estonia, possibly also in Finland. Despite the early Scandinavian initiatives, however, the majority of the Cistercians later active in Livonia came from the German regions. The second ever ordained bishop of Livonia, Bishop Berthold (in office 1196 –1198) was the abbot of Loccum Abbey near Hanover, and the German Cistercian monk Theoderic, the first ordained Bishop of Estonia in 1211 who died assisting the Danish troops in the siege of Tallinn in June 1219 had both been engaged in mission in Livonia already in the late 1180s. The presence of the Cistercians in the region was also supported by Pope Innocent III, who in April 1200 sent a letter addressed to all the abbots of the order requesting them to permit monks to set out for mission in Livonia.10 The construction of the first Cistercian monastery in Livonia began in 1205 at Dünamunde (Daugavgr va) at the mouth of the River Daugava (Western Dvina) in present-day Latvia. The activity of the Abbey at the location came to its end in 1305, after which the convent was relocated permanently in Padis some time before the year 1317. The original mother house of Dünamunde Abbey was Marienfeld in Westphalia in the Diocese of Münster, but in 1305, the Abbey of Stolpe on the River Peene in Pomerania was decided as the new mother by the General Chapter in Citeaux. In the same Chapter the former Benedictine Abbey of Stolpe which had recently been reorganized as a Cistercian foundation, was further ordained to serve as a daughter of the Abbey of Pforte in the Diocese of Naumburg. Gottfridus, fifth abbot of Dünamunde (in office 1226–1228) was Prior of Pforte and was in 1228 appointed first bishop of the Diocese of Saaremaa, in which position he served less than one year. The connections of Pforte with the ecclesiastical organization under construction in the 1220s in Saaremaa and Läänemaa are evinced by the fact that the first Cistercian monastery in the area of the modern Estonian State was Falkenau (Kärkna) founded by the Bishop of Tartu in 1228. Its original mother house was Pforte, which was replaced in 1305 by Stolpe. Padis, Dünamunde, Falkenau, Stolpe, Pforte and Marienfeld, the original mother of Dünamunde, all belonged to the Morimund brand of the Cistercian order, while the Cistercian monasteries of  7 Sweden were daughters of Clairvaux.11 The very presence of the abbeys of Roma and Padis in the areas bordering on the Gulf of Finland can thus be regarded as an encounter of the two branches of the Cistercian order, but at the same time it is important to keep in mind that the majority of the monks and nuns in both Sweden and Livonia were recruited from within the landed elite, which in Livonia consisted of vassal families of mainly German or assimilated origin, and in Sweden of locally born nobility whose social and economic networks penetrated ecclesiastical and lay institutions. In both regions, monastic communities are also likely to have attracted offspring of the urban aristocracy, the majority of whom were of Hanseatic, i.e. German or assimilated origin. Padis Abbey and its landed property in Estonia in the 14th and early 15th Centuries The interest of the Livonian Cistercians in the northern shore of the Gulf of Finland appears to have emerged soon after the relocation of the monastery of Dünamunde to Padis, which took place between 1305 and 1317, possibly already before 1311.12 Cistercian activity at Dünamunde ended as the result of the war of the town and archbishop of Riga with the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order fought in several different stages in 1297–1330. In an early phase of the conflict, the Livonian Master took possession of the Cistercian Abbey controlling the strategic site at the mouth of the River Daugava and decided to build a castle there. The transaction of the former site of the Abbey to the Teutonic Order was officially sealed in May 1305 after which both the landed possessions of Dünamunde Abbey and the affiliation of the two Cistercian houses in Livonia, Dünamunde and Falkenau (Kärkna), were reorganized in the administration of the Cistercian order.13 During the 13th century, Dünamunde Abbey had gathered a substantial amount of landed property, consisting of domestic possessions of nearby farms at the mouth of the River Daugava and in Curonia and three larger clusters of tenant villages and farms spread over a distance spanning more than one thousand kilometres between Tallinn in Estonia and Holstein in Germany. A considerable part of the domains were located south of Rostock in Mecklenburg and Brandenburg in northern Germany, where they were transferred to the possession of the Abbey of Stolpe as a part of the reorganization of the property of Dünamunde in 1313. The second cluster of landed property was on the middle reaches of the River Daugava at L ksna in present-day Latvia, where Dünamunde Abbey had owned farms and an island in the river since 1230.14 The property on the Daugava included the general right to fish in the river, which the Livonian Master confirmed to the possession of the convent of Dünamunde after a request of the abbot of Stolpe in 1314. Padis Abbey hold possession  8 of an island and landed property at L ksna on River Daugava and in Semgallia as late as in 1429, when the abbot and convent traded them to the Livonian Master in exchange to certain meadows near Padis and the right to buy 20 ploughs (haken) of land in Harjumaa region. Apparently the Abbey’s property on the River Daugava had been reduced to a mere nominal possession without much real value and the convent decided in 1429 to liquidate it all in order to improve the Abbey’s economy in its immanent neighbourhood.15 The third main cluster of landed property of Dünamunde Abbey in the 13th century was in North Estonia where it was further divided into two areas, one at Padis west of Tallinn and the other southeast of Tallinn in the parishes of Jüri and Rasiku. The core parts of both of them had been acquired by the convent soon after the North Estonian campaign of King Valdemar II of Denmark in the summer of 1219, when the Cistercians of Dünamunde had been given land possibly as a reward of mission and the baptism of native inhabitants carried out during and after the campaign. A few years later, Valdemar's bastard son, Duke Canute of Estonia (in office 1223–1227) donated land to Gutnalia (Roma) Abbey in Gotland. The lands of the Cistercians were along the highways leading to Tallinn from the west, southeast and east, and one of the aims of the donations may have been to create permanent stations to control communications in the area. Underlying the Roma donation may have been the creation of a counterweight to the presence of the German Cistercians in North Estonia.16 In the 13th century, the activity of Dünamunde Abbey in Estonia focused in the village of Padis some 40 kilometres west of Tallinn at a bridge site on the highway to Haapsalu where a grange of the Abbey had apparently been established in an early stage. During the period of office of Bishop Thurgot of Tallinn (in office 1263–1279), the village hosted the Abbey’s chapel, the patronage of which then become a point of dispute between the bishop and the Abbey. The chapel had most likely been designed for serving the lay brothers in charge of the grange and a possible congregation of tenants attached to it.17 The domains of the Dünamunde Abbey had extended to the Estonian coast opposite Suur-Pakri (Rogø) island as early as 1257, and the area between Padis and the sea emerged as the core of domestic possessions of the Abbey in Estonia after the relocation of the convent from Dünamunde to Padis. An apparent reorganization of the property occurred after the St. George's Night Uprising in Estonia in 1343–1346 when the Abbey was granted land at the end of present-day Paldiski Bay with the right of patronage of the Church of Lodenrode (present-day Harju-Madise). Around the same time, the Abbey sold the island of Rogø to five men with  9 Scandinavian names, but retained the right to fish and graze livestock for itself and its tenants. In the transaction, the island is said to lie "under Swedish law", i.e. under a special system of tithing designed for new colonization based on animal husbandry and land clearing in areas of late 13th and early 14th century Swedish colonization in Finland and on the Estonian coast, and the Scandinavian names of the five purchasers may point to the fact that they originated from among the Swedish colonization along the coast of Uusimaa in Finland, not necessarily from Sweden proper.18 The domestic possessions of Padis Abbey to the west of Suur-Pakri expanded in 1402, when the monastery obtained the lands of the Cistercian nunnery of Lihula at Newe (present-day Nõva) near the northwest end of the Estonian mainland. By the end of the Middle Ages, Padis Abbey held possession of the area extending from the abbey to the sea and comprising the entire Estonian coast from present-day Paldiski to the waters off Nõva. Together with the landed possessions, the property included rights of patronage over the parish churches of Harju-Risti and Harju-Madise and the Chapel of Saint Olaf in Nõva. The monastery also owned a large collection of farms at Jõelähtme, Puiatu and Rasiku southeast of Tallinn, with a grange at Rasiku as its centre.19 It also possessed a house in Tallinn, where abbots and lay brothers could accommodate themselves while on monastery business in the city or travelling through it and which served as its warehouse and storage area in the town. The house is known to have been the property of Dünamunde Abbey already in 1280 and it made part of an area controlled by the Cistercian monasteries of Padis, Falkenau (Kärkna) and Roma located in the Tallinn lower town on Monks' Street (present-day Vene Street) next to the Dominican convent, where the warehouses of the monasteries must have been built by the end of the 1270s at the latest.20 The landed property of Padis Abbey in Western Uusimaa in 1335–1408 After its relocation to Padis, the Cistercian convent of Dünamunde soon appears to have become interested in the Uusimaa (Sw. Nyland) region on the north shore of the Gulf of Finland, an area of active Swedish colonization in the late 13th and early 14th century, mainly from the regions of Uppland and Södermanland. 