A CULTURAL HISTORY OF ANIMALS A CULTURAL HISTORY OF ANIMALS GENERAL EDITORS: LINDA KALOF AND BRIGITTE RESL Volume 1 IN THE MEDIEVAL AGE A CULTURAL HISTORY OF ANIMALS IN ANTIQUITY Edited by LINDA KALOF Volume 2 A CULTURAL HISTORY OF ANIMALS IN THE MEDIEVAL AGE Edited by BRIGITTE RESL Edited by Brigitte Resl Volume 3 A CULTURAL HISTORY OF ANIMALS IN THE RENAISSANCE Edited by BRUCE BOEHRER Volume 4 A CULTURAL HISTORY OF ANIMALS IN THE AGE OF ENLIGHTENMENT Edited by MATTHEW SENIOR Volume 5 A CULTURAL HISTORY OF ANIMALS IN THE AGE OF EMPIRE Edited by KATHLEEN KETE Volume 6 A CULTURAL HISTORY OF ANIMALS IN THE MODERN AGE Edited by RANDY MALAMUD ~BERG Oxford. New York  CHAPTER TWO Medieval Hunting AN SMETS AND BAUDOUIN VAN DEN ABEELE THE DIFFERENT FORMS OF HUNTING Medieval society cannot be studied without dealing with hunting. At various levels, hunting played a decisive role, whether as a pastime, a social display, a school of skill and knowledge, or a necessity. While it is not always possible to make a clear distinction between the hunt of the rich versus the hunt of the poor, as they ail existed under various forms, one can observe sorne differences between the hunting habits of separate social groups. First of ail, the poor sim- ply could not afford the dogs or birds needed for the more aristocratic ways of hunting, neither could they afford the staff needed to train these animais and to take care of them, nor could they devote sufficient time to this. Training a falcon was time-consuming; one needed several days in order to induce it to accept the proximity of man before training it daily to the lure and gradually accessing to free flight. Second of ail, the reasons for hunting were also different: whereas the animais caught in traps could end up on the table of the less fortunate, game constituted less than 5 percent of the meat prepared in the kitchens of noblemen. For these people, hunting was more of a free time exercise, but also a social activity, involving a whole company of men and also of women, espe- cially in the case of hawking. Hawking or Falconry Most scholars agree that falconry, or more generally hunting with birds of prey, was introduced to the medieval West by Germanic tribes around the fifth  60 MEDIEVAL HUNTING HUNTING 61 century. l Hunting with birds was especially popular from the period of the One of the factors that probably contributed to the success of hawking crusades until the end of the Middle Ages. (See Figure 2.1.) Falconry became during the late Middle Ages was the fact that this form of hunting was open to an indication of social prestige, requiring wealth and staff: no less than thirty both men and women, whereas venery was a more masculine activity, although falconers and varlets were appointed for this at the court of Philip the Good in various exceptions can be documented. Browsing through a sample of hawk- 1446. Hunting with birds can be done with different kinds of diurnal birds of ing scenes in medieval art, the presence of women is at any rate conspicuous. prey, especially falcons, but also with other raptors such as the sparrow hawk (See Figure 2.5.) According to hunting treatises, the most appropriate bird for and the goshawk. 2 During the Middle Ages, the latter birds were often used a woman was a sparrow hawk, sorne of them actually being called éperviers à in Germanie countries, whereas falcons were preferred in Latin Europe, espe- dames, because after catching the lark they brought it back to the lady. cially the peregrine falcon and the gyrfalcon. These two families of birds hunt in different ways: falcons ascend high up in the sky before catching their prey by diving or stooping, whereas hawks follow their prey at a low altitude. This Venery difference also has its consequences for the hunting field: falcons were gener- Venery or hunting with hounds was practiced throughout the Middle Ages, ally preferred for hunting in the open country or by river sides, whereas hawks either on horse, with free-running hounds, or on foot, the dogs being retained were used when hunting in the bush or near to the wood. by the leash. Different kinds of dogs were chosen by the hunters. The grey- Birds of prey were trained to catch river birds or field birds. Among the ho und was used to seize and pull down a running quarry as soon as it had river birds, the crane and the heron were the most prestigious quarry, flown reached it; such was also the role of the large so-called alaunt or alant, some- by the highly prized gerfalcons or saker falcons, even if other species, such times provided with heavy studded collars or a sort of body armor; mastiffs, as ducks and small waders, were more current. Commonly flown field birds usually reserved to guard flocks and houses, might also be used, although they include the partridge, the pheasant, and even crows and magpies, whereas the were less valued; finally the running hound or chien courant was reserved to smaller merlins and sparrow hawks would catèh larks or thrushes. Goshawks par force hunting or chasse à courre, in order to track and follow the hart; might also be trained to catch rabbits or hares. these medium-size hounds formed a pack of at least twelve and sometimes up to fifty dogs. 3 In France and in England, the most prestigious hunt was that of the stag or, to a lesser degree, the deer. The par force hunting of a hart followed very strict rules: the quest of the finest hart by a huntsman with a silent lymer was followed by his report to the assembly, where the master of game and the who le company would decide how to begin the chase; packs of hounds were posted in different places, or relays, before being released on seeing the hart; the pursuit itself, accompanied by precise indications blown on hunting horns, may last for hours, until the hart was exhausted, turned at bay, and surrounded by the hounds; the hunters gathered around it, blowing their horn to the bay or abay, and finally the hart was killed with a sword. The most intricate ceremonial was that of the unmaking or braking with special hunting cutlery, in an order evoked at length by the treatises; ail this ended up in the curee (hence the English word "quarry"), the ritual rewarding of the hounds on the emptied skin of the animal, where bread, blood, and chopped intestines were devoured by the pack, while the hunters continued blowing their horns. 4 From Carolingian times onward, the boar hunt was considered to be the most dangerous and martial form of hunting, a sort of man-to-man combat FIGURE 2.1: Hawker. Month of May, thirteenth century, Cathedral of Münster. with a ferocious and fearless animal, whose tusks might strike a hunter to © B. Van den Abeele. death in one moment. The boar was the perfect antithesis to the timid and  63 62 MEDIEVAL HUNTING HUNTING elegant stag, and the archetype of the black animais, according to the French Trapping Birds and Quadrupeds treatises. In his Livres du roy Modus et de la royne Ratio, Henri de Ferrières Another way of hunting is using material auxiliaries such as nets and traps. distinguishes between the red animais, or bestes rouges, also ca lied bestes Although these methods were considered to be deprived of any prestige, they douces (hart, deer, fallow buck, roebuck, hare), and the fierce and nocive black were a very common activity, of which the practical knowledge was essentlally animais, bestes noires, bestes mordans, bestes puans (boar, sow, wolf, fox, and shared and transmitted orally. For this reason, hunting with traps, nets, and otter). Although it was gradually less favored in France, the boar hunt con- lime is less weil documented than the hunting techniques described in the pre- tinued to be highly valued in the Iberian Peninsula and in Germany. 5 Harmful vious section. 10 (See Figure 2.2.) Different methods were developed to catch the and uneatable animais such as foxes and wolves were sometimes hunted by prey, from the use of baits or calling birds to attract the prey t.o the ~aking of mounted noblemen, but they could also be trapped or killed by professional pits or the use of nets to catch the animais. There are sorne reglOnal dtfferences hunters (e.g., louvetiers) or during collective beats organized by landlords or between these techniques: to master the prey, the Germans preferred to work villages. In the Alps and the Pyrenean Mountains, chamois and ibex might be with hedges or permanent enclosures, whereas in France and in the Mediter- hunted, using crossbows or specially developed javelins, which are shown on ranean countries, the hunters more often used nets. various late medieval depictions. (See Figure 2.9.) This form of hunting could have a direct utilitarian purpose, to catch harm- During the late Middle Ages, royal and baronial deer parks were greatly fui animais such as boars destroying the crops or wolves attacking the flocks. developed in England and Scotland, which secured permanent possession of game. For example, the house of the Percy, earls of Northumberland, had a total of 4,471 deer in twenty-one parks in 1512. 