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Chapter 4 Messages from the Otherworld – The Roles of the Dead in Medieval Iceland Kirsi Kanerva After a little while people became aware that Glámr did not lay quiet. This caused the folk great trouble so that many lost consciousness when seeing him, and some lost their wits. Right after Christmas men thought they saw him there at the farm. People became incredibly frightened; many then ran away. Next Glámr started to ride on the roofs of houses at night so that they nearly caved in; he then walked almost night and day. People hardly dared to go up into the dale though they had many errands. People in the district thought this caused them great harm.1 Litlu síðar urðu menn varir við þat, at Glámr lá eigi kyrr. Varð mönnum at því mikit mein, svá at margir fellu í óvit, ef sá hann, en sumir heldu eigi vi- tinu. Þegar eftir jólin þóttusk menn sjá hann heima þar á bænum. Urðu menn ákafliga hræddir; stukku þá margir menn í brott. Því næst tók Glámr at ríða húsum á nætr, svá at lá við brotum; gekk hann þá náliga nætr ok daga. Varla þorðu menn at fara upp í dalinn, þó at ætti nóg ørendi. Þótti mönnum þar í heraðinu mikit mein at þessu (Grettis saga:113). Introduction The above mentioned excerpt is from a fourteenth-century Icelandic saga, Gret- tis saga Ásmundarsonar (later: Grettis saga), and describes a so-called living dead corpse that becomes restless after death. The ghosts in sagas are no phantoms or incorporeal spirits, but appear to the living in their physical and tangible bodies at a dark time of the day or year (on medieval Icelandic ghosts, see Dubois 1999:69-91; Ellis 1977; Ellis Davidson 1981; Glauser 1993; Lindow 1986; Tulini- us 1999; Vésteinn Ólason 2003).2 The dead look the same as they used to when they lived, and are thus easily recognized by the living. Some of the few changes 111 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 111 16/05/13 12.31 Part I: Changing Cultural, Social and Professional Contexts of Death and Dying noticed when corpses of the malevolent dead are dug out of their graves are, for instance, that they have turned ‘black as Hel’ and ‘big as an ox’ (compare Eyrbyg- gja saga:169-170). Unlike the zombies made infamous by the American film in- dustry the living dead in Icelandic sagas usually become restless of their own free will.3 This will of theirs is often a malicious one, though non-harmful dead sometimes appear to the living as well. Their presence is usually not persistent, whereas the malicious dead often continually harass the living, causing fear, madness, illness and death unless they are conquered and banished. The most common procedure for doing this in sagas is to behead the corpse and burn the body. Banishment of the malevolent ghost is always a difficult task and brings much honour and fame to the hero who accomplishes it. In sagas those who become restless after their deaths have certain things in common. As might be expected, unsolved issues and conflicts in life, such as disrespect towards the wishes of the dying person, or lack of proper compensa- tion and settlement after killing, often result in restlessness after death. In some cases it seems as if the dead person becomes possessed by an evil power. Quite often it is – in modern terms – the personality of the still living person that raises thoughts about the possibility of him or her becoming restless after death. These people are usually hard to get along with while living and turning even more difficult when dead (compare Vésteinn Ólason 2003; Schmitt 1998:12).In this chapter, however, I will examine the role of the restless dead in sagas by fo- cusing on the individuals who are responsible for banishing the malevolent ghosts, or encounter the benevolent or non-harmful living dead. What kind of people are they, and do they perhaps have something in common? How do they interact with the dead and what do they accomplish through this? I will use as my source the Íslendingasögur, which were written in Iceland during the thir- teenth and fourteenth centuries. Information on each individual saga discussed here will be presented as they are taken up, but at this point some general aspects are stated. The Íslendingasögur describe the era from the settlement of Iceland, which started in the ninth century, to the time after the Conversion of the Ice- landers in the year 1000. They were thus written about 200-300 years after the actual events, by Christian clerics and laymen and to some extent by the descen- dants of the characters appearing in them, although only a few of the medieval saga writers are known by name today. For them the stories offered a chance to reinforce and justify their own power, recite tales with moral and didactic pur- poses, and write the history of the Icelanders (Axel Kristinsson 2003; Clover 1985; Gísli Sigurðsson 2004). I will study these sagas as sources of the time and culture in which they were produced, that is, thirteenth- to fourteenth-century Iceland. Four texts dating before 1270, and four after that, mainly from the four- teenth century, are taken up to analyse the possible change and continuity in the roles of the dead during this time. 112 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 112 16/05/13 12.31 Chapter 4: Messages from the Otherworld Encountering the Malevolent Dead Heroes with Indeterminate Social Status I will begin by focusing on the role of the malevolent dead, and discuss the ghost- defeating heroes Kjartan in Eyrbyggja saga and Óláfr pá in Laxdæla saga, both sagas dating back to the thirteenth century. Eyrbyggja saga recites stories of four most important families in Snæfellsnes in western Iceland: the people of Eyr, Alptfirðings, Þórsnesings and Kjalleklings. The saga nevertheless focuses on Kjartan’s maternal uncle, a chieftain called Snorri goði, the ancestor of the powerful thirteenth-century Sturlung family. Snorri goði inhabits a farm called Helgafell and the events described here take place not far from this. The saga has survived in three different versions, in four fragmentary vellum manuscripts and several paper manuscripts. The so-called Vatnshyrna manuscript, written around 1400 by Jón Hákonarson, was lost in the Copenhagen fire in 1728, but paper copies of the text have survived (e.g. AM 448, 4to; am 442, 4to). Part of another version has survived in a fourteenth-century manuscript in the Wolfenbüttel library in Germany (Wolfenbüttel, Cod. Guelf. 