21 Padis Abbey is documented to have had contacts with Finland already in 1322, when Bishop Henrik of Tallinn (in office 1298–1322) issued a letter of recommendation to abbot of the monastery in a matter that has remained unknown but of which he was to discuss with Bishop Bengt of Turku (in office 1321–38). Of further interest is the fact that the core of the Abbey’s possessions in Uusimaa was established already a decade before the sale of Rogø island and the expansion of its ownership to areas east of Padis Bay in Estonia. On 6  10 December 1335, the Abbey bought all the landed property of the former headman (Latin capitaneus) of the areas under Turku Castle Karl Näskonungsson and his subordinate Gereke Skytte, bailiff of Uusimaa, in the parishes of Kirkkonummi, Pohja and Inkoo. The transaction was ratified in Tallinn, where Skytte three days later endowed the Abbey with another two landed domains, Finneby and Skawistad. Of these, Skavistad in Pohja parish is known to have consisted later in the 16th century of sixteen tenant farms with shares in adjacent rapids at a strategic location controlling the medieval highway leading from Turku to Viipuri via Uusimaa. It is first documented as a central manor (Latin curia) with possible tenant farms in 1326 when it was made part of the landed possessions of Matias Kettilmundsson, a former drots of Sweden and that time headman of Finland, i.e. the area then comprising Finland Proper, Satakunta, Western Nyland and Häme (Sw. Tavastland). Eight years later, on 20 August 1347, Skytte pledged to the Abbot of Padis the properties of Lakukulla at Karjaa and Engewigh in Kirkkonnummi. The latter is today known as Ängvik, an area near the inlet between Upinniemi and Porkkalanniemi capes south of Kirkkonummi Church. 22 All the known tenant farms of Padis Abbey in Western Uusimaa were located at the far ends of deep bays and inlets in an area between the Bay Pohja Parish and Porkkalaniemi Cape, but the actual geographical range and number of the possessions changed to some degree during the 14th century. In places, as in Kirkkonummi and Inkoo, new farms were established, while some of the properties, such as Skavistad appear to have been brought back to the control of the crown as early as in the 1360s. The person behind the confiscation or transaction was most likely Nils Turesson (Bielke), lagman (high judge) of all Finland and headman of Viipuri Castle and Uusimaa from ca. 1362 to his death in 1364, whose heirs then endowed Skavistad to Växjö Cathedral in Småland in Sweden proper. When Padis Abbey expanded its landed possessions in Nõva in 1402, a decision appears to soon have been made of liquidating the remaining tenant farms in Western Uusimaa. In 1407–1408, the monastery sold all the farms that it owned in the parishes of Kirkkonummi and Inkoo to Tord Bonde, headman of Viipuri Castle and former bailiff of Raasepori Castle in Western Uusimaa, who together with his wife Ramborg in 1415 endowed the same property to the altar of Saint Catherine in the Town Church of Viipuri. The altar later also owned other properties formerly belonging to Padis in Kirkkonummi and Pohja. 23 By the middle of the 14th century, the total amount of arable land in the possession of Padis Abbey in Western Uusimaa is estimated to have reached 395 sewn areas known as panni (one panni = c. 90  11 litres, ½ barrel of seed), corresponding to 65–66 tenant farms of six panni each and comprising of ca. 6% of all the farms in the region. Even if not all the farms owned by the abbey are known and the structure of its possessions changed during the 15th century also in Estonia, the amount of grain sewn at farms once in the control of the abbey in Western Uusimaa was in the mid-16th century no less than 93 barrels of seed, roughly one-seventh of the estimated sowing of 700 barrels on the Abbey’s domains in Estonia in the 1340s. According to an estimate based on the transaction prices of the abbey’s farms in 1335 and 1407, the sewn amount of grain at the monastery's properties in Finland could, however, have been 197.5 barrels, almost 23% of all sowing (ca. 897.5 barrels) on all the abbey’s tenant farms in Estonia and Finland.24 It is obvious that between 1335 and 1407 Padis Abbey owned significant landed property in Western Uusimaa, with the core possessions easily accessed from the sea. The focus of the domains shifted during the 14th century from the regions of Pohja and Karjaa eastward towards Inkoo and Kirkkonummi, but it remains unknown whether the monastery had an actual grange in the Uusimaa region. The Patronage of Porvoo and the Fishing Rights of the River Vantaanjoki in 1351–1429 Instead of a sole initiative of the Padis Abbey, evidence exists that its landed property in the region of Western Uusimaa was in some way associated with the plans of King Magnus Eriksson of Sweden (elected 1319, of age 1331, co-ruler with his sons Erik in 1357–59 and Haakon 1362–64, expelled 1364) regarding the constitutional status of Danish Estonia. The transactions and endowments of Karl Näskonungsson and Gereke Skytte in 1335 preceded negotiations between the vassals of Danish Estonia, the town council of Tallinn and the king in the spring of 1336. In the scholarship, the negotiations have generally been thought to have concerned the Duchy of Estonia coming under the rule of the Swedish crown in a situation where the former authority of Denmark over Estonia was in turmoil. After the conquest of 1219 and the reinstitution of the Danish power in 1238, the area under Danish Crown had been organized into one diocese where the bishop was a suffragan of the Archbishop of Lund. After the disintegration and total collapse of royal power in Denmark in 1326–32, developments in the constitutional status of the realm caused the Archbishop of Lund and other representatives of the Danish Province of Scania (Sw. Skåne) to search protection from King Magnus Eriksson of Sweden who guaranteed their rights in 1332. Soon after this, Count Johan III of Holstein, who had held Scania as a pledge, sold it to King Magnus. Because the Abbey of Padis was the largest ecclesiastic landowner in Danish Estonia, perhaps second only to the Bishop of Tallinn, the intriguing possibility exists that the expansion of the Abbey’s possessions  12 into Uusimaa in 1335 would in fact have been related to the abbot’s and convent’s role as some kind of lobbyists for the Swedish King in a constitutional situation similar to that of Scania three years earlier. The role of the Abbey as lobbyists and partisans for the King in areas south of Gulf of Finland may also be found behind the pledgings of Gereke Skytte to the Abbey in 1347, the mortgaging of which was corroborated in the archipelago of Hiittinen, where King Magnus was staying with a large entourage as part of his preparations for a military campaign to the River Neva in the following summer. Visitors to the king at the time included not only a delegation of peasants of the Finnish coast under the Castle of Viipuri but also representatives of Padis Abbey. Because King Magnus had around this time appointed Skytte as the headman of all the castles and bailiwicks in Finland (now also with areas under Viipuri Castle in the east), the pledgings of 1347 may have been part of the financing of the coming military campaign, in the lobbying of which some role was also thought to be performed by the Cistercians of Padis in Estonia. The position of the Duchy of Estonia had decisively changed in August 1346 when King Valdemar IV of Denmark sold it to the Teutonic Order.25 King Magnus Eriksson's campaign in the summer of 1348 led to the conquest of Schlüsselburg (Fi. Pähkinälinna, Sw. Nöteborg) Castle at the strategic location where Lake Ladoga discharges into the River Neva, but when Magnus and most of his troops returned to Sweden in the autumn, Novgorod regained the castle. In the autumn of 1350, the king attacked Kaprio Castle near the southeast end of the Gulf of Finland, which controlled routes of communication by land between Novgorod and Narva. This operation, however, failed and he remained in Livonia, where he is documented to have sojourned in December 1350 in Tallinn, in February 1351 in Riga and in early April 1351 in Haapsalu, before sailing in May to Sweden via Turku and Åland islands. 26 A major expansion of the rights of the Abbey of Padis in areas north of the Gulf of Finland occurred in the closing weeks of King Magnus’ sojourn in Livonia on 2 April 1351, the eve of Passion Sunday, when the king in Haapsalu donated to the abbey the right of patronage to the Parish of Porvoo in the Diocese of Turku in Finland. 