6 This produced a changing attitude in aristocratie hunting, enabling great landlords to organize spectacu- ctoutlntnn~uHtdèml bUf mUllnQl1lf1tqllt~dèldll lar hunting parties. In Germany, these conspicuous massacres or Schaujagden Jl)tutml~ttfiQUltttll:mrnlU:r 0UtiWlt InntatlUttromcdlc continued during the Renaissance and Baroque periods and were depicted by Cttuit.ttlœmtfumlMtUltro ~œuümmd)ulI)lœ. artists such as Lucas Cranach. tl.jDIIIltUullltut IlIlIlt llntauou' \J.Wœ ti,lQIU./tuU: IIldÙSlX: ItlX:ltltltntrllttmlrtOOtràltt.1l 'I"t'Rf Qllfltroù\>LI1'1rou6 OOlr Archery dht rutliuonr.dllllc d)!lut!rf (u.l\ rtanrrutott.'œ·U·Il1U6 ttlJl WllIUriutOtnunn:uUtllllX: With the hunting method of archery, the animal auxiliaries are replaced by ui'l'lœrlnfalll ct01r1nlll1lI a IIIlctDugtmliwc (Ill WlIlta.:U weapons. Archery is a technique that was used during the whole medieval pe- U\t1(ItIU1p11' OlllU!·i,.(OlOt riod, both for big game, where archers were helped by their dogs (usually the nu& tttnIDltWfol.l&(Oltt }Uf ~:t'Tiiàllla \rtC/1f a QUO)' relatively small brachetus, or brachet) to localize or to follow the prey, and for smaller prey, like birds or rabbits. 7 Two types of arms were generally use d, namely, the bow and the crossbow, the latter being a typical medieval weapon. The first crossbows had a bow of wood, which was replaced in the thirteenth century by a bow composed of different layers of horn and, later still, by a bow of steel. 8 For shooting at small game, such as rab bits and birds, archers might use blunted arrows or boujons, with a rounded end in order just to knock down the prey without damaging it. Being accessible to almost everyone, archery is a way of hunt- ing requiring fewer resources than falconry or venery, and, as a consequence, it played a more important role in providing the table. Whereas a par force hunt involving dozens of hunters and a large pack of hounds would result .'t•• in the taking of one deer, a small group of six men and one brachet, such as described by Guicennas in the mid-thirteenth century, might come home with FIGURE 2.2: Deviee for trapping birds. Livres du Roy Modus, three deer. 9 copied in 1379, BnF, Paris, MS Français 12399, fol. 87r.  64 MEDIEVAL HUNTING HUNTING 65 It served also for small game or birds, in order to fill the kitchen larders. Birds fourteenth-century records of the kingdom of Mallorca,19 by D. Dalby from might be a nuisance for the fields, hence their hunting was seen as an agricul- the official accounts contained in the Prussian Marienburger Tresslerbuch (ca. tural necessity. Especially in Flanders and Brabant, nets were used for catching 1400),20 and by G. Malacarne from the Gonzaga archives in Mantua. 21 G. birds of prey, which were sold to the courts or exported abroad for the use of Hoffmann has studied the trade of falcons from Northern Europe during the hawking. These specialized trappers crossed Europe on foot, wearing a cadge late Middle Ages, where one can observe the important role played by the formed by four wooden perches arranged in a rectangle with four short fixed Teutonic Knights, who controlled the capture and trade of the highly prized legs; the carrier stood in the center of the frame, supporti~g it with shoulder gerfalcons. These birds were even used as diplomatic gifts to various rulers. 22 straps and steadying it with his hands; six to twelve falcons could thus be car- The passion of kings for hawking is most clearly shown by the example of King ried on the perches of the cadge. 11 Edward 1 (1272-1307), whose reign was the most brilliant period of medieval English royal falconry. The Wardrobe Accounts show a steady increase of the SOURCES FOR A HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL HUNTING amounts spent on royal falconry from 1274 onward, with a peak of f1,002 in 1285-1286. On various occasions, Edward vigorously acted to preserve the Treatises on hunting are our foremost source for the knowledge of hunting quality of his hawking, either by sending precise orders to his sheriffs or by techniques, for objects related to it, and for therapeutics applied to the falcons severely punishing offenses, such as the destruction of royal eyries (nests of or hounds. On the whole, however, they remain mainly theoretical, explaining hawks) or the theft of falcons. Messengers brought him the fust heads of cranes how one should behave properly in order to have excellent birds and dogs, taken by his falcons, and gifts of birds were part of the royal diplomacy.23 how one keeps them in good health, and how to hunt with them. There are Narrative sources, for example, annals and chronicles, provide vivid depic- many aspects escaping the attention of the authors of these treatises, such as tions of the passion of sovereigns for hunting, such as the Carolingian rulers the social dimension and the cultural image on the whole. These topics have to in their forests of the Ardennes and the Vosges. Chroniclers recorded dramatic be studied through various other means. events, such as the death of rulers while hunting boars or stags or even during For the early Middle Ages, the most detailed historical evidence cornes ei- hawking parties, from Louis III of France (882) to Mary of Burgundy (1482). ther from archaeological findings or from legislative texts. In tombs dating They mention gifts of hounds and hawks, or large displays of courtly hunt- from the sixth to the eighth century in Northern Europe (Denmark, Sweden) ing, even in times of military sieges. It is interesting to note, for example, that and in Germany (Thuringia, Saxony), archaeologists have found remains of the Emperor Frederick II (1194-1250) lost a decisive battle at Parma (1248) goshawks, sparrow hawks, and peregrine falcons associated with dogs. These because he had left his camp to go out hawking exactly at the time when the were most probably trained birds of prey that were inhumed or cremated to- besieged made a forceful attack. 24 gether with their owners. 12 The laws of the various Germanic tribes, which As to sources endowed with a more cultural dimension, such as literary fic- were written down during the same period, establish fines for stealing hawks tion and poetry, manuscript illumination, monumental painting and sculpture, or falcons, or for killing hunting dogs. 13 The Welsh Laws of Court attributed ornamental artifacts, and furniture, motifs of hunting are ubiquitous, which to Hywel the Good (tenth century) provide precise data on the office of the testifies the preeminent position of hunting in the cultural and social codes of falconers at court,14 while other forms of hunting (deer, bee, salmon, bear, the ruling classes. Special sections shall be devoted to this subsequently. "climber," woodcock, fox, hare, and roe) are evoked in the Welsh Nine Hunt- ings, whose sixteenth-century manuscripts reflect medieval practice. 15 Similar and at times more detailed data are found in the Leyes Palatinas of James III, TREATISES ON HUNTING king of Mallorca (1324-1349). There we find chapters on the head falconer Much research has been carried out recently on falconry treatises and, to a (falconarius maior), his subordinate falconers, and the keeper of the hunting lesser degree, on texts concerning venery, especially in Latin, French, Spanish, dogs, explaining the duties, the rights, and the expenses of these servants. 16 and German. 25 For the other hunting forms and the other languages, sorne lacu- From the twelfth century onward, governmental records are a generous nae remain, as unknown texts or copies might still be hidden in manuscripts. source, but they have been too little used in this respect. Detailed inquiries As a hunting treatise, we consider a didactic writing on hunting or its have been carried out by R. Oggins on the English royal sources 17 and by C. auxiliaries--quadruped or bird of prey-written in Latin or in the vernacular Niedermann on documents related to the Burgundian court of Philip the Good and generally intended for a public of practitioners. Although there existed (d. 1467).18 Important findings were published by J. Bover from thirteenth- and sorne treatises in classical Greece and Rome, they were largely ignored during  66 MEDIEVAL HUNTING HUNTING 67 the Middle Ages, hence a proper cynegetic tradition developed anew and be- information, hygienic data, veterinary information, and miscellaneous data. came a typical medieval genre. However, not ail the treatises present ail these categories, which can, further- more, overlap. As to venery, the number of Latin treatises is very smail. There is only one Latin Treatises text on big game, the De arte bersandi by a German knight named Guicennas, No less than thirty-three Latin hunting texts are known, which are preserved which can be dated to the middle of the thirteenth century. Guicennas describes in seventy manuscripts. 