9.10. 4to), and fragments of a related thirteenth-century manuscript AM 162 E fol survive, containing part of Kjartan’s ghost-banishing episode. In addition to this, there are fragments of a third version, the earliest of these in a fifteenth- century manuscript Melabók (AM 445 b, 4to), compiled in western Iceland by Snorri Markússon (died 1313) or his son Þorsteinn böllóttr (died 1353), who was the abbot of the Augustinian monastery established in Helgafell in 1184. The text used in this connection is mainly based on the Vatnshyrna version, but the saga dates back before the year 1262, when the Icelanders came under the rule of the Norwegian king, and is thus regarded here as an early thirteenth-century source (Simek & Hermann Pálsson 2007:85, 173-174, 268, 365-366, 412-413; Matthías Þórðarson 1935:lvii-lxii; McCreesh 1993; Scott 2003:1-27).In Eyrbyggja saga a group of restless dead, which ultimately includes 18 members, continually ha- rasses those living on a farm called Fróðá. Their restlessness seems to be con- nected to a certain woman from the Hebrides called Þórgunna, who dies of dis- ease and whose precious bedclothes are not burned, although this was her last wish. Soon other people fall ill and die of the same illness, 12 in all, and they too become restless after their deaths. Another six men, including Þóroddr, the mas- ter of the house, drown while getting dried fish, and they too start visiting the house every night. The ghosts are banished by the son of the house, the young Kjartan. Together with the help of his maternal uncle Snorri goði, Kjartan finds a solution for the problem: the bedclothes of Þórgunna are burned and the priest the uncle sends to help Kjartan holds masses, receives confessions and purifies the place with Holy Water. In addition to this, Kjartan, together with his uncle›s son, summons the restless dead to a ‘door-court’, and sentences them to leave the 113 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 113 16/05/13 12.31 Part I: Changing Cultural, Social and Professional Contexts of Death and Dying farm. This achieves its aim, and according to the saga, Kjartan lives for the rest of his life on his home-farm and is the bravest of men (Eyrbyggja saga:137-152). When focusing on the person banishing the ghosts, Kjartan, some details about his origins become interesting. According to Eyrbyggja saga, the father of Kjartan is not the man who has raised him up (Þóroddr, the master of the house). Instead, Kjartan has been born out of a relationship that is not accepted by the maternal relatives. A man called Björn Ásbrandsson from Kambr, called Breiðvík- ingakappi, has visited the sister of Snorri goði, Kjartan’s mother, and Kjartan is the fruit of this forbidden love, although it is no secret, as Björn’s paternity seems to be known to others as well (Eyrbyggja saga:33-40, 55). In other people’s words Kjartan is, “the son of both Þóroddr and all the others” (son þeira Þórodds allra saman, Eyrbyggja saga:108), and he is once called a “Breiðvíkingr”, referring to the nickname of his real father (Eyrbyggja saga:155). Björn himself, however, later forced by Snorri goði to leave Iceland, never acknowledges his fatherhood in public, but only in his poetry (Eyrbyggja saga:76-81, 107-109). Therefore, Kjartan, who banishes the ghosts on his home-farm, originates from a socially unapproved relationship, and, at the moment of the hauntings, lacks acknowledgement by his real father. In Kjartan’s case this acknowledge- ment takes place symbolically several years after the wonders of Fróðá, when he receives a sword from his father as a gift (Eyrbyggja saga:176-180). In fact, his origins not only affect him and his status, but also the equilibrium of the society around him. He is not the natural son of his ‘father’, the master of the house who raises him, and this information seems to be common knowledge. His origins have, without doubt, caused some social conflicts: he is the fruit of a forbidden sexual relationship that the relatives of the women have not accepted, and thus to a certain extent a young man of indeterminate status. As the restless dead appear and start affecting the living folk on the farm where Kjartan lives together with his mother, he nevertheless turns to his maternal relatives for help. It is through them that he receives the means to banish the rest- less dead. Unlike many other ghost-vanquishers, Kjartan does not behead the restless dead, nor does he burn their corpses, but banishes them with the help of kinsmen, Christian rituals and law, all means provided by his uncle. Through the restlessness of the dead Kjartan obtains the complete approval of his maternal kinsmen, who now support him. By defeating the dead and also banishing the former master of the house with law at the door-court he achieves the status of new master of the house at the Fróðá farm. Moreover, with the help of Christian- ity he manages to get the place purified of contamination by the ghosts. Through the interaction with the dead he thus receives the status of a respectable man and farmer, even though his origins may have raised questions about his rights to it. To elaborate further the roles of the dead in thirteenth-century sagas, I will next turn to another ghost-defeater, Óláfr pá, of Laxdæla saga, compiled around 114 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 114 16/05/13 12.31 Chapter 4: Messages from the Otherworld the year 1250. It focuses on eight generations of a family descending from a Nor- wegian, Ketill flatnefr, and survives in six vellum manuscripts, and in paper cop- ies of the Vatnshyrna manuscript mentioned above. A longer Y-version of the saga that is followed here is found in the Vatnshyrna copy (IB 225, 4to), and in the fourteenth-century Möðruvallabók (AM 132, fol). Other incomplete texts and paper copies of a shorter version (Z) survive as well as excerpts in other manuscripts (e.g. Flateyjarbók, see Simek & Hermann Pálsson 2007:244-245; Einar Ól. Sveinsson 1934:lxxvi-lxxx). In Laxdæla saga Óláfr settles on a farm he has received from his father Höskul- dr. The earlier owner of the place, called Hrappr, has been walking restlessly on the farm after his death, and when Óláfr moves there with his household, Hrap- pr starts walking again, causing great fear among the living. One of Óláfr’s farm- workers asks to be given other