27 The patronage apparently consisted of both the right of presentation, i.e. right to nominate a candidate for the office of the rector in the parish and the cure of souls attached to it as well as the benefice, i.e. the control of the rector's share of tithes in the parish. In practice, the monastery appointed a vicar, as a substitute for the rector, to perform divine services and offices, while the income from the benefices of the post went to the monastery. Since the reason for the donation is in the king’s sealed charter explained as not only the services which the abbot and convent of Padis had rendered to him but also those to be rendered by them in the future, the donation may have been a reward for the abbots’ efforts for the benefit of the king in  13 1336, but also a recognition of the possible participation of the monks as preachers in the campaigns of 1348–1350. Future service may also allude to the fact that in the political aspirations of King Magnus the incorporation of the Duchy of Estonia by the Teutonic Order was by no means a closed issue. The donation of the patronage was renewed a few weeks later in Turku where the act was corroborated by bishop Hemming (in office 1338–66) and the cathedral chapter of the diocese. In the new charter the benefice of the patronage of the church of Porvoo was expanded to include two chapels annexed to it, apparently two former parishes attached to the donation as a further benefice to the monastery. Later 14th-century documents show that the two parishes annexed to the donation as chapels were Pernaja and Sipoo. In a separate charter, the donation was also specified to include the fisheries (piscarias) of the vicarage of Porvoo, also corroborated by the bishop and the chapter of Turku. In addition, and again with a separate sealed charter, the king donated to the monastery his share of the "upper and lower salmon fishing at Helsinga", i.e. shares in the fisheries on the upper and lower reaches of the River Vantaanjoki. 28 Since the parish of Porvoo was part of the Diocese of Turku, one of the major results of the donation was an agreement between the king and the Bishop of Turku in 1352 itemizing the ten parishes to which the king had rights of patronage. Another consequence were the subsequent actions of the bishop and chapter of Turku which caused the Abbey to lose the actual control of the patronage already in the early 1360s after which it was only able to recover it at the turn of the 1370s and 1380s. An extensive debate on the rights of patronage again followed in the years 1422–1424, when the Abbey had to admit that it had received the tithes for the office of rector only by special favour of the Bishop of Turku. From then on, the patronage was only a formality and the monastery sold the rights to the Diocese of Turku for the sum of one hundred English nobles in September 1428. The transaction was corroborated in Padis and in Tallinn at the turn of July and August in 1429, when the monastery further informed that it had with the same sum purchased two tenant villages of Knight Bertholdus de Lechtes located in the Diocese of Tallinn. The agreement of the bishop and the monastery contained the Abbey’s full assignation of all the original documents of King Magnus Eriksson and his successors as well as later corroborations on the matter to the bishop, but it does not state the manner in which the king's share of the salmon fisheries in the River Vantaanjoki was restored to the crown. It was no longer in the possession of Padis Abbey after 1428.29 Around the same time as the monastery withdrew for good from Finland, it also liquidated all of its landed property and rights on the River Daugava.  14 After 1429, the monastery's economic activities focused on the area of present-day Estonia, where its domains were located almost completely within the Diocese of Tallinn. The ecology of salmon and the salmon trade in the late medieval Northern Baltic Sea region Let us now return to the question of the actual role of the fishing rights for salmon for the economy of Padis Abbey and what kind of impact did the activities of the monastery have on the River Vantaanjoki during the period of the donation in 1351–1429? Since the Cistercian rule required total abstinence from meat, the royal donation of 1351 must have played a significant role in the annual provision of food in the monastery, where the connotations of eating fish were not only of nutritional or economic nature. However, at the same time it is important to bear in mind that salmon fishing in the River Vantaanjoki from 1351 to the summer of 1428 was not the monastery's sole source of fish in the period. The tenants of Dünamunde had already in the late 13th century fished off Suur-Pakri Island in Padis Bay and when the Abbey of Padis in 1345 relinquished the island to colonists, it kept its fishing rights and received a share of local catches of Baltic herring and other fish in the waters. The abbey is also known to have had fish ponds close to the convent castle, but their time of construction is not known.30 The nutritional and status value of greasy salmon was high and the monastery's share of the salmon from the River Vantaanjoki ensured the yearly availability of a valued fish that would otherwise have remained beyond its means. Although the monastery still had rights to the former fishing of Dünamunde Abbey in the River Daugava after 1314, there is no evidence them being used and salmon fishing from the River Vantaanjoki was no doubt a desired addition to the economy of the monastery. Salmon (Salmo salar) is a migratory fish species that climbs in the summer from the sea into rivers and their gravel-bottomed rapids to spawn in the autumn before returning to the sea. The roe is hatched in the spring after which the fry, or young salmon, remain in the spawning waters for a couple of years before swimming to the sea where they gain maturity. Most salmon spawn only once in their lives, at the age of 5–6 years.31 The best information on the behaviour of salmon in the rivers of Southern Finland before the industrial era are from the River Kokemäenjoki on the west coast, where in the 1850s salmon would rise around Midsummer, with the best fishing season lasting 30–40 days until the end of July. The time of year was always the same, but before the adoption of the Gregorian calendar in 1753, the migration of salmon began eleven calendar days  15 earlier, in the Middle Ages roughly a week before midsummer. In 1711, the best catches from the rapids at Harjavalta and Kokemäki in the river were obtained from 12 June until 8 September, but the fish swimming up the river in late July were migratory European whitefish (Coregonus lavaretus), the best fishing season of which lasted from late July – early August until the beginning of September. There is also reliable information on the migratory behaviour of salmon in the Middle Ages from the large rivers discharging into the northern part of the Gulf of Bothnia where the bishop's salmon tithes were collected between the Feast of Saint Eskil (12 June) and the Feast of Saint Margaret (13 July), which covered the whole salmon season. In the present calendar, this corresponds to the period between 23 June and 24 July. 32 As in the other rivers of Finland, the migration of salmon into the River Vantaanjoki in the Middle Ages began around 12 June according to the Julian calendar and ended some four weeks later. The fish that migrated into the river consisted of both salmon proper, which is known to have migrated as far as Anjalankoski in the River Kymijoki in the late 1850s, but also trout, which appears to have been more common in the river than salmon in late historical times, which may have been due to the depletion of the natural salmon of the River Vantaanjoki as a result of clearing and building dams at the Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids in the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. According to sources, the salmon fished from the River Vantaanjoki in the beginning of the Early Modern Era was definitely salmon. A clear distinction between salmon and trout was made for example in 1548 when the bishops share of tithes then already confiscated to the crown consisted of 41 salt-dried salmon (spikilaxar) and a number of small trout (små öörlaxar), of which the latter were obtained from the Helsinginkoski (today Vanhankaupunginkoski) rapids. The behaviour of migratory trout (Salmo trutta trutta) differs from that of salmon, as it does not begin to migrate upstream until the waters cool in the autumn and its spawns in late October. The fact that salmon belongs to the old fish stock of the River Vantaanjoki is proved by the fact that with the improvement of the ecology of the river in the early 2000s, salmon has returned to the river alongside trout. In the summer of 2007 thousands of sea trout and salmon migrated to the Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids, most of the fish continuing all the way to Nurmijärvi north of Helsinki and Vantaa. Some salmon no doubt also migrated originally into the River Keravanjoki.33 During the Middle Ages, salmon was a valued fish of high nutritional value due to its high fat content. The heyday of salmon fishing in the Baltic Sea region began around the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries, when merchants in Lübeck began to supply salt from Lüneburg for preserving  16 herring fished off the coast of Skåne (Scania) and the salmon and whitefish of the north. The availability of salt improved in the mid-14th century when sea salt from Baie in the Bay of Biscay began to be imported into the Baltic Sea region. Towards the end of the Middle Ages it was matched by salt from Spain and Portugal. Most of the herring, salmon and whitefish caught in the Baltic region began to be traded in the 13th century by networks of German merchants who bought the fish directly from the fisheries or their supervisors. Since the availability of salt was essential to the profitability of fishing, it was an important tool in conflicts involving trade. When the kingdom of Sweden was embargoed by the Hanseatic League, the headmen and bailiffs of the Finnish castles sought to ensure the availability of salt through bilateral agreements with Tallinn. The amount of salt shipped to the markets of the Gulf of Finland and Novgorod is suggested by the Poundage of Tallinn, a Hanseatic tax levied on all cargoes