26 Most of them deal with falconry, and the oldest in detail the hunt with bow or crossbow, with the help of a brachet to find ones are ail collections of remedies to cure the hawk: for example, what to do the deer, and of a few horsemen dressed in green tunic, who quietly tried to when a hawk gets a cold or is wounded after having been bitten by another induce the animal to move toward the bowmen. The hound had also to locate animal. Among these texts are the Anonymous of Vercelli (mid-tenth century), the wounded deer, following a track of blood through the forest. Besides this, the Liber accipitrum by Grimaldus (probably written at the end of the eleventh there are also sorne texts concerning the care of dogs,30 of which the oldest century),27 and the numerous treatises of the twelfth century, such as the De is the Practica canum, a smail text on the care and cure of hounds. This text avibus tractatus by Adelard of Bath28 and the anonymous texts Dancus rex, was one of the primary sources of the more elaborate De canibus by Albertus Cuillelmus falconarius, and the Epistola Aquile, Symachi et Theodotionis ad Magnus, a long chapter about hounds included in his De animalibus. 31 Ptolomeum. These rather short treatises occupy a fundamental place in the Popular forms of hunting (archery and trapping) are even less documented. tradition of falconry literature because their remedies were frequently copied For archery related to big game, one should mention again the De arte bersandi, during the following centuries. but there are no independent treatises dealing with the other forms. However, The thirteenth century witnessed an important cynegetic activity at the in his Ruralium commodorum libri XII, an encyclopedia on agriculture written court of the Emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, who ordered a translation in Bologna around 1305, Petrus de Crescentiis devotes his tenth book to differ- of the oriental works Moamin and Chatrif, the first of which de ais both with ent kinds of hunting: falconry (chapters 1-15), catching birds (chapters 16-20), birds of prey and dogs. But the emperor is also himself the author of a treatise trapping quadrupeds (chapter 21-26), trapping mice (chapter 27), and fishing that can be considered to be the quantitative and qualitative apex of the Latin (chapters 28-30).32 cynegetic tradition: the De arte venandi cum avibus. 29 After a grandiloquent prologue, the first book is a sort of general ornithology about the habits, the migration, the reproduction, and the anatomy of birds. Books II and III explain Vernacular Treatises which falcons are used in hunting, as weil as their furniture, care, manning, and Vernacular hunting treatises appear from the thirteenth century onward. The training to the lure. Book IV deals with the most spectacular hunt, the crane first of these are translations and compilations: ail the important Latin treatises hawking with a gerfalcon or with a cast of two or three birds; book IV treats from the twelfth and the thirteenth centuries were translated in one or several heron hawking with saker falcons; and book VI deals with duck hawking with languages. But vernacular treatises soon developed in a more original way, peregrines. This comprehensive hawking manual has no equivalent in medieval at first in Spanish and in French, during the second quarter of the fourteenth times and, curiously enough, it has exerted no influence on later treatises whose century. These vernacular works share sorne new characteristics. They have a principal subject has remained the care of the various illnesses of birds. stronger regional mark, ailuding to specifie habits observed in France or En- Almost at the same moment as Frederick II was writing his work, Albertus gland, or to places known for their abundance of game in Spain, for example. Magnus, or Albert the Great, wrote his De falconibus, which he later included Several authors are of a higher social status, such as the count of Foix Gaston in his encyclopedic work De animalibus (ca. 1260-1270). As for the later trea- Phebus or Edward, duke of York. Their texts have a more elaborate literary tises, there are compilations based on recipe collections from the twelfth cen- style, adapted for a courtly audience, which explains also why a significant tury, as weil as sorne original works such as the Liber falconum attributed to number of manuscripts are illustrated with vivid illuminations, having been a certain Archibernardus. This work is the only versified treatise on hunting commissioned by aristocratie patrons. 33 written in Latin, and it deals in 321 hexameters with the species of falcons, their diet, and their illnesses. French Hunting Literature GeneraIly, the subjects dealt with in the treatises from the thirteenth century For the French field, we know of forty-seven texts from the thirteenth to onward belong to the following fields: ornithological information, cynegetic the fifteenth century, which are preserved in 179 manuscripts. 34 Eleven of the 68 MEDIEVAL HUNTING HUNTING 69 Looking at the content, we notice that thirty-three texts de al with fal- "- conry; seven with venery, of which the oldest one is the Picardian Chace dou f,lrultlllr.l~rrp~lit-. trlJUÜtl'C tIII1~t "r41~4I1m,~'nlll&e!'( .. cerf; one with archery (La fachon de tirer de l'arc a main at the end of the fif- rotnp<1I1lP0"'': {t1qIlIra _ 1. teenth century);37 and seven with different kinds of hunting, this last category -n.'II(;,;n;œIlIlUtltmœrlll\.tl9 containing, among others, the three well-known works of the fourteenth cen- tury cited previously. Moreover, Henri de Ferrières is also the fust author of a debate between falconry and venery. Two ladies, named la dame a l'oysel and la dame des chiens, try to convince each other that falconry, respectively ven- ery, is the most noble, agreeable, and valuable form of hunting, before bring- :Ôltf.crtlClUllt:~ . lIOÛ,rrl..llllJUa; ...bepWti l\ ing their contest to the count of Tancarville, who is acting as a kind of courtly œtlt" lit cnœzt:l'rI;fll~ndIt': . judge. This theme was developed at length by Gace de la Buigne in his Roman <tQl!1l1' Q)11eft-cifaJlI~ ·tt mmlllllf qItCnultu::,tœ:lItl des deduis, and was also used by Guillaume Crétin and Robert du Herlin.38 'ttbltit '1Il'ftœ"~~I~: on- , 'llUIt!t'lm(pm~ "\!rG} lberian Hunting Literature 1tIIII;Ît tUlUtt pll!UiVmc-pl.9 .I~ ...l!' ftlrf/llaCl1œqf crd" ~d ôehêtu1l&,lIlttltut!l;v . The lberian tradition starts in the thirteenth century: it is an early tradition, il" nul .IJllOl} full5~1Dllè mWlIv::iJtltzic- of which, however, the creativity seems to decline by the end of the fourteenth ômfcipu(n~ en1't! 'tIUIuit..\yuvœ,UUdforlr '& century. This tradition con tains twenty-eight texts in Catalan, Spanish, and Por- œnr fOllr~t'(:l~_~ . tuguese, which came to us in seventy-one manuscripts.39 The Catalan texts are . hmetC foru:-nup1ii{~Jl'Ôlrll,!c essentially veterinary works about the care of falcons or hawks, whereas the later ,.1j-'IOIIl~ ttlUVaJlI qUCA'l1/llll' .1.1 ttepretu'roti'llnl U(tll!'llt ' Spanish and Portuguese treatises are more elaborated. As it is the case in other 1tOqJt- tutiu:le\Qi~ filifj)lÎ.p:tt traditions, the first vernacular texts of this region are translations, whereas origi- ;wôelemeœ-4!,iIIi_Jétu; . m-ouœ·tlntmèni:-owler~ nal works appear in the fourteenth century. The major Spanish falconry texts are lIouuiftqUl-'!#alfatlllOlU;'. the Libro de la caza by Juan Manuel and the Libro de la caça de las aves by Pero Lopez de Ayala, and, for venery, the Libro de la monteria by King Alfonso. The most important Portuguese text is the Livro de falcoaria by Pero Menino. FIGURE 2.3: Opening page: Avicu/aires. Bibliothèque Municipale de Lyon, MS 867, fol. 216v. © Bibliothèque municipale de Lyon, Didier Nicole. Italian Hunting Literature The Italian tradition is also quite rich (twenty-seven texts preserved in sixty manuscripts), but, unfortunately, relatively little research has been done on the forty-seven French hunting treatises are translations. 