tasks since he has been harassed severely by Hrap- pr, and Óláfr goes one evening with him to see what the thing is all about. As they are driving in the cows the dead Hrappr suddenly appears standing in the door- way. Óláfr strikes the ghost with a spear, and it grasps the weapon so that the shaft is broken. Óláfr tries to attack the ghost, but it sinks down to the ground, taking with it the spear-end. Next morning Óláfr has the place where Hrappr sank down dug up, and they find the body of Hrappr with the spearhead in it. Óláfr burns the body, and it never again afterwards causes any trouble to people. Óláfr’s farm flourishes and he becomes a remarkable man with outstanding de- scendants (Laxdæla saga:68-69). An examination of the origins of Óláfr reveals certain similarities with Kjar- tan. Like Kjartan, Óláfr is born out of an unapproved sexual relationship, in this case as son of a concubine. His father, the Icelandic aristocrat Höskuldr Dala- Kollsson, buys his mother Melkorka from a slave-trader in Norway. As they re- turn to Iceland, Melkorka gives birth to a son, but Jórunn, the wife of Höskuldr, accepts neither her nor the child, and Melkorka later has to move to another farm with her son (Laxdæla saga:23-28). Óláfr thus has the status of a concubine›s son, which was considered a degrading position in medieval Iceland. Bastard sons like him were usually deprived of inheritance rights (compare Laxdæla saga:47, 50, 72-73, footnotes 2-3; Tulinius 2002:98-102). Yet Óláfr’s mother Mel- korka is actually the daughter of an Irish king, and as an adult Óláfr goes to visit his grandfather in order to rediscover his roots. Óláfr meets the ghost Hrappr after this trip (Laxdæla saga:50-51, 56-59, 66-69). At this time, though aware of his royal origins, he is still a man of indeterminate status with no rights to in- herit from his father. The story of Ólafr in Laxdæla saga thus also supports the idea that the restless dead in sagas point to questions of individual’s origin and the norms of the so- ciety related to it. In both examples unapproved sexuality has produced illegiti- mate offspring – that is, children of indeterminate status. Both Óláfr and Kjartan 115 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 115 16/05/13 12.31 Part I: Changing Cultural, Social and Professional Contexts of Death and Dying are born out of relationships that have not been approved by society, or by rela- tives in particular, and have thus caused social conflicts. Óláfr is a concubine’s son, and though his worth is acknowledged through his mother’s royal origins, his status in medieval Iceland is considered that of a bastard son: a man without the right to inherit from his father. Likewise Kjartan is the fruit of his mother’s forbidden love, raised up by a man who is not his real father. This man’s prop- erty Kjartan also inherits. Both Óláfr and Kjartan do receive from their (real and step)fathers support and approval, but both young men are situated in some sort of liminal space, the space of ‘fatherlessness’ – actual or symbolical – created by socially unapproved sexuality that causes social conflicts, both emotional and legal in nature. Moreover, neither Kjartan nor Óláfr have brought this state of affairs on themselves, but are victims of the deeds of others. The role of the dead thus seems to point to conflicts that have significance on both an individual and a collective level. In the light of the consequences – both men become respect- able farmers afterwards – the restless dead seem to offer both Kjartan and Óláfr a possibility to renegotiate their social status. Thus they can step out of the lim- inal space of ‘fatherlessness’, and take their place in society after obtaining a posi- tion as a rather heroic, well thought-of man and farmer. The Heroes in Conflict with their Fathers Pointing to symbolic or actual fatherlessness and the social problems caused by it, and offering a chance to renegotiate one’s social status thus seems to have been one of the ghosts’ roles in the two abovementioned thirteenth-century sagas. To examine the issue further, I will next turn to examples from the beginning of the fourteenth century, Grettir in Grettis saga and Þorgils in Flóamanna saga. The first of the two, Grettis saga, has long been one of the most famous Íslendingasögur. It was composed around 1320-1330, and the several remaining manuscripts suggest that it was widely read, not only in medieval Iceland but elsewhere in the following centuries. The saga tells of an Icelandic hero who be- comes an outlaw and a man of misfortune. The writer of the saga was also famil- iar with medieval European Romance literature. The main vellum manuscripts all date from the fifteenth century, and of these the preferred versions are the A-version of the saga based on AM 551 A, 4to, despite the best text of it being slightly incomplete, and AM 556 A, 4to, which also contains other two outlaw sagas Gísla saga Súrssonar and Harðar saga. There is also a B-version of the text in AM 152, fol, a manuscript containing many sagas and a complete version of Grettis saga, and Delagardie 10, fol in Uppsala that contains only (slightly incom- plete) Grettis saga (Simek & Hermann Pálsson 2007:125-127; Guðni Jónsson 1936:lxviii-lxxvii). The hero banishing the ghosts in Grettis saga, Grettir Ásmundarsonar, fights with restless dead twice, and in both case he does this of his own free will, unlike 116 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 116 16/05/13 12.31 Chapter 4: Messages from the Otherworld the other characters discussed in this essay, since he is looking for the opportu- nity to do great deeds. While staying on an island in Norway Grettir enters the mound of a dead landowner in order to find treasure there. He does succeed, but in the process he is forced to fight with the mound-dweller, which is beheaded. The dead landowner›s son is not happy about Grettir banishing the ghost, since he has been able to increase his own power while his dead father has been harass- ing other inhabitants on the island. Grettir, however, achieves fame and honour after his deed (Grettis saga:56-61). Another restless corpse Grettir destroys is the shepherd Glámr, introduced at the beginning of this essay. The battle with Glámr is a hard ordeal. Although Grettir finally manages to cut off Glámr’s head he is exposed to its gaze in the winter moonlight and an imprecation: he shall become a man of misfortune (which he has already been before this), an outlaw, and for the rest of his life he shall be afraid of the dark. All this disturbs him, above all else causing him emo- tional turmoil. Despite the severe consequences Grettir is considered a great hero; not only has the land been cleansed of unclean spirits, but putting Glámr to rest is regarded as a remarkable deed in itself (Grettis saga:118-123). It is clearly expressed in the saga that Grettir has a problematic relationship with his father. The father gives Grettir only tasks with no value and shows in his speech that he has neither respect nor affection towards his son. For his part, even though Grettir was quite like his father when he was young, he expresses similar cold feelings towards his father. When Grettir leaves home his father does not provide his son with useful equipment such as weapons, but only with a minor piece of property, thus failing to take the role a father should. Instead Grettir’s mother does this secretly: she gives him the sword of her father, Jökull (Jökull being a giant name), whose genetic inheritance as a ‘giant’ (that is, Jökull), belonging to the world of chaos instead of ordered human society, Grettir thus inherits (Grettis saga:36-42, 49-50; Poole 2004:7-8). Torfi H. Tulinius has analysed Grettir’s encounter with the ghost Glámr and argued that the battle with Glámr signifies Grettir’s meeting with his (still living) father on a symbolical level (Tulinius 1999:299-307). I agree that the father/son relationship is essential to Grettis saga, but elaborate the analysis a little further. Grettir’s relationship with his father is problematic: as noted above, his father does not show him approval or affection, nor does he assist him and offer him the material support that a son could expect. For this reason Grettir does not inherit the status in medieval Icelandic culture that should rightfully be his. Through his origin as a member of an important and respected family he be- longs to the category of landowners. Despite this, without fatherly support, which is the most important aspect of his misfortune (compare Kanerva forth- coming), he is left outside society and becomes an outlaw, whose glorious mo- ments consist only of his great deeds, the destruction of the malevolent dead. In 117 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 117 16/05/13 12.31 Part I: Changing Cultural, Social and Professional Contexts of Death and Dying Grettir’s case it is the dead that make him a hero, as he acquires this identity by defeating them. He can thus obtain fame and glory that he would otherwise be deprived of as an outlaw, a man without the protection of the law who could be killed by anyone. The dead offer Grettir a chance to re-enter society momentar- ily by becoming a hero, although he otherwise is left outside it because of his outlawry. A further example of a man who vanquishes the dead is Þorgils in Flóamanna saga. This saga, which focuses on Þorgils and his family, dates back to the begin- ning of the fourteenth century and survives in two versions. The longer and more original version in a vellum manuscript is unfortunately incomplete, con- taining only chapters 24-25 and 33-35 (AM 445 b, 4to), but paper copies and fragments of a shorter and complete version survive. The main manuscripts of the shorter version of the saga include six seventeenth-century manuscripts: AM 516, to (K manuscript), AM 517, 4to (A), AM 165 m, fol (J); AM 515, 4to (E), IB 45, 4to (B) and Sth. papp. fol. nr. 60 (S). The saga has been influenced by Chris- tian hagiographical literature, as well as the Bible and the Dialogues of Gregory the Great, and thus probably conveys some Christian ideology (Simek & Her- mann Pálsson 2007:94-95; Þórhallur Vilmundarson 1991:cxxxiv-clxvii).In Flóa- manna saga, Þorgils happens to pass by a farm in Norway owned by a man called Björn, where people go to bed quite early. He is informed that the people are afraid of Björn›s father, who has died recently and become restless after his death. Þorgils stays at the farm and one winter night, after hearing noises outside, goes out with an axe to confront the ghost. After a hard struggle Þorgils manages to overpower the ghost, and decapitates it with his axe. The farm is never harassed by the dead thereafter, and Þorgils is greatly esteemed for his good deed (Flóa- manna saga:255-256). After a little while Þorgils encounters another restless corpse in Norway. This time it is the mother of his friend Auðun: she has been skilled in witchcraft while alive, and as they are carrying the coffin containing her corpse she becomes restless and gets out of it. Although they are both strong men, Þorgils and his friend find it hard to control the dead woman, and finally decide to burn the corpse instead of burying it. By doing this they can make the restlessness cease. Auðun is very grateful for Þorgils› help, and expresses this by promising him a tunic and a sword (Flóamanna saga:256). This sword later turns out to be invaluable, as it helps Þorgils to defeat a berserk. Through this manly deed Þorgils obtains from Hákon Jarl the lands his family had owned in Norway before their departure to Iceland, which the earl had earlier confiscated (Flóa- manna saga:258-261). The lands in Norway play a crucial part in Flóamanna saga, since they are the reason why Þorgils, the son of Þórðr Atlason, becomes fatherless at the begin- ning of the saga. His father disappears at sea while on his way to Norway to take care of his family’s former property, now owned by Hákon Jarl, and is never 118 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 118 16/05/13 12.31 Chapter 4: Messages from the Otherworld found again. Þorgils› mother has made the father angry just before the trip by refusing to travel with him (Flóamanna saga:248). After the disappearance of Þorgils’ father the mother remarries. However, young Þorgils, now called Örrabeinsstjúpr, “stepson of Örrabeinn”, after his stepfather Þorgrímr Örrabeinn, does not get along very well with his stepfather, although it is mentioned he treated both Þorgils and his mother Þórunn well. He is forced to leave his home farm at the age of five after Þorgrímr Örrabeinn gets angry when Þorgils kills his worthless old horse. At this moment Þorgrímr Örrabeinn states that they should no longer have anything to do with each other and sends Þorgils