entering or leaving the port, according to which most of the salt arrived shortly before the beginning of the fishing season in fleets of merchant vessels sailing directly from the Bay of Biscay and Portugal. In the summer of 1434, the imported salt was distributed in four trading fleets, the largest of which consisted of sixteen ships arriving straight from Baie with the inspected cargo on 19 May amounting to the total equivalent of ca. 8.5 tons (8.5 million kilograms) of sea salt.34 From the Middle Ages to the beginning of the 1900s the most common method of preserving salmon was to salt it on site; i.e. the fish were gutted, split and piled with their scales facing upward in salt water in wooden barrels in which they were transported from the fisheries. In the Late Middle Ages, the salmon barrel was an established measure, corresponding to the Rostock herring barrel agreed upon by the Hanseatic cities in 1375 as the measure of volume for herring. In the Middle Ages and the 16th century, it was 48 kanna or approximately 118 litres. A full barrel of herring weighed approximately 160 kilograms, the net weight of the fish being some 140 kg. Fatty salmon could not be dried like cod or pike, but an alternative method of preservation was salt- drying in which the fish was first kept for a while in brine, after which it was cold-smoked and dried. Salt-dried salmon on spits (spikelax) were valuable individual items of trade.35 In the Middle Ages, salted salmon preserved in barrels was one of the most important export articles from the area of the Diocese of Turku, i.e. present-day Finland. The church, in particular, was interested in the fishing, distribution and consumption of salmon. Towards the end of the Middle Ages, the Bishop of Turku owned not only fisheries and shares of fishing in the River Kokemäenjoki but also the whole of Ahvenkoski rapids in the River Kymijoki ca. 90 kilometres  17 east of the River Vantaanjoki, having received the crown’s share of the fishing as a donation in 1357. Information on the medieval fish trade of the bishops and cathedral chapter of Turku has survived in the correspondence of Dean Paulus Scheel (in office 1509–16), which shows that the high officials of the diocese had contacts with the burghers of Lübeck, Stralsund, Danzig, Riga, Tallinn and Stockholm. Trade goods sent by Scheel to Hans Chonnert of Danzig for sale included 43 barrels of butter, 12 barrels of salmon and seven containers of seal blubber. The salmon amounted to approximately 16% of the value of the delivered goods and their net weight counted in Rostock herring barrels was at least 1,600 kilograms.36 In the early 14th century, salmon also caught the eye of the crown, which regarded the king to have natural share of rights to it in all the rivers. The result was a tax levied either as so-called fish-in- share, every Nth fish of a catch, or as fishing turns, drawn as lots by the parties sharing the right to the particular fishery or section of river at the beginning of every season. Both the practices were also followed in levying the tithes of the church. During the reign of King Gustav Vasa (reigned 1523–60), the taxation of salmon fishing was increased so that for example at the Lammaistenkoski rapids in the River Kokemäenjoki every ninth fish belonged to the crown in the Middle Ages, but from 1527 every third fish, and from 1549 every second fish. Even after this, part of the catch from the River Kokemäenjoki still belonged to the local landowning peasants, but in many smaller rivers the crown eventually monopolized all the fishing. When the Royal Manor of Helsinki was founded in 1550, the former shares of the fishing in the rapids of the River Vantaanjoki were purchased by the crown, which had sole control of all salmon fishing in the river after 1552.37 The fisheries of the River Vantaanjoki and the structure of settlement in the Vantaanjoki area in the period of the Padis donation One reason why the Bishop of Turku and the crown became interested in salmon in the mid-14th century may have been the improved availability of salt because of excessive trade from Baie. At the same time, however, other new innovations in fishing were introduced in Finland. In June 1347 Bishop Hemming of Turku ordered the construction of a new, efficient type of weir in the Lammaistenkoski rapids of the River Kokemäenjoki. The design came from Scandinavia where similar leads had been in use previously. Since traditional customary law in Finland regarded all fishing in rivers, rapids, streams and lakes to be the common prescription of all the houses and villages which had shares in the waters concerned, the landowning peasants of Kokemäki parish destroyed the new device without hesitation. However, according to some Swedish provincial laws  18 and the new law code of King Magnus Eriksson then under preparation, any section of water, river or sound was the property of the house or village that owned the shore. Since the bishop owned the shore of the rapids where his officials had let the new device be built, he applied to the king. In October 1347, the high judge (lagman), who investigated the matter at the site, deemed the north bank of the rapids to the bishop. Four months later, in February 1348, Gereke Skytte, the new headman of all Finland then inspecting various cases with Bishop Hemming in Kokemäki, ordered the peasants to rebuild the salmon device anew at their own cost in the following summer. A couple of days later, Skytte confirmed that in the areas of colonization north of the River Kokemäenjoki (i.e. on the Bothnian coast north of present-day Pori), the owner of the shore also owned the waters and marshy land emerging from the sea; a decision controlling the ownership of new land revealed because of post-glacial land uplift in the sea. Of special interest here is that Skytte and the bishop had already applied this principle in December 1347 in Porvoo where they had given a verdict, in the name of the king, concerning similar marshy land and waters in the possession of the peasants of the three villages of Öffwerby, Sottungzby and Gudstensby (present-day Sotunki-Sottungsby and Länsisalmi-Västersundom in Vantaa and Itäsalmi-Östersundom in Helsinki) which had been disputed on several occasions by peasants of the Parish of Hattula in Häme in the second quarter of the 14th century.38 An important factor for salmon fishing in the River Vantaanjoki was that when the royal donation of 1351 was made, the dispute concerning the ownership of the rapids at Kokemäki had already taken place and had been settled according to the new practice. The deed of donation, in turn, has traditionally been interpreted so that the royal rights to the so-called upper and lower salmon fisheries meant fishing sites upstream and downstream in the river. The location of the downstream fisheries in the Helsinginkoski rapids (now known as the Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids) is obvious, but in order to locate the upper fisheries, we have to take a closer look at the topography of the river.39 According to maps of Helsinge Parish from the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries and maps on the fathoming of the River Vantaanjoki from 1757–60, the main rapids and sites of strong currents were the Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids, the Pikkukoski rapids slightly upstream, the Ruutinkoski rapids between Tolkinkylä (Tolkby) and Niskala, the Pitkäkoski rapids upstream for there and the Vantaankoski (Myllykoski) rapids almost five kilometres from the Pitkäkoski rapids. The Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids forks into two channels and is currently 150 metres long, with a drop in elevation of six metres. The series of rapids from Pitkäkoski to Ruutinkoski is 1,400 metres long with a drop of eight metres. The Vantaankoski rapids are 240 metres long and the drop in  19 elevation is five metres. The Pikkukoski rapids no longer exist, having been blasted completely open when the River Vantaanjoki was cleared in 1891–95 and 1903–05 to prevent flooding.40 As shown by old map data, the main rapids on the lower reach of the river were in two relatively distant series, the lower one consisting of the Vanhankaupunginkoski and Pikkukoski rapids and the upper series reaching from the Ruutinkoski rapids to the Vantaankoski rapids, with the Ruutinkoski and Pitkäkoski rapids as distinct entities. Of these sites, Ruutinkoski had already in the Middle Ages provided locations for easy fishing from the shore or from structures erected in the stream. The importance of these rapids for historical fishing in the River Vantaanjoki is also shown by the fact that the owner of nearby Tomtbacka (Haltiala) Manor and the farmers of Skattmansby (Veromiehenkylä) village, who cultivated their lands near the rapids were the very landowners in Helsinge Parish who expressed concern in 1640 over salmon being able to migrate upstream. In 1684, the owner of Tomtbacka Manor complained to the king that the barring of the river by installations by the downstream inhabitants prevents fish from swimming upstream. When salmon began to migrate again in the river in 2007, the lowest observations of spawning along its course were from the Pitkäkoski rapids .41 Already in the 15th century, the rapids and streams of the River Vantaanjoki defined local place- names. Forsby (Fi. Koskela, literally "At the Rapids") to the west of the Helsinginkoski rapids, is mentioned in sources for the first time in 1417, when it took legal action against the monks of Padis for fishing in their river. 