35 Among the translated entirety of this tradition, which is lirnited to hawking texts. 40 The first original texts are several therapeutic collections of the twelfth century, but also larger text, by Petrus de l'Astore, probably dates from the beginning of the fourteenth works as Albertus Magnus's De falconibus 36 and Frederick II's De arte venandi century: it is a bilingual Latin-Italian text concerning the care of falcons. At the cum avibus. The oldest original texts are written in Occitan, Anglo-Norman, or same time, the fust translations of Latin works were made. However, other origi- Franco-Italian. (See Figure 2.3.) From the fourteenth century onward, original nal works only appear in the fifteenth century and did not get a wide diffusion. French works appear, of which the best known are the Livres du roy Modus et de la royne Ratio by Henri de Ferrières (1360- 1379), the Roman des deduis English Hunting Literature by Gace de la Buigne (before 1377), and the Livre de Chasse by Gaston Phe- Eleven English texts preserved in forty-seven manuscripts or printed editions bus (1387-1389). The success of thes e three well-elaborated masterpieces, pre- are known of.41 If one considers the Anglo-Norman texts as belonging to this served in dozens of manuscripts, often lavishly illustra te d, has cast a shadow field, it is an early tradition, but the treatises in Middle English only appear in over later works, even if sorne of them, such as the Fauconnerie by Artelouche the fifteenth century. First of ail, there are sorne translations from Latin and de Alagona and the Livre de faulconnerie by Jean de Francières, certainly de- from French treatises: the Master of Game, by Edward, second duke of York serve to be studied. (ca. 1406-1413), contains the sections on venery from the Livre de chasse by 70 MEDIEVAL HUNTING HUNTING 71 Münsinger. Finally, there is also a short German text on hunting hares and bird catching in the middle of the fifteenth century. Dutch Hunting Literature There are two known falconry treatises in Middle Dutch: an abridged ver- sion of the Latin text by Thomas de Cantirnpré, in the encyclopedia Der naturen bloeme by Jacob van Maerlant, and an anonymous treatise, probably written in Brabant in the second half of the fifteenth century, dealing with the taming of goshawks and sparrow hawks, their dise as es, and their molting. There is also a sixteenth-century treatise preserved in another single manuscriptY LITERARY IMAGE Medieval vernacular literature is pervaded by images and scenes of hunting, being partly written by, and largely directed toward an aristocratie audience. 44 FIGURE 2.4: Hart hunt. Master of Game (fifteenth century). The Bodleian Library, Uni- Those listening to chansons de geste loved to hear about knights involved in versity of Oxford, MS Bodl. 546, fol. 86v. dramatic hunting parties, opening up toward new adventures. They appreciated hunting metaphors of love and pursuit. An inquiry lirnited to French literature before 1350, for example, brought to light a corpus of about 1,030 quotations Gaston Phebus. (See Figure 2.4.) L'art de venerie by William Twiti has ev en or episodes related to hawking.45 Similar work has been carried out for hunting been translated several times in English. motifs in English and Germanie texts,46 whereas for ltalian and Spanish litera- As for hawking, the Booke of Hawkyng after Prince Edward combines sorne ture, this remains a desideratum: there are several articles about hunting motifs indications on the taming of hawks with a more developed therapeutic part, in various poems in Spanish (e.g., Poema de mio Cid, Cantigas de Santa Maria, which is based on different Latin sources, through their reworking by Albertus Conde Lucanor) and ltalian (e.g., Dante and Boccacio), but no thorough study Magnus. It is the most important source text for an anonymous Tractatus de has been devoted to this. 47 While speaking of the image of hunting in medieval hawkyng [sic], and also for the hawking part of the Boke of St. Albans (1486). literature, two different registers have to be distinguished. Either the motif is In these texts, the authors pay m<,>re attention to the goshawk than to the presented as a reality, as an element in the narrative, or it is developed as the falcon. This is also the case in the original texts of the fifteenth century: the image of something else, as a metaphor, a comparison, or a symbol. Percy Poem on Falconry and three anonymous, essentially therapeutic texts. As an element of reality, the presence of game, or the frequency of nesting falcons and hawks, enhance the quality of a resort. Mastering the hunting German Hunting Literature skills is part of the hero's education or is a quality of a protagonist, as is testi- While the first conserved German manuscripts go back to the fifteenth century, fied by the figure of Tristan in the stories of Beroul and Gotfried of Stasbourg. the redaction of certain works can be situated in the fourteenth century.42 This Exiled into the forest, Tristan has to hunt in order to survive with Yseut. He is probably the case for the text known as the Altere Deutsche Habichtslehre, invents the unerring bow, the arc qui ne faut, a sort of bow trap, and teaches dealing with the taming and the care of both the goshawk and the greyhound. his brachet to hunt silently. In his encounter with Cornish huntsmen depicted This treatise was reworked into a second version and even translated into by Gottfried, he is a master of game, teaching the incredulous onlookers how Latin. It is also one of the sources for the Beizbüchlein at the beginning of the to unmake the hart according to the elaborate courtly ritual. These romances fifteenth century, which was printed in 1480 at Augsburg and is thus the old- have installed Tristan as an archetypal hunter. 48 On a more general scale, by est printed hunting text. The translation of the hunting sections by Petrus de carrying a falcon on the hand, a knight or a lady is depicted most favorably, Crescentiis probably dates from the end of the fourteenth century and a more and in sorne contexts, the bird becomes an attribute of the lover. Carried by a recent translation of the same work, as weil as translations of the treatise by messenger, it is a sign of his peaceful intentions, because hawking was an activ- Albertus Magnus, were made in the fifteenth century in Heidelberg by Heinrich iry that implied no use of weapons. Hunting episodes are most frequent in epic 72 MEDIEVAL HUNTING HUNTING 73 and romance, and they often introduce new adventures.49 Going out to pursue the hart or the boar, men are confronted to the haphazards of the forest. The chasse du blanc cerf, the hunt of the white hart, in Chrétien de Troyes' Erec et Enide is a prelude to the fust adventure for Erec,so and hunting develops as a kind of leitmotif in this romance. Such is the case also in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, its hunting scenes being the most developed in Middle English literature. A. Rooney has shown how the three accurately depicted hunts (deer, boar, and fox) are crucial to the themes of love and death in the poem, operat- ing on severallevels: entertaining, aesthetic, and symbolic. S1 As valuable and beautiful gifts, sometimes as objects of contest, hounds and hawks also play an important role in the interaction between protagonists. Furthermore, they serve as prizes for tournaments or beauty contests, as in Chrétien's Erec et Enide, Renaut de Beaujeu's Le bel inconnu (The handsome stranger), and the anonymous Durmart le Gallois. Romances and other texts also depict different kinds of dogs. In Old French literature, for example, the greyhound is mentioned in the Roman de Thebes and Partonopeus de Blois, among other works; the running hounds appear in, FIGURE 2.5: Couple with a hawk. Anjou Bible (ca. 1340), Maurits Sabbe Library, Fac- among others, the Lais by Marie de France and the brachet in the romance ulty of Theology, K.U. Leuven, MS 1, fol. 278r. of Tristan by Béroul, the Roman de Rou by Wace, and the Lai de Guigemar by Marie de France.s2 The very deep affection toward a hound is splendidly allegory of the pursuit and the haphazards of love. 56 Old French debates about depicted in Beroul's Tristan: the hero has fled into the forest with Yseut, when the different kinds of love, such as the Jugement d'amours or the Fablel du Dieu he is rejoined by his brachet Husdent, who has followed his tracks. By baying, amours, make use of hawking and hunting images, and the long poem Dit de the dog betrays his master, so Tristan prepares to kill him, but Yse ut suggests l'Alerion by Guillaume de Machaut is a lengthy allegorical development about another way. Husdent will be taught to hunt silently, and thus the dog becomes the conquest and the training of hunting birds, related to a sort of art d'amour. an ally instead of a menace. 