to the boy’s friend, Loptr the farmer (Flóamanna saga:248-251). Later, as a young man Þorgils decides to travel to Norway to take care of the property his father in- tended to tend earlier, but when he asks Þorgrímr Örrabeinn to divide the for- mer property of his father (which his stepfather now owns) Þorgrímr is reluctant to do this. Þorgils asks twice, but the answer remains the same, and he departs without any help or support whatsoever from his stepfather (Flóamanna saga:252-253).The ghost-slayer in Flóamanna saga, Þorgils, is a man who is to all intents and purposes fatherless, as his father disappears while he is still a child and his relationship with his stepfather is full of conflicts. Because of this he can- not obtain the share of his father’s property in Iceland that would rightfully be his, while his family’s property in Norway is held by Hákon Jarl. He succeeds in recovering the latter by banishing the restless dead and killing a berserk, that is, by becoming heroic enough to restore his family’s wealth. The involvement of the ghosts4 makes him, just as it does Grettir, a famous hero, and thus elevates his status, finally raising his position to that of a landowner. Here, too, the dead are part of the process through which Þorgils renegotiates his social status. Change or Continuity in the Roles of the Malevolent Dead? Comparison of the stories of Kjartan and Óláfr and those of Grettir and Þorgils raises questions of a possible change in the roles of the malicious dead during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In the thirteenth-century sagas Eyrbyg- gja saga and Laxdæla saga the opponents of the dead are individuals connected to events causing social disorder and which affect the whole of society, not just the individual in question, whose social status may, however, be defined as an indeterminate one. This status has not been acquired through his own actions, but rather by the deeds of his parents and the attitudes of the rest of society. The living dead thus act as indicators of social conflicts as well.In the fourteenth- century stories of Grettir and Þorgils, however, the focus is on the individual. The living dead seem to be pointing to their subjective experience, to their poor or non-existent relationship with their (step)father, for which they themselves are partly responsible because of their own rebellious behaviour. Their status as 119 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 119 16/05/13 12.31 Part I: Changing Cultural, Social and Professional Contexts of Death and Dying symbolically or actually fatherless sons is thus connected with their own actions, not so much with the assessments of society. In this light, there seems to have been a shift from a thirteenth-century col- lectivism to fourteenth-century individualism in the roles of the malevolent dead. This possibility is interesting since the individualisation of Christian salva- tion took place in Scandinavia mainly during the thirteenth century, as the deci- sions of the fourth Lateran council of 1215 were adopted. Confession once a year became obligatory for every Christian individual, making everyone responsible for their own sins. This decree was adopted in Norwegian church law in 1268 (Nedkvitne 2004:160-165), and since Icelanders had come under the rule of the Norwegian king in 1262 there is no reason to doubt that they too adopted it in the following years. During the thirteenth and fourteenth-centuries the role of the living dead thus seems to have changed from that of indicator of social con- flicts to pointer to individual conflict, in accordance with the individualisation of Christian salvation. However, as discussed above, they seem to have retained their role as providers of a chance for an individual to renegotiate his status and identity throughout the period. Meeting the Harmless and Benevolent Dead Christian Women To discuss the role of the dead in sagas further, I will next turn to the dead that do not harm the living, or appear as helpful agents. There are far fewer helpful or harmless ghosts in Old Norse/Icelandic literature than malicious ones. First, I will discuss such ghosts with reference to three thirteenth-century saga episodes in which female agents are involved. The story of Guðrún Ósvífrsdóttir’s encounter with the restless dead occurs in the same saga as the above mentioned story of Óláfr pá, the thirteenth-century Laxdæla saga. In this episode Guðrún, who is living on the Helgafell farm (men- tioned above) after changing dwelling places with Snorri goði, sees her husband, who, unknown to her, has drowned earlier on the same day. Guðrún is on her way to church late in the evening when most of the people have already gone to sleep. She recognizes a ghost standing in her way, saying it has important news. Guðrún tells it to be quiet, but when she arrives at the church she notices what appears to be her husband Þorkell and his men standing outside the church after returning home. What Guðrún does not know at that particular moment is that her husband and the crew have actually lost their lives in a shipwreck during the day. She sees water running off their clothes, but does not say a word to them. Instead she goes into the church, staying there as long as it suits her, and then returns to the house, expecting to see her husband there. However, she notices that there is nobody in the room, and instantly understands that she has seen 120 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 120 16/05/13 12.31 Chapter 4: Messages from the Otherworld ghosts, the saga telling us of her emotional turmoil by mentioning that her eye- brows are moving.5 Without doubt Guðrún is shocked when the realisation that her husband is dead dawns on her, but she does not express any powerful grief or other emotion afterwards; since it is said that she carried her sorrow bravely, this suggests that ghosts rather that bereavement are causing her reaction. In- stead her faith is emphasized. Guðrún is mentioned as a woman who has ad- opted Christianity, and according to the saga, she becomes very religious after the event, spending her nights in the church praying, and is the first woman in Iceland to know the Psalter by heart (Laxdæla saga:222-224).The drowned Þorkell, whom Guðrún has loved dearly, is her fourth husband. She has cun- ningly divorced her first husband and married a second one, then lost him