42 Nackböle (Niskala) at the head of the Ruutinkoski rapids is mentioned for the first time in 1482. The Ancient Swedish nakke and the Middle Low German nacke both mean "neck" in the anatomical sense, but the word is also used to denote the head of the rapids. This term is also found as a Late Medieval settlement name not only in other parts of Uusimaa, but also at Nakkila (Sw. Nackeby) on the lower reach of the River Kokemäenjoki, a village of medieval colonization established in the late 14th century at the earliest, where some of the farms were owned by the Bishop of Turku.43 Important for the control of the Ruutinkoski rapids in the Middle Ages were Tolkby (Tolkinkylä) village to the north of the river and settlement at Tomtbacka- Nackböle to the south. Upstream from this location the first village on the south bank of the river was Mårtensby, a place-name pointing to late medieval colonization. Next, at the head of the Vantaankoski rapids is Biskospböle (Piispankylä), a place-name of a type common in Uusimaa, appearing either on its own or together with monk-related names in regions where tenant farms of Padis Abbey once existed or similar farms established by the Bishop of Turku opposite to them  20 were founded during the period of the activity of the Abbey in Western Uusimaa in 1335–1408 and the donation of Porvoo in 1351–1429. The villages of Tolkby, Skattmansby and Brutuby (Voutila) north of the river were all tax villages, i.e. consisted of free landowning peasants, the names of which refer to individuals who organized colonization locally (old Sw. tolk = interpreter, skattman = taxman, person responsible of the coordination of collective tax, bryte = foreman, supervisor of colonization at the local level). By the middle of the 14th century at the latest, the summer and winter routes of the Great Coastal Road leading from Turku to Viipuri and running parallel to the Uusimaa coast, passed north of the river at Tolkby.44 Not only the public winter road, but also the connection with fishing at the Ruutinkoski rapids may have been the reason why the lagman's court sessions of Helsinge Parish convened on 1 March 1417 at the beginning of Lent in Tolkby. On this occasion, lagman Klaus Fleming resolved a dispute that had begun on the Forsby village side of the river in the summer of 1416, or at the most a couple of midsummers before that, when the monks of Padis were not satisfied with the share of the rapids. The case is an interesting account of fishing methods in the River Vantaanjoki during the period of Padis, and tells about the ownership of both the rapids and the shores confining to it. When the donation was made in 1351, it concerned the king's rights in the upper and lower salmon fishing in the river (“piscaturam salmonum in Helsinga Aboensis dyocesis … inferius et superius”). According to common practice, this should have entailed a share of the catch for the crown, as at the Ahvenkoski rapids in the River Kymijoki, where the king's share in 1357 was every fourth fish.45 However, since the share of Padis Abbey of the salmon the River Vantaanjoki in 1417 was an actual share of the stream into which the salmon climbed, the river or some sections of it must at some stage have been taken over completely by the crown, whereby the prescription was defined according to Swedish practice, i.e. in terms of the share of the stream corresponding the ownership of the bank and the shore. According to the verdict of 1417, the monks' rights concerned the part of the stream on the side of the king's land, i.e. east of the rapids, where they the had their own weirs and devices (laxekaar). The monks, however, were not satisfied with this and had crossed over to the Forsby village bank in west, where they had begun to fish with hand nets from the waters of the village. Here, the term 'monk' refers to the lay brothers responsible for the abbey's fishing activities, who fished in the Helsinginkoski rapids each summer with weirs and hand nets, with which the salmon were taken from the enclosures and straight from the rapids. Fishing with hand nets from the bank or standing  21 in the stream by the bank was an old fishing method that was practised in the 15th century also at the large rapids of the River Kokemäenjoki. The terms of the 1417 verdict concerning the weirs built by the lay brothers or their hired hands, laxakaar and laxa kistha, meant the same thing, a V-shaped fishing weir in the water made of staves driven vertically into the river bottom, opening downstream and preventing the fish from swimming upstream. This method of fishing was typical of the Cistercians, as salmon weirs (laxakareno) are known to have been used in Östgötaland in Sweden in 1374, when the bailiffs of the crown were ordered not to interfere with the share of the Cistercian nuns of Askeby in the salmon enclosures of the River Motala.46 More information on the fishing structures in the River Vantaanjoki survives from 1550, when the Royal Manor of Helsinki was founded and the local landowning peasants' former shares in the salmon fishing were bought up or confiscated to the manor. The purchase of the fishing rights extended to the upper fisheries and by 1556 none of the villages along the river had shares in fishing waters along the river or in the adjacent sea area.47 Salmon fishing was an important part of the activities of the Royal Manor. When the main building of the manor was under construction in the summer of the fiscal year of 1550–1551 (from Michaelmas 1550 to Michaelmas 1551), a total of thirty-six man-days of labour were reassigned from the project for the construction of a salmon weir in the nearby rapids. In the same and the following summer, a separate salmon trap was also built in the weir. By 1553 there were two such traps, and three by 1563. The manor's accounts mention a hand net in 1560, and two salmon nets in the following year. There are no sources on the use of salmon traps from the Padis Abbey period, but in addition to traps and hand nets, salmon nets cast from the bank or boats could have been used, as was done in the first half of the 14th century at Kokemäki.48 It is also possible that the lay brothers of Padis also built salmon weirs in the Ruutinkoski rapids and further upstream, but the best salmon catches on the River Vantaanjoki came from the steep and narrow Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids, where the fish could be caught right at the beginning of their climb from the sea into the river. Since the adjudication of 1417 confirmed that the monks had the right to fish only in the part of the stream facing the king’s land east of the Helsinginkoski rapids, the judgement was in accordance with the law code of King Magnus Eriksson and the rulings given in 1347–48 in Kokemäki. The ruling itself, however, does not specify if the side of the King and the monks was at that time considered equivalent to the eastern arm of the bifurcated foot of the river or if the conflict had occurred after the lay brothers had crossed the stream at the more wide western arm of the river. It  22 also remains uncertain whether the donation of 1351 actually concerned King’s land on the east shore of the rapids or only right to the fishing in the stream and from the bank, from where the lay brothers administered their weirs in the rapids. It is interesting to note here that one of the members of the twelve-men jury responsible for the verdict in 1417 was one Jop Vie or Vic, a landowning peasant of the village of Vik (Sw. Vik = cove, present-day Viikki) east of the rapids.49 If the donation to Padis Abbey included the east bank of the river, it was not part of the landed possessions of Vik village, which, slightly over a hundred years later consisted of two different settlements: Östervik at the site of the later Royal Manor at the end of the cove and Västervik close to the rapids and east of them. With reference to Finnish place-names in the area, Saulo Kepsu has suggested that (Öster)vik was originally a 13th-century settlement of inland Finns from the Häme region previously settled in Malmi area, from which Västervik may have been split as a daughter village in the late Middle Ages.50 Equally well, however, the separate locations of the two villages may suggest the possibility that Västervik was originally a tenant farm founded by Padis Abbey near the rapids and it was made liable for taxation by officials of the crown some time after the Abbey sold all its property and rights in 1429. The ruling of 1417 suggest a hypothesis concerning the medieval structure of ownership of the banks of the River Vantaanjoki, where the officials the crown responsible for the Swedish colonization in the area in the late 13th and early 14th centuries took possession of the east bank of the lower reaches of the river between the Pikkukoski and Helsinginkoski rapids in the name of the king. The opposite west bank of the river and the waters facing it remained the property of Forsby village consisting of yeoman farmers of possible Finnish-speaking origin. 