53 As for the hounds used in hunting, and for dogs in general, their status is As an image, hunting animais or game are most frequent and serve a vast more ambiguous in medieval literature. Latin bestiaries, for example, show a range of meanings. In English texts, "literary similes assume a society familiar neutral or slightly positive view, whereas the French bestiaries focus more on with all aspects of falconry," S4 and the same is true in Old French texts. Com- the vices of this animal. Encyclopedias show the same ambiguity: the ency- paring women's eyes to ,.those of a falcon is a commonplace in descriptions of clopedists of the thirteenth century are rather neutral, but the authors of the feminine beauty, and the Sarrasin ruler Balans, in the Chanson d'Aspremont, is moralized encyclopedias generally do not hide their antipathy, reserving more as elegant as a falcon who has just molted or renewed his plumage. A jousting space for the dog's vices, such as ferocity or greed, than for its virtues, for ex- warrior is readily compared to a falcon stooping at his quarry, his eagerness to ample, loyalty. These differences may be due to the sources the authors used, win is similar to that of the bird pursuing a heron (Enfances Ogier), his horse is as especially biblical images carried over to Christian texts charged dogs with as swift as a sparrow hawk (Chanson de Roland), and the defeated enemy is flee- mainly negative stereotypes. S7 ing as the lark before the hawk (Chanson d'Antioche). The most innovative and varied hawking images occur when depicting feelings or situations of love, which RELIGION is encouraged by a general symbolism linking love and birds. (See Figure 2.5.) A gifted poet such as Chrétien develops the feelings of Erec and Enide at their Dealing with medieval culture, one cannot escape wondering about the position first love night by the metaphor of the hart longing for the fountain, and of the of the Church toward hunting. The official attitude has always been very cri ti- sparrow hawk flying to the lure. As is shown in this case, images taken from the cal, especially toward the exercise of hunting by members of the clergy.s8 From hart hunt also occur. ss They even develop into special poems, such as the Jagd the early sixth century onward, councils have repeatedly legislated against it. (Hunt), by the Bavarian poet Hadamar von Laber, which is a complex hunting Flying hawks and wandering around with dogs was seen as worldly and vain.  74 MEDIEVAL HUNTING HUNTING 75 France and Spain, and Tryphon in eastern Europe. Saint's lives include hunting anecdotes, such as the appearance of a cruciferous stag to saint Eustace, a legend that was later transferred to Hubertus, patron saint of hunters whose cult was developed at Saint-Hubert in the Ardennes. In fact, the image of the stag has been pervaded with religious symbolism since early Christian times.62 A suggestive image is c~rtainly that of the resemblance between the ten anders and the Ten Commandments, as is illustrated in certain manuscripts of the Livres du roy Modus of Henri de Ferrières. More often, however, preaching manuals and moralliterature show nega- tive examples, the hunter being at times a symbol for the devil, as is the case in the Contes moralisés of the English Franciscan Nicole Bozon (ca. 1320).63 Hunting itself is sometimes se en as a batde of the devil forces against the souls of Christians, whereby the devil and his helpers use different kinds of traps, an idea that is weil developed in the allegoric passages of the Livres du roy Modus,64 but also in nontechnical texts, such as the Trinity College Homily or The Parson's Tale by ChaucerY IC ONOGRAPHY In ail periods, hunting has been a rich artistic theme, and the Middle Ages are no exception. 66 Miniatures in manuscripts are by far the richest source for our topic, and it is hardly possible to make comprehensive inquiries in this field. Both hawking and hunting with dogs provide endless series of representations, which are either purely decorative or charged with sorne meaning or symbolism. FIGURE 2.6: Wheel of the evil monastery with an abbot carrying a hawk. The most detailed images occur in the miniatures accompanying hunting Hugh of Fouilloy, De rota verae et falsae religionis (fourteenrh century), treatises in luxury manuscripts. The best-known Latin example is the Vatican Sriftsbibliorhek Melk, MS 737, fol. 100r. codex of Frederick II's De arte venandi cum avibus (Palatinus Latinus 1071, between 1250 and 1266).67 Every page of this magnificent copy is decorated Nevertheless, numerous records testify that the clergy, especially bishops, did with marginal illustrations of birds, objects, and falconers, which provide a indulge in hunting, even to the point that certain treatises on hunting were sort of parallel discourse to the text. 68 Among Latin hunting manuscripts this written by clerics, such as Albertus Magnus, Egidius de Aquino, or Gace de is exceptional as only few illuminated manuscripts have been transmitted.69 la Buigne. (See Figure 2.6.) Sorne authoritative writers have ridiculed hunting French treatises, on the other hand, have often been illustra te d, sorne of them in general: in his Polycraticus, John of Salisbury (1115-1180) has devoted an even being designed from the outset as illustrated texts. This is the case for the entire chapter to this topic, and his example was followed late by the human- Livres du Roy Modus of Henri de Ferrières and the Livre de chasse of Gaston ists Poggio Bracciolini (Facetiae), Sebastian Brant (Narrenschiff), and Erasmus Phebus;70 the most original features of these codices are the miniatures showing of Rotterdam (Encomion moriae). various trappings and nets, a subject barely treated by other texts. Among the Hawking has however been employed as a metaphor for the elevation of 179 surviving manuscripts of French hunting treatises, no less than sixty-two the souJ,59 such as in a poem by San Juan de la Cruz/o or even for the love are illustrated, whereas this is the case only for ten of the seventy known Latin of Christ: in a fifteenth-century poem Christ is sa id to win back sinners to manuscripts. In ail languages, the figures are eighty-three manuscripts with grace by showing them his wounds, as a falconer lures back his hawk by of- miniatures on a total of 454 listed copies. 71 fering it meat. 61 Several saints are depicted with a falcon on their hand, such Hunting images occur not only in treatises, they abound in ail types of as Bavo in Belgium, Gengoult and Thibaut in France, Julian the Hospitaler in manuscripts. As marginal decoration, the image of the stag pursued by dogs is 76 MEDIEVAL HUNTING HUNTING frequent on opening pages of psalters and bibles, where it might allude to the dangers of evil. Hounds and hawks also abound on opening pages of prestigious manuscripts, where a court is depicted during the act of presenting the codex to its committent. 72 One encounters hunting attributes in portraits of princes or noblemen, or even complete hunting scenes, as in the famous Codex Ma- nesse, where hunting is one of the most frequent themes. 73 Hunting episodes in romances, such as the hunt of the white hart in Erec et Enide of Chrétien de Troyes, gave welcome inspiration to artists. The motif escapes also from a text-bound relationship and pervades marginal decoration from the latter half of the thirteenth century onward. 74 There it is just part of the decorative reper- toire, without any necessary double meaning. Whole cycles are known, for ex- ample, in the Queen Mary Psalter (London, BL, MS Royal 2 B V II) and in the Taymouth Hours (London, BL, MS Yates Thompson, 13). The lower margins of the former are occupied by high-grade drawing, where no less than thirty- two hunting scenes are depicted, including sorne rare motifs, such as a fowler trapping partridges with a clap net (fol. 112), ladies hunting rab bits by intro- ducing a ferret into their holes (fol. 155) and by beating them with clubs (fol. 156), and two men digging out foxes (fol. 175). As Kurt Lindner has shown, the borders of Queen Mary's Psalter provide a faithful picture of English hunt- ing techniques around 1300. 