in turn. Her greatest love is Kjartan the son of Óláfr pá, whom she never marries. Instead, she herself is responsible for the assassination of Kjartan. After this she has indirectly brought about the death of her third husband Bolli, who has killed Kjartan, his sworn brother, because she has egged him on (Laxdæla saga:93-94, 100, 149-155, 168). It is interesting that Guðrún is determined not to interact with the ghosts in any way. When one ghost tries to attract her attention by promising it will tell her important news – presumably about the drowning of her husband – she has no intention of listening to it and wants to get rid of it immediately. Moreover, although she does not recognise the men in wet clothes by the church as ghosts,6 she is still reluctant to speak to them, as if she knew they were harmful. Thus Guðrún is not forced to interact with the dead and banish them with physical strength or law, but is granted the chance to neglect them altogether. In fact, although the marriages and relationships in Guðrún’s past may have caused social conflicts, Christianity seems to offer her protection, since the dead disappear when she goes inside the church and remains there. Guðrún herself is a good Christian and becomes an even better one, that is, more reli- gious, after the incident. So meeting the ghosts does not diminish her status – quite the opposite, since she is praised for her devoutness. The dead are part of a process through which Guðrún’s social status and worth as a Christian woman are renegotiated and enhanced.In the example above the dead are not benevo- lent but harmless to the living, whereas Guðriðr Þorbjarnardóttir, another wom- an who encounters restless dead and is more or less responsible for their disap- pearance, seems to be helped and blessed by one of them. Her story is told in two different sagas, Eiríks saga rauða (later: Eiríks saga) and Grænlendinga saga, both telling of the same event. Eiríks saga dates back to the beginning of the thirteenth century and describes the settlement of Greenland and the trips made to Vinland, that is, North Amer- ica. The oldest versions survive in the fourteenth-century Hauksbók (AM 544, 4to) written around 1306-1308 by and for its owner Haukr Erlendsson, and Skálholtsbók (AM 557, 4to) written around 1420, which are both followed here 121 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 121 16/05/13 12.31 Part I: Changing Cultural, Social and Professional Contexts of Death and Dying (Simek & Hermann Pálsson 2007:76-77, 164; Matthías Þórðarson 1935:lxvii- lxxxv). Gudriðr is mentioned in Eiríks saga as the ancestor of several significant twelfth- and thirteenth-century Icelandic bishops, and of Haukr Erlendsson the law-speaker, suggesting that she was considered a respectable woman in the so- ciety where the saga was written, even though her grandfather was a freed slave (albeit of high origin) of Auðr in djúpúðga, a remarkable ninth-century settler in Iceland (Eiríks saga:196-197, 202-203, 236-237). Like Eiríks saga, Grænlendinga saga dates back to the beginning of the thir- teenth century, although there are diverse opinions about its precise origin and some emphasise its oral origins. The saga deals with Greenlanders and their ex- peditions to Vinland. The beginning of the saga is lost and the rest of the saga survives in the so-called Flateyjarbók manuscript (GkS 1005, fol). This manu- script was compiled by two scribes in 1387-1390 for a rich landowner, Jón Hákonarson, who also owned the above-mentioned Vatnshyrna manuscript (Simek & Hermann Pálsson 2007:93, 216-217). Though no thirteenth-century manuscripts of the saga survive, in this discussion it is regarded as belonging to this earlier era, in line with the earlier dating of it. According to the two sagas, while living in Greenland Guðriðr, a Christian woman, marries a man called Þorsteinn Eiríksson. During the winter, a serious disease kills several people on the farm where they live, including Þorsteinn (Eiríks saga:214; Grænlendinga saga:258-259). The accounts of the two versions differ somewhat, however, when the dead become restless. According to Eiríks saga the first one to fall ill and die is the farm-worker Garðarr, who is not very popular. After his death he appears to another woman who has fallen ill, called Sigríðr, while she is being escorted to the privy by Guðriðr. The dead corpse is not revealed to Guðriðr, though. Next morning Sig- ríðr is found dead, but later she tries to stand up and get into the bed of Guðriðr’s husband Þorsteinn, who also dies the following night. Sigríðr’s husband prom- ises to watch the corpses during the night so that Guðriðr can rest. However, during the night Guðriðr’s husband Þorsteinn rises to a sitting position and wants to see his wife, saying that it is God›s wish to grant him this moment as a reward for him and for the amending of his advice. Guðriðr goes to meet her deceased husband, hoping that God’s blessing will be on her side. The dead man whispers some things in her ear that she only can hear, but openly states in a loud voice that those keeping the true faith will be blessed. He also expresses his wish that the dead should be buried in consecrated ground, and in addition to this, that Garðarr’s corpse should be burned, since he is responsible for all the rest- lessness. His last words sound like a prophecy: he says Guðriðr shall have a great destiny but should be wary of marrying a Greenlandic man (Eiríks saga:214- 217). 