51 Upstream, the structure of ownership and prescription in the river may have been the opposite, with the Tolkby village’s side of the river belonging to the colonists, while the south bank of the river and its fishing waters upstream from the Ruutinkoski rapids were taken into the possession of the king, whose rights extended to the head of the Vantaankoski rapids. This may also be proven by the structure of the ownership west to the rapids, where the former backwoods of late iron age or 13th-century Finnish- speaking settlement of Hämeenkylä (Tavastby) in Lapinkylä (Lappböle) were mixed with possible late 14th century tenant farms of the Bishop of Turku (Biskopsböle) and other late medieval settlers south of the river in Mårtensby, the houses of which had a joint prescription of fishing with Kårböle (Kaarela) village midway between the River Vantaanjoki and the sea. Located in the middle sections of Matäoja creek discharging into Iso-Huopalahti Bay, Kårböle village held a key logistical position between the upper rapids of the River Vantaanjoki and Munkkiniemi on the sea and both  23 summer and winter roads between present-day Tali, River Vantaanjoki, the Silvola iron ore mines and the Vantaankoski rapids crossed the village in the 18th and early 19th centuries. A natural corridor from the middle reaches of the River Vantaanjoki to the sea, the area of Matäoja creek also has information on old Finnish toponyms of the Häme settlement, which may indicate that the summer and winter routes in the area possibly predate Swedish colonization.52 The late medieval village and later manor of Munkkiniemi (Sw. Munksnäs, “Monk Cape”) today in the northwest corner of the city of Helsinki has traditionally been understood as reminiscent of the activity of ‘monks’, i.e. lay brothers of Padis Abbey in the area and it was most likely first founded as a tenant farm of the Abbey as one of its hubs for a permanent presence in Helsinge Parish and River Vantaanjoki area. Considering this, the Mätäoja corridor may have had a significant role in the activity of Padis Abbey, because it provided direct access from the monastery's tenant farm at Munkkiniemi to the upstream fisheries of the River Vantaanjoki regardless of whether they were at Ruutinkoski or Vantaankoski. Although the royal donation concerned only the right to fish, it could also have provided rights to areas behind the river banks, thus giving the abbey the possibility to establish tenant farms in the region, for example in Nackböle, or to have influence on the overall structure of settlement south of the river before 1429. Because the Cistercians are generally known to have been interested in ores, it would be tempting to think that the bearded lay brothers were also aware in some way of the iron deposits at Kaivoksela, only a couple of hundred meters east of the bend of the river in Silvola. The ore was first discovered in 1744, but the deposit is near where the upper rights for fishing of the Abbey were once located and close to the place were the routes running parallel to Mätäoja Creek branched off to Pitkäkoski and Ruutinkoski in the east and Vantaankoski in the north.53 Would the lay brethren really have been aware of the ore deposit already at the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries? The fact remains that it was never before considered important enough to be exploited before the 18th century, and because no information whatsoever over the role of its ownership emerges in the Early Modern sources, the whole idea remains pure speculation. The King’s Dish – and that of the monks How big was the annual catch of salmon from the River Vantaanjoki in the period of donation of the Padis Abbey in 1351–1428 and later at the turn of the medieval and Early Modern periods? There is no surviving information on catches of the donation period, but the yield of the salmon fishing of the river is known from the time of the Royal Manor of Helsinki in 1550–71, when the  24 manor administered, on behalf of the crown, all salmon fishing in the River Vantaanjoki (see diagram). The manor's catch consisted of salmon salted in barrels and so-called spit salmon (spikelax), of which there is already information from 1548, when local farmers paid to the crown 41 spit salmon and a small amount of trout as bishop's tithes then confiscated to the crown. When the salmon fishing had been taken over completely by the crown in 1551, the spit salmon catch rapidly decreased from dozens to only a few fish. Fresh salmon were also recorded in the accounts of 1556–61, when their number ranged from 36 to 12. The same decreasing trend is evident in the numbers of barrels of salted salmon, varying from eight to one. A normal catch was approximately five barrels, but from the 1560s there is no longer any information on this being exceeded.54 Compared with the River Kymijoki, the salmon fishing of the Royal Manor of Helsinki was of small scale. The crown's catch of 1552 at the Ahvenkoski Rapids on the River Kymijoki was 16 barrels, four times the figure for the River Vantaanjoki. In the following decade, the manor's annual salmon yield was less than three per cent of the approximately 150 barrels fished by the crown and the peasants together on the River Kymijoki. Also on the latter river, the size of the catches decreased in the 1560s from 200 barrels to seventy, which points to the decline of salmon stock along the north shore of the Gulf of Finland that began after the middle of the 16th century. Because the size of the catch on the River Kokemäenjoki was reduced to half around the same time, the development appears to have been a more general one and the underlying reasons may have been related to both more effective fishing in the 1550s caused by the activities of the crown and possible ecological changes related to the beginning of the so-called Small Ice Age.55 Diagram: The Salmon Catches of Helsinki Royal Manor 1551–1571  25 30 60 Salted salmon (barrels) 25 Spit salmon (pieces) 50 Fresh salmon (pieces) 20 40 Barrels Pieces 15 30 10 20 5 10 0 0 1551 1552 1553 1554 1555 1556 1557 1558 1559 1560 1561 1562 1563 1564 1565 1566 1567 1568 1569 1570 1571 Source: Allardt 1898, Tab Xb. What did the yield of the fishing in River Vantaanjoki amount to in the economy of the Abbey and diet of the its community? The fish catches of Helsinki Royal Manor do not indicate the yield of the fisheries during the Padis donation period of 1351–1428; nor is the manor known ever to have fished upriver. It is nonetheless obvious that the share of Padis Abbey in the salmon catch of the River Vantaanjoki never exceeded 5–8 barrels a year. Assuming a net weight of 120–140 kg per barrel, the monastery acquired perhaps slightly less than one thousand kilograms of salted salmon per year, in addition to a couple of dozen salt-dried salmons on spits. There is no information on the size of the monastery during the donation period, but as there were never hardly more than twenty monks at a time, each one could have eaten some 30 to 40 kilograms of salted salmon per year. Even if the diet of the whole abbey community including the lay brothers had been based completely on fish, salmon would certainly have remained over for sale in good years, and not all of it was consumed at the abbey, where the diet included other fish as well. The barrels of salted salmon and salt-dried salmon on spits were valuable articles of trade, some which could be taken directly from the fisheries to the monastery's warehouse in Tallinn for sale or gifted to important partners and associates of the abbey. An indication of who ate salmon in the Late Middle Ages is given by the accounts of Helsinki Manor for the year 1554, when salted and spit salmon were consumed only at the so-called bailiff's table at the meals of the crown bailiff and the higher- ranking staff of the manor (clerk, mercenary captains, foreman and craftsmen). Some salted salmon  26 was also eaten on ships, at the sawmill and on other assigned work outside the manor involving higher staff. Salmon did not belong to the diet of the wage and day labourers and other employees of the manor. This was no doubt also the case at Padis Abbey, where salmon was eaten by the monks, but not necessarily by the lay brothers, who may have had access to the delicacy only on special occasions. 1 Lexicon des Mittelalters 1–10 (cit. LM), München und Zürich: Artemis Verlag (1980–1999), Zistersiensen, -innen, LM 9, 632–634 and Citeaux, LM 2, 2104–2106. 2 Bernhard von Clairvaux, LM 1, 1992–1998; Christian Krötzl (2004) Pietarin ja Paavalin nimissä. Paavit, lähetystyö ja Euroopan muotoutuminen (500–1250), Historiallisia Tutkimuksia 219, Helsinki, 209–212. 3 Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages 1–2 (cit. EM), Cambridge: James Clarke & Co 2001, EM 1, 367, Konversen, LM 5, 1423–1424; Edward Ortved (1927) Cistercieordenen og dens klostre i Norden 1, København, 42–46; Giles Constable (1996) The Reformation of the Twelfth Century, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 194–196; James France (1992) The Cistercians in Scandinavia, Cistercian Studies Series 131, Kalamazoo, Michigan: Cistercian Publications, Inc., 271–273. 4 Zistersiensen, -innen, LM 9, 632–634, 635; Constable (1996) 220–221 and EM 1, Grange, 630; France (1992) 256– 273. 5 Jean Gimpel (1977) The Medieval Machine. The Industrial Revolution of the Middle Ages, Penguin Books, 46–51, 67– 68, 229–230; Anna Götlind (1993) Technology and Religion in Medieval Sweden, Avhandlingar från Historiska institutionen i Göteborg 4, Falun, 1–9, 62–63. 6 Geraldine Stout (2002) Newgrange and the Bend of the Boyne, Irish Rural Landscapes I. Cork University Press, 89– 91; David H. Williams (2001) The Welsh Cistercians. MPG Books Ltd., 225, which also discusses the importance of fish; France (1992) 280–284. 7 The Cistercian monasteries of Sweden, Denmark and Norway, their founders and the donations for them are presented more extensively in Götlind (1993) 22–37, France (1992) 27–42 and Catharina Andersson (2006) Kloster och aristokrati. Nunnor, munkar och gåvor i det svenska samhället till 1300-talets mitt, Avhandlingar från Historiska institutionen, Göteborgs universitet 49, Göteborg, 24–29; the Cistercian nunneries of Sweden proper were Vreta (Östgötaland, Diocese of Linköping, founded 1162), Gudhem (Västgötaland, Diocese of Skara, 1160s?), Fogdö (Södermanland, Diocese of Strängnäs, 1160s, relocated ca. 1290 to Vårfruberga in the same diocese), Askeby Östgötaland, Diocese of Linköping, mentioned in the 1180s), Byarum (Småland, Diocese of Växjö, before 1195, relocated ca. 1235 to the Parish of Sko in Upland, Diocese of Upland) Riseberga (Närke, Diocese of Strängnäs, before 1200), Solberga (Gotland, Diocese of Linköping, ca. 1240), Götlind (1993) 22–37. 