75 One of the most frequent examples of hunting imagery occurs in illustrated calendars, usually for the month of May. (See Figure 2.7.) It is very often a falconer, either on foot or mounted, sometimes in the company of a woman, ri ding or sitting in a blooming landscape. But there are calendars where several months are devoted to hunting, depending probably on the preferences of the patron.76 Falconry is associated with youth FIGURE 2.7: Hawker. Month of May, ltalian Book of Hours (fifteenth century). in the cycles of the Ages of Man, and with love in a substantial number of il- Bibliothèque municipale d'Avignon, MS 111, fol. 6r. luminations.?7 Sorne personifications wear a falcon on the hand, such as, most predictably, Nobility, or, in a less obvious association, Soberness or Hope. 78 However, negative connotations occur as weil, where the falcon is se en as an to a king and queen in a place recalling the Brussels ducal palace of Coud en- incarnation of worldly vanity, superbia, envy, hatred, and luxuria. 79 berg. An inscription in Latin woven on the upper part shows that the rulers are Ali these motifs also appear in other artistic expressions, sometimes in King Modus and Queen Ratio: thus a Renaissance artist has paid a spectacular much more detail. Tapestries provide large-scale depictions of hunting, as for tribute to one of the best medieval hunting treatises, composed by Henri de example the famous Devonshire Hunting Tapestries (London, Victoria and Ferrières about 150 years earlier. 81 Hunting motifs had in fact become a genre Albert Museum) or the Chasses de Maximilien (Paris, Musée du Louvre). The in Flemish and French tapestry production during the fifteenth century, many Devonshire set, woven in Arras or Tournai circa 1425-1450, comprises four of them being mentioned in inventories and descriptions of treasuries. In this twenty-eight- to thirty-six-feet-wide hangings, depicting the full range of courtly context, one should also mention the famous late medieval unicorn tapestries hunting activities in Burgundian times: deer hunting, boar and bear hunting, that are now on show at The Cloisters Museum in New York, and their con- falconry, otter hunting, and swan catching. 80 (See Figure 2.8.) The second set, junction of real hunters and a fabulous animal. mistakenly connected with the emperor Maximilian 1(1459-1519) but woven A similar corpus can be assembled with wall paintings, where earlier ex- in Brussels between 1531 and 1533, is a complete calendar cycle of twelve amples have been preserved. Northern ltaly and Tyrol host a remarkably rich large tapestries, each month devoted to an aspect of hunting, mostly hart and cynegetic iconography in casties and churches, from the early stag hunt in boar. The la st scene-for February-shows the hunters paying a respectful visit Hocheppan (ca. 1210) to Churburg castle at the end of the fifteenth century.82  78 MEDIEVAL HUNTING HUNTING 79 FIGURE 2.9: Chamois and ibex hunting. Castel RoncololRunkelstein, ca. 1405-1410. © B. Van den Abeele. Esau as a hunter. Examples appear in monumental sculpture, either in wood (e.g., misericords, caskets) or in stone (e.g., the month of Mayas a falconer on Gothie doorways). On a smaller scale, courtly scenes on ivory objects (mirror coverings, boxes, knife handles, etc.) show dozens of hunting scenes or persons with falcons and hounds. Even purses and garments can be adorned with this FIGURE 2.8: Hawker. Devonshire Hunting Tapestries, Arras or Tournai (ca. 1425-1450), Victoria and Albert Museum, London. iconography, but their survival rate is much lower. In the same way as for literary images, one might distinguish between nar- rative and symbolic uses, but these categories are at times impeding, especially Among many instances, a very instructive cycle is located in Torre dell' Aquila given the lack of a textual basis. One has to beware of searching a priori for at the archbishop's palace in Trento, where the various months occupy high hidden meanings in cases where the scene is solely decorative. In general, the landscape paintings, with numerous hawking and hunting details (ca. 1400). two major symbolic meanings of hounds and hawks are high status and world- A few years later, Roncolo or Runkelstein castle, near Bolzano, was decorated liness. In ecclesiastical context, hunting is more often represented as a worldly with courtly scenes, among which a rare chamois hunt, the unmaking of the vanity, for example, in scenes depicting the encounter between the Three Liv- bear, hawkers, and even a fishing party. (See Figure 2.9.) One should also men- ing and the Three Dead, where corpses stand up to remind three princes of the tion the magnificent months of the Ferrara Palazzo di Schifanoia (ca. 1470), idleness of their present state. In secular art, on the other hand, hunting ico- where Duke Borso d'Este and his courtiers are repeatedly shown with a falcon nography has a more neutral status. Working for upper-class commissioners, on the glove; no less than thirty-three birds of prey are represented. The hunt artists often depicted hunting scenes as a natural element of courteous life. is a sort of continuous line in this complex cycle, as a metaphor for chivalric Throughout various cultural expressions, hunting shows as a major source virtues embodied by the duke. 83 of inspiration for poets and for artists during the high and late Middle Ages. Stained glass windows add further examples, mainly through hagiographi- . Authors, artists, and patrons shared a cornrnon experience of wildlife and pur- cal or biblical motifs, such as the Saint Eustace window at Chartres cathedral 1 suit, as weil as a familiarity with both the animal auxiliaries and those that were showing a par force hunt, the parable of the prodigal son at Bourges, where hunted. Hunting is therefore one of the most generously documented aspects of the son leaves his family boasting with a falcon on the hand, or scenes with the interrelationship between man and animal during the Middle Ages. 1  211 210 NOTES NOTES 86. T. O. Cockayne, Leechdoms, Wortcunning and Starcraft of Early England (Lon- 9. Cummins, The Hound, p. 49. don: Longman, 1864), vol. 1, pp. 386-389. The remedy for sick sheep in this 10. C. Gasser, "Attività venatoria e documentazione scritta nel Medioevo. L'esempio manuscript is simpler: just give them a bit of ale! dell'uccellagione," in Los libros de caza, ed. ]. M. Fradejas Rueda (Tordesillas, 87. Ibid., p. 384. Translation by Lea Olsan. Spain: Seminario de Filologia Medieval, 2005), pp. 69-82. 88. London, British Library, Add. MS 35,179, fo\. 87v. 11. For more information on bird catching, see Gasser, "Attività venatoria"; for 89. W. L. Braekman, ed., Studies on Alchemy, Diet, Medecine [sic] and Prognostica- the catching and exportation of falcons, see A.E.H. Swaen, De valkerij in de tion in Middle English (Brussels: Omirel, 1986), p. 130. Nederlanden (Zutphen: W. J. Thieme & Cie, 1936); and F. Morenzoni, "La 90. De legibus, chap. 27, in Opera, vol. 1, (Paris, 1674). capture et le commerce des faucons dans les Alpes occidentales au XIVe siè- 91. N. Weill-Parot, Les "images astrologiques" au Moyen Âge et à la Renaissance, cie," in Milieux naturels, espaces sociaux. Etudes offertes à Robert Delort, (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2002), chap. 9. ed. E. Mornet and F. Morenzoni (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1997), 92. Liber lune, Oxford Corpus Christi 125, 61-67, at fol. 66v. pp. 287-298. 93. Liber lune, Oxford Corpus Christi 125, 66-67. 12. See H. H. Müller, "Falconry in Central Europe in the Middle Ages," in Exploi- 94. Cohen," Animais in Mediaeval Perceptions," pp. 65-71. tation des animaux sauvages à travers le temps (Juan-les-Pins, France: Editions 95. Picatrix Latinus, bk. III, chap. vii, 31, 33, 38, ed. D. Pingree (London: The War- APDCA, 1993), pp. 431-437. burg Institute, 1986), pp. 132, 135, 136. 13. Epstein, "The Origin." 96. AI-kindi, De radiis, ch. 9, ed. M.-T. d'Alverny and F. Hudry, Archives d'histoire 14. D. ]enkins, "Hawk and Hound: Hunting in the Laws of Court," in The Welsh King doctrinale et litteraire du moyen age, 41 (1974): 139-260, at pp. 254-257. and His Court, ed. T. C. Edwards and others (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 97. See, for example, R. Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer's Manual of the 2000), pp. 255-280. Fifteenth Century (Pennsylvania: Penn State University Press, 1997). 