122 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 122 16/05/13 12.31 Chapter 4: Messages from the Otherworld Before analysing the saga excerpt further I will turn to the version of the story as Grænlendinga saga presents it. In this saga the story is almost the same as the Eiríks saga version, but not identical. Guðriðr and her husband Þorsteinn, who have found winter quarters with Þorsteinn svartr while on their way to Vinland, lose many of their fellow-travellers to illness. The corpses are carried in coffins to the ship to await transportation to church in summer, and remain at rest. The wife of Þorsteinn svartr soon falls ill too and dies, followed by Guðriðr’s hus- band. Only one of the deceased becomes restless, however, namely Guðriðr’s husband. The scenario is intriguing: Guðriðr is sitting on a chair beside the place where her husband had lain, but then Þorsteinn svartr takes her into his arms and places her beside him. He comforts her, and speaks to her gently, promising to help her take the corpses to the church and arrange things so that they will bring her comfort and joy. At this moment Guðriðr’s dead husband rises to a sitting position, asking where his wife is. Both Guðriðr and Þorsteinn svartr re- main quiet while the corpse repeats the question three times. Before answering Þorsteinn svartr crosses the room, sits down on a chair and has Guðriðr sit on his knee. The deceased husband then declares that his words are intended to make his death easier for Guðriðr to bear, since he has come to a good resting place. He announces the fate of Guðriðr: she shall be married to an Icelandic man (not a Greenlandic one). Like all the other things the dead husband says, this later be- comes true: great men will be descended from her, she will live long, and she will take the nun›s oath before she dies. After the speech Guðriðr’s husband lies down and remains quiet (Grænlendinga saga:258-260, 268-269). Both versions of the story suggest that Guðriðr’s dead husband is here exercis- ing his authority over his wife. In Grænlendinga saga this is clearly indicated as the motif of his restlessness: the dead husband rises up and speaks to his wife in a situation where another man seems to be showing too much affection for the grieving widow. The will of the dead is thus emphasised, yet the ghost seems to bring some relief to the living as well. Guðriðr’s dead husband mentions in Grænlendinga saga that he has found a good resting place, probably indicating that he is in Heaven, a place from which he has no need to return as a restless corpse. In Eiríks saga the dead husband wants to make sure that the dead will be buried in consecrated ground to prevent them from becoming restless. Guðriðr’s husband thus seems to provide the living with assurance that he has found peace, or knowledge of how to prevent the restlessness. Moreover, his knowledge of Guðriðr’s future is not only a prophecy but also a blessing: though expressing his will the dead husband – as a seemingly jealous corpse – also enhances the status of Guðriðr. The fate announced by him is a good one, not a curse, and the worth of Guðriðr is enhanced by the knowledge of her great destiny and remarkable descendants. Guðriðr is the granddaughter of a freed slave, which might be con- sidered a negative thing, and clearly is in the eyes of her mother-in-law in her 123 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 123 16/05/13 12.31 Part I: Changing Cultural, Social and Professional Contexts of Death and Dying second marriage with Þorfinnr Karlsefni (Eiríks saga:236). However, her interac- tion with the dead gains her respect and honour. The Men with Goodwill towards the Dead We have seen that the dead were not always malevolent and Christianity offered the living extra protection. However, sometimes even without the influence of Christianity, ghosts could turn out to be helpful agents. Next I will discuss the role of the benevolent dead, taking as my examples Högni from the late thir- teenth-century Brennu-Njáls saga (later: Njáls saga) and Hallbrjörn from Þorleifs þáttr jarlaskálds (later: Þorleifs þáttr). The first of these two sources, Njáls saga, focuses on the families of the wise Njáll and his heroic friend Gunnarr á Hlíðarenda. It was composed around 1280, and according to scholarly opinions the compiler of the saga was a learned man familiar with both Old Norse/Icelandic literature and Latin Christian literature. Throughout the text the writer expresses great interest in juridical and moral questions, suggesting that he may have been a cleric. There are several manu- scripts and fragments of the text, dating from 1300 to 1550, such as the Rey- kjabók (AM 468, 4to), and Kálflækjarbók (AM 133, fol), or the fourteenth-centu- ry Möðruvallabók, mentioned above (Simek & Pálsson 2007:281-282).7In Njáls saga, Gunnarr is killed. He is portrayed as a character with a rather proto-Chris- tian attitude, as he does not enjoy killing and is thus a ‘noble heathen’, a heathen man with Christian values (Njáls saga:136-139; Lönnroth 1969). His death is heroic: while he is at home alone with his wife and mother he is attacked in his sleeping closet by a large number of men and resists stoutly before succumbing. Moreover, the killers’ motives are shown to be malicious and bad since, although Gunnarr has been outlawed for three years for manslaughter, the main instigator in his killing, Mörðr Valgarðsson, is portrayed as a vicious man. Because Gun- narr is an outlaw, however, his killers cannot be summoned to court, even though his death is a great loss to many and regarded as a malicious deed (Njáls saga:185- 192). Gunnarr’s honourable character does not suggest that he would become rest- less after his death, but another requirement for this is thus fulfilled, since his killing is not settled in court, nor is he avenged, even though his status would demand it. Gunnarr, buried in his mound in a sitting position, at first appears to a shepherd and a housemaid who are gathering sheep. This is told to Gunnarr’s friend, the wise Njáll, who sends his son Skarpheðinn to help Gunnarr’’s son Högni. One evening Högni and Skarpheðinn are out when they suddenly see the mound of Gunnarr as if open. They see Gunnarr sitting in the mound, looking at the moon and reciting happily a poem that both Högni and Skarpheðinn can hear from some distance away: 124 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 124 16/05/13 12.31 Chapter 4: Messages from the Otherworld Said the gold-ring-giver, gladly who in sword-fray fought with fearless heart, and father was of Högni: he would rather, helm clad, holding to his shield aye, fall upon the field than flee, thou tree-of-combat [= warrior], than flee, thou tree-of-combat.8 Mælti döggla deilir, dáðum rakkr, sá er háði bjartr með beztu hjarta benrögn, faðir Högna: Heldr kvazk hjálmi faldinn hjörþilju sjá vilja vættidraugr en vægja, val-Freyju stafr, deyja ok val-Freyju stafr deyja (Njáls saga:193). The mound then closes up again. Högni and Skarpheðinn believe the meaning of the poem to be that Gunnarr does not want them to avoid their enemies, but fight as he would have done, and avenge his death. Skarpheðinn agrees to help Högni perform this task, and Högni becomes determined to complete it because he can now rely on having the help and support he has lacked