8 Paul Johansen (1933) Die Estlandliste des Liber Census Daniae. Reval, 368–370; Paul Johansen (1951) Nordische Mission, Revals Gründung und der Schwedensiedlung in Estland, Kungliga Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademiens Handlingar 4. Stockholm, 157–162, 122–123, 149; Hain Rebas (1978) ’Internationella medeltida kommunikationer till och genom Balticum’, Historisk Tidskrift 1978:2, 177. 9 Registrum ecclesiae aboensis eller Åbo domkyrkans svartbok med tillägg ur Skoklosters codex Aboensis (cit. REA), I tryck utgifven af Finlands Statsarkiv genom Reinh. Hausen, Helsingfors 1890, REA nr. 1–5, 7; Markus Hiekkanen (2004) ’An Outline of the Early Stages of Ecclesiastical Organization in Finland’, in Garðar Guðmundsson (ed.) Current Issues in Nordic Archaeology, Proceedings of the 21st Conference of Nordic Archaeologists, 6–9 September 2001, Akureyri, Iceland. Reykjavik, 162–163. 10 Peter Rebane (1989) ’The Papacy and the Christianization of Estonia’, in Gli inizi del cristianesimo in Livonia- Lettonia, Pontificio comitato di scienze storiche, Atti e documenti 1. Città del Vaticano: Libreria editrice Vaticana, 175–196; Friedrich Benninghoven (1965) Der Orden der Schwertbrüder, Fratres milicie christi de livonia, Ostmitteleuropa in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart 9. Köln-Graz: Böhlau Verlag, 20–54; Krötzl (2004) 235. 11 Benninghoven (1965) 20–54, 248–249, 288; on the founding year of Dünamunde. p. 21, 43 (note 20) and 54; Wolfgang Schmidt (1941) Die Zisterzienser im Baltikum und in Finnland, Suomen Kirkkohistoriallisen Seuran Vuosikirja 29–30. Helsinki, 65–67; Wilhelm Kohl (2010) Germania Sacra, Dritte Folge, Band 2. Die Bistümer der Kirchenprovinz Köln. Das Bistum Münster 11. Die Zisterzienserabtei Marienfeld, De Gruyter, 98, 424–425; there were also five Cistercian nunneries in medieval Livonia, two of them in the Archdiocese of Riga in Riga (founded 1257) and Lemsala (Limbaži, ca. 1470) in present-day Latvia, and three in the dioceses of Tallinn (Monastery of Saint Michael in Tallinn, 1249), Saare-Lääne (Lihula, 1275–85) and Tartu (Tartu, mentioned 1345) in the present area of Estonia,  27 Schmidt (1941) 157, 189, 178, 183, 203 and Jaan Tamm (2002) Eesti keskaegased kloostrid – Medieval monasteries of Estonia. Tallinn: Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus, 163. 12 A convent was established under a prior in Padis apparently already in the late winter of 1311, when King Erik Menved of Denmark donated land to the prior and convent of Dünamunde in the villages of Pitke and Nurme, resolved his disputes with them and assured the prior and convent would have free use of all the convents property in Estonia. In this occasion, a copy of all previously ratified rights given by the kings of Denmark concerning the property of Dünamunde Abbey in Estonia was written, of which a complete copy was further authorized by the Bishop of Tallinn in 1314. The actual founding of the Padis Abbey is traditionally dated to the Friday after Trinity (2 June), when King Erik Menved gave the Abbey of Stolpe permission to build a monastery of stone at Padis. Schmidt (1941) 72–73 and Jaan Tamm (2010) Padise klooster. Ehitus ja uurimislugu – Padise Monastery, History of Building and Study. Tallinn, 21. Source, see Liv-, Esth- und Curländisches Urkundenbuch nebst Regesten I–VI (cit. LECUB). Hrsg. von Dr. Friedrich Georg von Bunge. Reval-Riga (Dorpat), 1851–1873, LECUB III 634a (21.3.1311) and Carl Schirren (1861–68) Verzeichniss livländischer Geschichts-Quellen in schwedischen Archiven und Bibliotheken. Dorpat, Band 5, nr. 43–44. 13 Schmidt 1941, 55–68; LECUB II 614 ja III 614a; On the war, see Manfred Hellmann (1993) ’Der Deutsche Orden und die Stadt Riga’, in Udo Arnold (ed.) Stadt und Orden. Das Verhältnis des Deustchen Ordens zu den Städten in Livland, Preussen und im Deutschen Reich, Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des Deutschen Ordens 44. Marburg: N.G. Elwert Verlag, 16–23. 14 Schmidt (1941) 47–50. In the late 13th century, most of the property of Dünamunde Abbey in Germany was within a triangular area bounded by Rostock, Havelberg and (Alt)-Ruppin northwest of Berlin, where the monastery had the patronage rights to at least three parishes (Trampitz, Snethlinge and Quedlinghe), which was approved by the Pope in 1285; Benninghoven (1965) 201. 15 Schmidt (1941) 47, 94. 16 Johansen (1933) 772, 784–785; On roads and highways, see Rebas (1978) 176–181. 17 Johansen (1933) 772–773; Schmidt (1941) 51–54, 68–72, Tamm (2010) 20; LECUB III 475a. 18 Johansen (1951) 209, 216–225; LECUB II 832 ”insulam nostram Ragoe iure svevico”; On maritime routes, see Rebas (1978) 166. 19 LECUB IV 1608, Schmidt (1941) 89, 98 and Johansen (1951) 213, 233–235; Johansen (1933) 772–773 and Schmidt (1941) 53. 20 LECUB I 470; Eugen von Nottbeck (1884) Der alte Immobilienbesitz Revals. Reval, 65–66 and Tamm 2010, 107– 109. 21 Saulo Kepsu (2005) Uuteen maahan. Helsingin ja Vantaan asutus ja nimistö. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 1027, Helsinki. 22 REA 30; Finlands Medeltidsurkunder I–VIII (cit. FMU), Samlade och i tryck utgifna af Finlands Statsarkiv genom Reinhold Hausen, Helsingfors 1910–35, FMU I 1119–1121, FMU VIII 6579; FMU I 328 ”curiam Skawastadhe”; Gunvor Kerkkonen (1945), Padis kloster i nyländsk medeltid, Västnyländsk kustbebyggelse under medeltiden. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland 301, Helsingfors, 9, 14–23; On the Coastal Road see Tapio Salminen (1993) Suuri Rantatie – Stora Strandvägen, Tiemuseon julkaisuja 7, Helsinki, 280–282. 23 FMU II 1254, 1277, 1454 and Kerkkonen (1945) 10–12; Jarl Gallén (1966) ’Den heliga Birgita och Karelen’, Historisk Tidskrift för Finland 51, 23–24. 24 Kerkkonen (1945) 10–11, 23–27 and Eljas Orrman (1994) ’Helsingin pitäjä ja Uudenmaan kirkollinen järjestäytyminen 1400-luvun loppuun mennessä’, in Marja Terttu Knapas (ed.) Vantaan Pyhän Laurin kirkko – Helsinge kyrka St Lars 500, Tutkielmia kirkon historiasta, Sulkava: Vantaan seurakunnat, 23; Johansen (1933) 678, 772–774. 25 On the constitutional status of the Duchy of Estonia in the period 1332–46 , Juhan Kreem (2002) The Town and its Lord, Reval and the Teutonic Order, Tallina Linnaarhiivi toimetised 6. Tallinn, 28–29, Niels Skuym-Nielsen (1981) ’Estonia under Danish rule’, in Niels Skuym-Nielsen & Niels Lund (Eds) Danish Medieval History, New Currents, Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 112–135, and Thomas Riis (2003) Studien zur Geschichte des Ostseeraumes, IV. Das mittelalterliche dänische Ostseeimperium, University Press of Southern Denmark, 86–89; FMU VIII 6579, Kerkkonen (1945) 9. Magnus Eriksson stayed at Kyrksundet in the archipelago of Hiittinen (Sw. Hitis) from the 18th to the 28th of August, 1347, FMU I 522–523. It has traditionally been maintained in Finland that the king was on his way back from Viipuri, but since he had been at Lodöse near present-day Gothenburg on 17 July, at Örebro on 23 July and in Stockholm on 30 July, and was visited at Kyrksundet by a delegation of landowning peasants under the authority of Viipuri Castle, it is unlikely that he would had time to visit Viipuri. On the route taken by the king in 1347, see Michael Nordberg (2007) I kung Magnus tid. Norden under Magnus Eriksson 1317–1374, Stockholm: Norsteds Akademiska Förlag, 127; On Scania, see Aksel E. Christensen (1980) Kalmarunionen og nordisk politik 1319–1439, Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 49–52. 26 On the activities of Magnus Eriksson in the years 1347–50 , see Suomen Kansallisbiografia, 1–10 (cit. SKB), Helsinki (2003–2007), Maunu Eerikinpoika (1316–1374), SKB 6, 606–607; Nordberg (2007) 101–104 and Gallén (1966) 1–11;  28 Karl Näskonungsson and Gereke Skytte, who sold and donated land to the monastery in 1335 and 1347 may have been involved in contemporary connections between Swedish nobility and Danish Estonia. Karl Näskonungsson was originally counsellor to Duchess Ingeborg, mother of Magnus Eriksson, but joined the Skara confederation of lay nobility and bishops, the leaders of which ruled Sweden during the king's minority until 1332. In 1327, Ingeborg married Kund Porse (died 1330), Duke of Halland which belonged to Denmark at the time, and to whom the Duchy of Estonia was pledged for a short while in 1329. The clients of the duchess or her circle may have included Gerhardus (later also with the name Gereke) Skytte, who was bailiff of Uusimaa in 1326 but no longer in this office in the late 1330s. Skytte reappeared in a leading position in the summer of 1347 and a year later took part in the king's campaign to the River Neva. He participated in preparing another attack on Kaprio in Novgorodian territory which was carried out from Estonia in the autumn of 1350 and was the headman of all Finland still in this year, after which he served as bailiff of Duchess Ingeborg's pension in Västmanland. In the late 1340s, Skytte had also supported the king's ventures with funds, in compensation for which Magnus, in December 1350 in Tallinn, enfeoffed him Ruona Manor in Sauvo, Finland Proper. Known by the German names Gerhardus and Gereke, Skytte had connections with Estonia that are not precisely known. However, he is known to have visited Tallinn often and he may have been related to Gerard Skyttæ, the subvassal of Hælf Gutæ of Jutland, who held land in the Parish Jõelähtme near the property of Dünamunde Abbey in Estonia, or to Jacobus Schuttae, who in 1228–38 was in control of some of the lands of Dünamunde at Padis. Skytte, meaning "crossbowman", was, however, quite a common epithet in the Middle Ages, appearing in the 14th century throughout the Baltic Sea region and was established as a fixed surname only after the introduction of firearms in the 15th century. Since three persons all named Gerdt Schütte owned land in the Parish of Jõelähtme from 1527 to 1623, the combination of the names appears to have been for some reason common in the environs of Tallinn. The Schüttes of Jõelähtme have a surprising connection with the property of Padis Abbey in Uusimaa, as the last of them, Captain Gerd Schütte gave up his property in Estonia in 1623 and moved to Helsinge Parish, where he had been given permission to form a manor at Munkkiniemi in present-day Helsinki. His property increased manifold in 1629 through a donation from King Gustavus II Adolphus which consisted, between 1629 and 1655 in Helsinge Parish, of Munkkiniemi, part of Konala, Lauttasaari, Heikby and Hindersnäs, and the manor of Viikki with its salmon fishing rights in the Helsinginkoski rapids, i.e. many of the known nodes of activity of Padis Abbey in the region some 250 years earlier. Skytte, Gerhard, SKB 9, 109; Johansen (1933) 437–438 and 830–831, Johansen (1951) 217; Kuisma (1990) 92, 115, 181. 