15. W. Linnard, "The Nine Huntings: A Re-examination of Y Naw Helwriaeth," The 98. Les Grandes Chroniques de France (Paris: Librairie ancienne Honoré Champion Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 31 (1984): 119-132. 1937), vol. 5, p. 269. 16. Reproduction of the Brussels MS BR 9169, with transcription and commentary by 99. Gervase of Tilbury, Otia Imperialia, pt. III, chap. 92, pp. 738-743. L. Pérez Martinez and others, Jaime III Rey de Mallorca. Leyes Palatinas (Palma 100. M.-D. Chenu, Nature, Man and Society in the Twelfth Century (Chicago: Univer- de Mallorca, Spain: Olaiieta, 1991). sity of Chicago Press, 1968), pp. 1-48. 17. R. S. Oggins, The Kings and the Hawks. Falconry in Medieval England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004). 18. C. Niedermann, Das Jagdwesen am Hofe Herzog Phillipps des Guten von Burgund Chapter 2 (Brussels: Archives et Bibliothèques de Belgique, 1995). 1. See H.]. Epstein, "The Origin and the Earliest History of Falconry," Isis 34 (1942- 19. J. Bover, "La cetreria en las Islas Baleares: siglos XIII-XIV," in Los libros de caza, 1943): 497-509, and C. Dobiat, "Zur Herkunft der Falknerei aus archiiologisch- ed. Fradejas Rueda, pp. 9-20. historischer Sicht," Alma Mater Philippina (WS1995-1996): 10-14. 20. D. Dalby, Lexicon of the Mediaeval German Hunt (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1965). 2. For details on birds and techniques, cf. B. Van den Abeele, La fauconnerie au 21. G. Malacarne, Le cacce dei principe. L'ars venandi nella terra dei Gonzaga Moyen Âge. Connaissance, affaitage et médecine des oiseaux de chasse d'après les (Modena: Il Bullino, 1998); G. Malacarne, l Signori dei cielo. La falconeria a Man- traités latins (Paris: Klincksieck, 1994). tova al tempo dei Gonzaga, (Mantova, Italy: Artiglio Editore, 2003). 3. On the different kinds of dogs, see J. Bugnion, Les chasses médiévales. Le brachet, 22. G. Hoffmann, "Falkenjagd und Falkenhandel in den nordischen Liindern wiihrend le lévrier, l'épagneul, leur nomenclature, leur métier, leur typologie (Paris: Edition des Mittelalters," Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum 88 (1957): 115-149. Folio, 2005). 23. Oggins, Kings, pp. 82-108. 4. J. Cummins, The Hound and the Hawk. The Art of Medieval Hunting (London: 24. Cf. the biography by W. Stürner, Friedrich II, Teil 2. Der Kaiser, 1220-1250 Phoenix Press, 2001), pp. 32-46. (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2000), p. 574. 5. For the cultural image of boar hunting, see M. Pastoureau, "La chasse au san- 25. See B. Van den Abeele, La littérature cynégétique (Turnhout: Brepols, 1996), glier: histoire d'une dévalorisation (IVe-XNe siècle)," in La chasse au Moyen and for the Latin texts see also Van den Abeele (La fauconnerie); for the French Age. Société, traités, symboles, ed. A. Paravicini Bagliani and B. Van den Abeele treatises see A. Smets and B. Van den Abeele, "Manuscrits et traités de chasse (Firenze: Sismel, 2000), pp. 7-24. français du Moyen Âge. Recensement et perspectives de recherche," Romania 6. Cummins, The Hound, p. 58. For French examples, see F. Duceppe-Lamarre, "Les 116 (1998): 316-367; and for the Spanish tradition, see J. M. Fradejas Rueda, réserves cynégétiques en France septentrionale, seconde moitié du XIIe siècle-fin Bibliotheca cinegetica hispanica: bibliografia critica de los libros de cetreria XVe siècle," in Forêt et chasse, Xe-XXe siècle, ed. A. Orvol (Paris: L'Harmattan, y monteria hispano-portugueses anteriores a 1799 (London: Grant & Cutler, 2006), pp. 29-42. 1991); and J. M. Fradejas Rueda, Suplemento 1 (London: Tamesis, 2003), as weil 7. Bugnion, Les chasses, pp. 27-49, 51. as J. M. Fradejas Rueda, Literatura cetrera de la Edad media y el Renacimiento 8. See C. Gaier, "Quand l'arbalète était une nouveauté. Réflexions sur son rôle mili- espafiol (London: Department of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary and Westfield taire du X, au XIII' siècle," Le Moyen Age 101 (1995): 137-144. College, 1998). 212 NOTES NOTES 213 26. Cf. Van den Abeele, La fauconnerie, pp. 17-37, for a presentation of twenty-eight 42. K. Lindner, "Die Anfange der deutschen Jagdliteratur. Ihre Entwicklung vom 14. texts preserved in sixty-five manuscripts, with references of existing editions. Only Jahrhundert bis zur Zeit der Reformation," Zeitschrift für jagdwissenschaft X more recent references are indicated in the present text. (1964): 41-51. See Van den Abeele, La littérature cynégétique, pp. 52-53, for ref- 27. A. Smets, ed., Le "Liber accipitrum" de Grimaldus: un traité d'autourserie du haut erences of the texts cited here. Moyen Âge (Nogent-le-Roi, France: J. Laget - LAME, 1999). 43. For references of the Dutch texts, see Van den Abeele, La littérature cynégétique, 28. See C. Burnett and others, eds., Adelard of Bath, Conversations with his Nephew: p.54. On the Same and the Different, Questions on Natural Science, and on Birds (Cam- 44. For the courtly aspects of hunting, see W. Rôsener, ed., jagd und hofische Kultur bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). im Mittelalter (Gôttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1997). 29. A. L. Trombetti Budriesi, Federico II di Svevia, De arte venandi cum avibus (Rome: 45. For the Old French examples quoted below, see B. Van den Abeele, La fauconnerie Editori Laterza, 2000); C. A. Wood and F. M. Fyfe, trans., The Art of Falconry, dans les lettres françaises du XIIe au XIVe siècle (Leuven, Belgium: Leuven Univer- Being the "De arte venandi cum avibus" of Frederick II of Hohenstaufen (Stan- sity Press, 1990). ford, CA: University Press, 1943). 46. A. Rooney, Hunting in Middle English Literature (Rochester: Boydell Press, 1993), 30. See B. Van den Abeele and J. Loncke, "Les traités médiévaux sur le soin des and R. Weick, Der Habicht in der deutschen Dichtung des 12. bis 16. jahrhunderts chiens: une littérature technique méconnue," in Inquirens subtilia diversa. Dietrich (Gôppingen: Kümmerle Verlag, 1993). For Spanish literature, cf. the bibliography Lohrmann zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. H. Kranz and L. Falkenstein (Aachen, Ger- of Fradejas Rueda, Bibliotheca cinegetica hispanica. many: Shaker, 2002), pp. 281-296, at pp. 286-293. 47. See Fradejas Rueda, Bibliotheca cinegetica hispanica, for references. 31. An edition of these two texts by J. Loncke will appear shortly in the series Biblio- 48. T. Saly, "Tristan chasseur," in La Chasse au Moyen Age, pp. 436-441. theca cynegetica (Editions J. Laget). 49. E. Williams, "Hunting the Deer: Sorne Uses of a Motif-Complex in Middle English 32. W. Richter and R. Richter-Bergmeier, eds., Petrus de Crescentiis, Ruralia com- Romance and Saint's Life," in Romance in Medieval England, ed. M. Mills and moda. Das Wissen des vollkommenen Landwirts um 1300 (Heidelberg: C. Winter, others (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1991), pp. 187-206. 1995-1998), vol. III, pp. 169-210. 50. R. Harris, "The White Stag in Chrétien's Erec et Enide," French Studies 10 (1956): 33. Van den Abeele, La littérature cynégétique, pp. 40-41. 55-61. 34. Smets and Van den Abeele, "Manuscrits et traités." A complement to this article 51. Rooney, Hunting, pp. 159-193. will appear in the near future. Unless otherwise indicated, we refer to this article 52. Bugnion, Les chasses médiévales, pp. 29-30, 44-45, 82-83, and 110. For other for the edition(s) of the texts mentioned in the present contribution. examples, see Bugnion, pp. 30, 32,45-48,54,127-129. 35. For a presentation of these translations, see A. Smets, "Les traductions françaises 53. Saly, "Tristan chasseur." médiévales des traités de fauconnerie latins: vue d'ensemble," in Le bestiaire, le lapi- 54. Oggins, Kings, p. 109. daire, la flore, ed. G. Di Stefano and R. M. Bidler (Montréal: CERES, 2004-2005), 55. M. Thiebaux, The Stag of Love: The Chase in Medieval Literature (Ithaca, NY: pp. 299-318. Cornell University Press, 1974). 36. Four different Middle French translations of the De falconibus are known (cf. 56. See U. Steckelberg, Hadamar von Laber 1agd'. Überlieferung, Textstrukturen und A. Smets, "Des faucons: les quatre traductions en moyen français du De falconibus allegorische Sinnbindungsverfahren (Tübingen, Germany: Niemeyer, 1998). d'Albert le Grand. Analyse lexicale d'un dossier inédit," (PhD diss., Leuven, Bel- 57. See A. Smets, "Vimage ambiguë du chien à travers la littérature didactique latine et gium, K.U. Leuven, 2003); the editions will be published in the series Bibliotheca française (XIIe-XIVe siècles)," Reinardus 14 (2001): 243-253. cynegetica. 58. Oggins, The Kings, pp. 120-126; T. Szabo, "Die Kritik der Jagd. Von der Antike 37. Partial printed version: Vart d'archerie. Sur les traces du premier livre d'archerie, zum Mittelalter," injagd, ed. W. Rôsener, pp. 167-230. 2nd ed. (St-Egrève, France: Emotion Primitive, 2002). 59. D. Boccassini, Il volo della menta. Falconeria e Sofia nel mondo mediterraneo. 38. On this topic, see A. Strubel, "Le débat entre fauconniers et veneurs: un témoignage Islam, Federico II, Dante (Ravenna, Italy: Longo Editore, 2003). sur l'imaginaire de la chasse à la fin du moyen âge," Travaux de littérature 10 60. See J. Cummins, "Aqueste lance divino: San Juan's Falconry Images," in What's Past (1997): 49-64. Is Prologue: A Collection of Essays in Honour of L.f. Woodward, ed. S. Bacarisse 39. See Fradejas Rueda, Literatura cetrera and Bibliotheca cinegetica hispanica; and others (Edinburgh: Scottish Academy Press, 1984), pp. 28-32 and 155-156. J. M. Abalo Buceta, "Literatura cinegética peninsular. La monterfa: contrastes y 61. Oggins, Kings, p. 134. peculiaridades frente a otras tradiciones literarias europeas," in Los libros de caza, 62. See M. Bath, The Image of the Stag. Iconographic Themes in Western Art (Baden- ed. Fradejas Rueda, pp. 9-28, and other articles in this volume. Baden: V. Koerner, 1992); Cummins, Hound, pp. 68-83, chap. "The Symbolism of 40. Van den Abeele, La littérature cynégétique, p. 50. Ibid., pp. 51-52, contains refer- the Deer." ences to the editions of the Italian texts mentioned here. 63. See L. Thorpe, "Tristewell et les autres chiens de l'enfer," in f. Misrahi Memo- 41. D. Scott-MacNab, A Sporting Lexicon of the Fifteenth Century (The J. B. Treatise, rial Volume: Studies in Medieval Literature, ed. H. R. Hunte, H. Niedzielski, and Oxford: The Society for the Study of Medieval Languages and Literature, 2003). W. L. Hendrickson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), pp. 115-135. See also Van den Abeele, La littérature cynégétique, pp. 54-56, for the editions of 64. G. Tilander, Les Livres du Roy Modus et de la Royne Ratio (Paris: SATF, 1932), the English texts. vol. l, pp. 307-309.  NOTES 215 214 NOTES 65. Cf. Rooney, Hunting, pp. 24-34. 82. A beautifully illustrated book has been published on this corpus by C. Gasser and 66. There is no general study of the iconography of hunting in the Middle Ages, H. Stampfer, La caccia nell'arte dei Tirolo (Bolzano, Italy: Athesia, 1995). but several inquiries limited to themes or regions have been published, see, for 83. For Roncolo, see C. Gasser, "Imago venationis. Jagd und Fischerei im Spatmittel- example, H. Peters, "Falke, Falkenjagd, Falkner und Falkenbuch," in Reallexikon alter zwischen Anspruch und Wirklichkeit," in Schloss Runkelstein. Die Bilder- zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte, VI (Munich: A. Druckenmüller, 1971), col. burg, BozenIBolzano: Athesia, 2000, pp. 411-430. For Schifanoia, complete repro- 1261-1366. ductions Atlante di Schifanoia, ed. R. Varese (Modena, Italy: Francesco Cosimo 67. Several reproductions of this manuscript exist, by ADEVA (Graz, 1969 and 2000) Panini, 1989). and in pocket by Harenberg (Dortmund, Germany, 1980). Ultimately, with Span- ish translation and commentary by J. M. Fradejas Rueda, El arte de Cetreria de Federico II (Vaticano-Madrid: Testimonio, 2004). Chapter 3 68. Cf. B. Yapp, "The Illustrations of Birds in the Vatican Manuscript of 'De arte ve- nandi cum avibus' of Frederick II," Annals of Science 40 (1983): 597-534. 1. J. Voisenet, "l.?espace domestique chez les auteurs du Moyen Ages, d'Isidore de Séville 69. See B. Van den Abeele, "Falken auf Goldgrund. Illuminierte Handschriften latei- a Brunetto Latini," in r:homme, l'animal domestique et l'environnement du Moyen nischer Jagdtraktate des Mittelalters," Librarium 47 (2004): 2-19. Age au XVIIIe siècle, ed. R. Durand (Nantes, France: Ouest Éditions, 1993), p. 42. 70. Sorne codices of these texts exist in facsimilé: the Gaston Phebus of Paris BnF MS 2. R. Bartlett, England under the Norman and Angevin Kings 1075-1225 (Oxford: fr. 616, and of New York, PML, M 1044; the Livres du Roy Modus oi Bru~sels, Clarendon Press, 2000), p. 667; J.-P. Digard, "Perspectives anthropologiques sur BR, 10218-19. la relation homme-animal domestique et sur son évolution," in r:homme, l'animal 71. Figures prepared by B. Van den Abeele for the Léopold Delisle conferences at the domestique et l'environnement du Moyen Age au XVIIIe siècle, ed. R. Durand Paris BNF in December 2005 (publication foreseen). (Nantes, France: Ouest Éditions, 1993), pp. 22-23. 72. Many examples in Burgundian manuscripts. 3. B. Jennings, Yorkshire Monasteries: Cloister, Land and People (Odey, UK: Smith 73. See G. Siebert, "Falkner und Beizjagd in den Miniaturen der Grossen Heidelberger Settle, 1999), p. 158. Liederhandschrift," Deutscher Falkenorden Jahrbuch (1968): 89-95, and D. Walz, 4. J. Thrupp, "On the Domestication of Certain Animais in England berween 7th "Falkenjagd - Falkensymbolik," in Codex Manesse, Katalog zur Ausstellung, ed. and the 11th Centuries," Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London 4 E. Mittler and W. Werner (Heidelberg: Braus, 1988), pp. 350-371. (1866): 164-172; V. Fumagalli, "Gli Animali e l.?Agricoltura," in L'uomo di fronte 74. See the corpus reproduced by L. Randall, Images in the Margins of Gothic Manu- al mondo animale nell'Alto Medioevo, Settimane di Studio dei Centro Italiano di scripts (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966). studi sull'Alto Medioevo XXXI (1985), vol. l, pp. 579-609, at p. 584. 75. This hunting cycle is reproduced and commented on by K. Lindner, Queen Mary's 5. M. L. Ryder, "The History of Sheep Breeds in Britain," Agricultural History Re- Psalter (Berlin: Paul Parey, 1966). view XII (1964): 1-12, 65-82, at 6; T. H. Lloyd, "Husbandry Practices and Dis- 76. One very interesting case is the late fifteenth-century Bavarian book of hours pre- ease in Medieval Sheep Flocks," Veterinary History 10 (1977-1978): 3-14, at 3. served in London, BL, Egetton 1146; most of the calendar pages are reproduced in 6. S.J.M. Davis, The Archaeology of Animais (New Haven: Batsford, 1987), p. 19. R. Almond, Medieval Hunting (Stroud, UK: Sutton Publishing, 2003). 7. F. E. Zeuner, A History of Domesticated Animais (London: Hutchinson, 1963), 77. See M. Friedman, "The Falcon and the Hunt: Symbolic Love Imagery in Medieval p. 214; S. Bokonyi, "The Development and History of Domestic Animais in Hun- and Renaissance Art," in Poetics of Love in the Middle Ages. Texts and Context, gary: The Neolithic through the Middle Ages," American Anthropologist 73 (1971): ed. M. Lazar and N. Lacy (Fairfax, VA: George Mason University Press, 1989), 640-674, at 652-660, 669; F. Audoin-Rouzeau, "Les modifications du bétail et de pp. 157-175. sa consommation en Europe médiévale et moderne: le témoignage des ossements 78. For the various meanings of this motif, see B. Van den Abeele, "Le faucon sur la main. animaux archéologiques," in L'homme, l'animal domestique et l'environnement Un parcours iconographique médiéval," in La chasse au Moyen Age, pp. 87-109 and du Moyen Age au XVIIIe siècle, ed. R. Durand (Nantes, France: Ouest Éditions, pis. 1-12. 1993), pp. 109-126, at pp. 111-113. 79. See F. Garnier, "Les significations symboliques du faucon dans l'illustration des 8. M. Montanari, "Gli animali e l'Aiimentazione umana," in L'uomo di fronte al Bibles moralisées de la première moitié du 13e siècle," in La chasse au vol au fil mondo animale nell'Alto Medioevo, Settimane di Studio dei Centro Italiano di des temps (Gien, France: Editions du Musée International de la Chasse 1994) studi sull'Alto Medioevo XXXI (Spoleto, Italy: La Sede del Centro, 1985), vol. J, pp. 135-142; H. Wolter-von dem Knesebeck, "Aspekte der hofischen J~gd und pp. 619-663,atpp.635-636. ihrer Kritik in Bildzeugnissen des Hochmittelalters," in Jagd und hofische Kultur, 9. Davis, Archaeology, p. 189. ed. W. Rosener, pp. 493-572. 10. Zeuner, History, p. 267. 80. See G. W. Digby, The Devonshire Hunting Tapestries (London: Victoria and Albert 11. Montanari, "Gli animali," p. 623. Museum, 1971); A. Claxton, "The Sign of the Dog: An Examination of the Dev- 12. J. Wiseman, The Pig. A British History (London: Duckworth, 2000), p. 3. onshire Hunting Tapestries," Journal of Medieval History 14 (1988): 127-179. 13. J. Clutton-Brock, Domesticated Animais from Early Times (London: Heinemann, 81. Complete reproduction and study in A. Balis, K. De Jonge, G. Delmarcel, and 1981); Davis, The Archaeology, p. 187. A. Lefébure, Les chasses de Maximilien (Paris: Musée du Louvre, 1993). 14. Wiseman, The Pig, p. 8.