27 FMU I 596, REA 138. 28 REA 139 ”jus patronatus et omne aliud quod nobis et corone regnj Swecie jn eccelsia Borgha et duabus capellis eidem annexis Aboensis diocesis”, REA 143 ”piscarias ad fundum presbiteralem ibidem pertinentes”, REA 142 ”piscaturam salmonum in Helsinga Aboensis dyocesis cum omni iure nostro regio inferius et superius”. The present author will discuss the donations, the related source material and claims regarding the content of the donations presented in research at different times more extensively in a work on the medieval history of Vantaa which is currently under preparation and will be published in 2013. 29 REA 152, Kerkkonen (1945) 32–52; REA 427, 430–432. 30 LECUB II 832; On medieval waterworks and structures related to them in the environs of Padis Abbey, see Jaan Tamm (2002) Eesti keskaegased kloostrid – Medieval monasteries of Estonia, Tallinn: Eesti Entsüklopeediakirjastus, 44 and Tamm (2010) 34–35. 31 FAO, Fisheries and Aquaculture Department, Species Fact Sheet, Salmo Salar, http://www.fao.org/fishery/species/2929/en, viewed11.2.2011; Riistan- ja kalantutkimus, Kala-Atlas, Lohi ja Järvilohi, http://www.rktl.fi/kala/tietoa_kalalajeista/lohi_jarvilohi/, accessed 11.2.2011; Kustaa Vilkuna (1975) Unternehmen Lachsfang. Die Geschichte der Lachsfischerei im Kemijoki, Studia Fennica, Review of Finnish Linguistics and Ethnology 19. Helsinki: SKS, 19. 32 Tapio Salminen (2007) Joki ja sen väki. Kokemäen ja Harjavallan historia jääkaudesta 1860-luvulle. Kokemäen ja Harjavallan historia I:1. Kokemäen ja Harjavallan kaupungit ja seurakunnat, Jyväskylä: Gummerus, 517–518; Kulturhistorisk Lexikon för Nordisk Medeltid, 1–22 (cit. KLNM) 2. oplagan København (1981–1982), Laxfiske, KLNM 10, 379. 33 H.J. Holmberg (1859) Alamainen kertomus, mihin päätökseen on tultu, syitä kalain wähenemiseen Suomessa ja sen estämisen keinoja tutkittaissa, kuin myöskin esitys kalain wiljelemiseen, Suomen julkisia sanomia 4.7.1859. According to Holmberg, the salmon found upstream from Anjalankoski at Valkeala were lake salmon, a species that spends its whole live in lakes; Finnish National Archives, Voudintilit, VA 2969:8 ”Item aff Helsinge Fors wtj samme Sochn bisbens tiende spikilax – 41 stücke” and 22v ”Item 2 (barrels or pieces) små öörlax som ffoos vidh helsinge ffårsz”. The salt-dried salmon was delivered to the Royal Castle in Stockholm. The accounts concerned only tithes appropriated from the bishop, and not the actual salmon tax or catch acquired by the crown; Kari Stenholm (2008) Virtavesien hoitoyhdistys ry, Vantaanjoen vuosiraportti 13.1.2008, www.virtavesi.com/vantaanjoki2007.pdf, accessed 11.2.2011: According to archaeological excavations, salmon (Salmo salar) also belonged to the diet of the Old Town of Helsinki  29 (Vanhakaupunki) in the late 16th and early 17th century, Mikael A. Manninen & Kristiina Mannermaa (2008) Helsingin Vanhankaupungin lohikalanluut – vuosien 1992, 1993 ja 1999 kaivausten kalanluiden alustava analyysi 13.3.2008, Helsingin kaupunginmuseo, 1–2; On the spawning season of trout, see Riistan- ja kalantutkimus, Kala-Atlas, http://www.rktl.fi/kala/tietoa_kalalajeista/taimen/, accessed 11.2.2011. 34 Salt and Salthandel, KLNM 14, 692–712 and Fisketilvirkning KLNM 4, 344; FMU II 1841, 1840; The total amount of salt was 606½ c (centum), 4.5 tzarse, with one centum of Baie salt corresponding to 13996.8 kg net. On the 20 June, customs were levied on seven salt ships, followed by 2 on 10 August, and three on September 5. The last-mentioned three had sailed from Lisbon, Reinhard Vogelsang (Ed.) Revaler Schiffslisten 1425–1471 und 1479–1496, Quellen und Studien zur baltischen Geschichte 13, Köln-Weimar-Wien: Böhlau Verlag (1992), 219–229. On the weight of the salt, see Thomas Wolf (1986) Tragfähigkeiten, Ladungen und Masse im Schiffsverkehr der Hanse, Quellen und Darstellungen zur Hansischen Geschichte, Neue Folge, Band 31. Köln-Weimar-Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 57–58. 35 On the methods and equipment for preservation, see Vilkuna (1975) 395–400; On herring barrels, see Wolf (1986) 194 and Tunna, KLNM 19, 57–63. According to Vilkuna, when the taxation of fishing increased during the reign of Gustavus Vasa, an acceptable barrel of salted salmon weighed 119 kg and a barrel of fresh salmon 136 kg, Tunna, KLNM 19, 64. 36 REA 167; Salminen (2007) 177; Kauko Pirinen (1956) Turun tuomiokapituli keskiajan lopulla, Suomen Kirkkohistoriallisen Seuran Toimituksia 58, Helsinki, 441–445 37 Salminen (2007) 510–511; Gunvor Kerkkonen (1939) Helsingfors konungsgård 1550–1572. Allmän historik, Historiallinen arkisto 45, Helsinki: Suomen Historiallinen Seura, 99. 38 Salminen (2007) 176–181; Laxfiske, KLNM 10, 377–378, On the regulations on fishing in the law codes of the realm, see Fiskeret, KLNM 4, 336; REA 126, 128, 129, FMU I 540. 39 REA 142; The upstream fishing rights were localized at the Vantaankoski (Kvarnbacka) rapids by Gunvor Kerkkonen (1945), 107 and Kerkkonen (1965) Helsingin pitäjän keskiaika, Helsingin pitäjän historia 1, Helsingin maalaiskunta, Porvoo, 14. 40 Finnish National Archives, Maanmittaushallitus, Kartat, MHA B 7 21/1–2, MHA B 11a 4/1–2, MHA B 11a 8/1–3, MHA B 9 9/52–54, see Teresa Leskinen & Pia Lillborända (Ed.) Samuelin kartat. Helsingin pitäjä vanhimmissa kartoissaan 1681–1712, Vantaan kaupunginmuseo (2001), 40–41, 47–51, 52–55, 82–84; Finnish National Archives, Tie- ja Vesihallituksen arkisto, Kartat ja piirustukset, E1 115:1 (1757–60), nr. 16, 19; Elevations: Vantaanjoen ja Helsingin seudun vesiensuojeluyhdistys, Vedenlaatu, Joet, http://www.vhvsy.fi/, viewed 11.2.2010; On the clearing of rapids, see Suomen Virallinen Tilasto, XIX Tie- ja Vesirakennukset, year 1891, 56–57, year 1896, 76–81, year 1903, 77–79 and year 1905, 77–81. The east arm of the Vanhankaupunginkoski rapids was cleared and widened in 1891 SVT:XIX, s. 56–57 and 1903, when the Pikkukoski rapids were blasted open. 41 Markku Kuisma (1990) Helsingin pitäjän historia II, Vanhan Helsingin synnystä isoonvihaan 1550–1713, Jyväskylä: Vantaan kaupunki 148–149; Stenholm 2008. 42 REA 368; Kepsu (2005) 84. 43 FMU V 3902. In 1517 the Tallinn merchant Helmich Ficke wrote the name in the Low German form Nakkebuw, Kerkkonen (1965) 165; Kepsu (2005) 175; Documents concerning Siuntio cite in the year 1490 Nackaböhle (FMU V 4331) and 1540 Nackaby, Åke Granlund (1965) ’En västnyländsk namntyp’. Folkmålsstudier, Medddelanden från Föreningen för nodrisk filologi 19, 89–91 and Lars Huldén (2001) Finlandssvenska bebyggelsenamn, Helsingfors, 297, 256. On Nakkila on the River Kokemäenjoki, see Aarre Läntinen (1978) Turun keskiaikainen piispanpöytä, Studia historica Jyväskyläensia 16, Jyväskylä, 152–153; Fornsvensk lexikalisk databas, http://spraakbanken.gu.se/fsvldb/, viewed 11.2.2011, nakke, and Mittelniederdeutsches Handwörterbuch von August Lübben, Nach dem Tode des Verfassers vollendet von Christoph Walther, Norden und Leipzig (1888), nacke. In the dialect of Swedish spoken in Sweden proper, the verb nakka is also known to have meant illicitly taking the catch from fish nets or traps set by others, FSLD nakka. 44 Kerkkonen (1965) 58–59. On monk-bishop pairs in toponyms, see Kerkkonen (1945) 60–108, 107; More extensively on the place-names of the area, Kepsu (2005), 172–175 (Tomtbacka, Nacböle, Grannböle), 170–172 (Tolkby), 146–151 (Skattmansby), 145 (Sillböle), 130–133 (Mårtensby), 108–112 (Lappböle-Biskopsby) , 69–71 (Brutuby); On the Great Coastal Road, see Salminen (1993). Considering the local topography, the winter route of the Coastal Road may have crossed the river further downstream at Mårtensby. The medieval course of the road was most likely between Tolkby and Brutuby, closer to the river than the 17th Century route surveyed in 1991. 45 REA 368, 142, 167. 46 REA 368; Salminen (2007) 512; Fiskeverke, KLNM 4, 346. On 19th-century fish enclosure types of the great rivers at the Gulf of Bothnia region, see Vilkuna (1975) 125–280. 47 Kerkkonen (1939) 70, 99; VA 3044:31r–52r  30 48 VA 2993:52r, VA 3041:36r; Kerkkonen 1939, 100 converted the total of 36 man-labour days in 1551 into three days' work by twelve men, Anders Allardt (1898) Borgå läns sociala och ekonomiska förhållanden åren 1539–1571, Helsingfors, 150; Salminen (2007) 512. 49 REA 368; Kerkkonen (1965) 44. 50 Kepsu (2005) 179–183. 51 Kepsu (2005) 84. 52 Kepsu (2005) 192–193 (Övitsböle), 145 (Sillböle), 105–108 (Kårböle), 108–112 (Lappböle); VA 3044:44v. 53 Markku Kuisma (1991) Helsingin pitäjän historia III. Isostavihasta maalaiskunnan syntyyn 1713–186,. Jyväskylä: Vantaan kaupunki, 289–290. 54 VA 2969:8; Allardt (1898) Tab. X, Kerkkonen (1939) 99. 55 Allardt (1898) Tab. Xb and XI; Mauno Jokipii (1974) Satakunnan historia IV. Satakunnan talouselämä uuden ajan alusta isoonvihaan. Satakunnan Kirjateollisuus OY., 289.