earlier. The same night Högni and Skarpheðinn travel to avenge Gunnarr’s death (Njáls saga:193- 195). Because of the happiness shown on Gunnarr’s face it is possible to consider the message conveyed through the poem a prophecy: although stating his own attitude towards revenge, at the same time the dead mound-dweller inspires a similar response in his son Högni. His happiness may be brought about by the knowledge of the vengeance Högni is about to perform, in which case the reve- nant is foreseeing the future whilst simultaneously expressing his wish for re- venge. In some ways Gunnarr’s intervention works in a similar way to that of Guðriðr’s husband above, as a kind of blessing, since for Högni his father’s post- mortal intervention is a source of courage. It offers him the right means to find, or at least opens his eyes to see, what he already possesses – courage, social sup- port and friendship – the necessary support for carrying out the task that all those who mourn Gunnarr’s death probably expect him to accomplish. For Högni the dead father’s appearance means encouragement through which he becomes determined to avenge his death. The dead father thus fulfils his own 125 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 125 16/05/13 12.31 Part I: Changing Cultural, Social and Professional Contexts of Death and Dying wishes, but also offers his living son support and the possibility to accomplish heroic deeds. The story of a poet called Þorleifr jarlaskáld offers another example of a help- ful ghost. Þorleifs þáttr was written around 1300, and survives in the Flateyjar- bók manuscript mentioned above. In this story, a shepherd called Hallbjörn re- ceives from the dead poet the skill of verse composition. Hallbjörn often takes his sheep to the mound of the dead poet Þorleifr jarlaskáld, whose death has been caused by the evil witchcraft of the Norwegian Hákon Jarl. Hallbjörn even sleeps on the mound at nights. He wishes to compose a praise poem on behalf of Þorleifr, and always talks about this as he sits on the mound. Yet he is no poet. One night when Hallbjörn is making another attempt to compose a poem, he falls asleep and suddenly sees the mound open up. Þorleifr the mound-dweller comes out and says to Hallbjörn that he is about to recite a verse – should Hall- björn manage to remember it when he wakes up he will become a great poet af- terwards. The cadaver recites the poem and then returns to his mound, which closes up again. Hallbjörn wakes up and thinks he sees the shoulders of the mound-dweller, which reminds him of the verse. He returns to his home-farm together with the sheep, composes the praise poem for Þorleifr jarlaskald, and thereafter becomes a famous poet (Þorleifs þáttr:214-215). The saga states that Hallbjörn is the herdsman of a respectable man (Þorleifs þáttr:214), but his occupation betrays his inferior status compared to church- men, chieftains and land-owners. They constituted the elite responsible for book production in medieval Old Norse/Icelandic culture and it is therefore their point of view that is represented in the story in question. Hallbjörn the shepherd receives the skill of poetry, a highly esteemed skill in medieval Iceland. Compos- ing poetry as well as understanding it required wit and intelligence – not every- body could manage this, and books to learn the craft of poetry were written al- ready in medieval Iceland (Nordal 2000). A man of lower status thus obtains a skill that immediately improves his status: he is no longer a shepherd herding the sheep, but a poet who composes praise poems about important men and is hon- oured with gifts for his verses. The dead poet appears to him in a dream (an- other matter raising some questions that unfortunately cannot be answered here because of lack of space), but this does not diminish the effect. Hallbjörn is in- deed helped by the mound-dweller to improve his place in society and change the views of other people on his intellectual capabilities. Change and Continuity Both Högni and Hallbjörn encounter living dead that are considerably more helpful than the others discussed in this chapter. They strengthen their trust in their own abilities and offer support, encouragement and intellectual gifts. In the slightly older sources that tell the stories of Guðrún and Guðriðr the living dead 126 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 126 16/05/13 12.31 Chapter 4: Messages from the Otherworld are not yet completely benign, but do remain harmless, possibly thanks to Chris- tianity, which seems to protect both women. In fact, this protection seems to be the requirement for the dead to remain calm in the older sources, whereas in the younger sources the dead merely visit the living but return to rest of their own free will and immediately afterwards. They do not need to be destroyed by the living or buried in consecrated ground.During the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century there thus seem to appear clearly benevolent, even cooperative ghosts along with the malicious ones. Vésteinn Ólason has called similar benevolent or non-harmful ghosts ‹grateful dead› (Vésteinn Ólason 2003:157), and they may indeed be grateful, since their wishes will be fulfilled. Yet their means are non-harmful as well: the dead offer the living prophecies, encouragement and the support required to accomplish their wishes. It might of course be that the ‘beautiful soul’ of Gunnarr the noble heathen makes him ap- pear as a benevolent ghost – and only once – just as Guðriðr’s husband does not have the need to return after delivering his message, since he has gone to a good resting place. However, Guðriðr, Högni and Hallbjörn all have a quite positive attitude towards the dead in the first place, since they are willing to listen to them, and it may be this that explains why the restless dead have turned less harmful. Guðrún is nevertheless clearly unwilling to interact with the dead. Although it is not possible to argue definitively that a change of view hap- pened during the time period examined here, the protection of Christianity does seem to play a more important part in the earlier sources. Thus the dead are a little bit more dangerous in them than in the later sources, where they have be- come more benevolent. Good or bad, the dead nevertheless take part in a process in which the status of the individual is renegotiated. Conclusion It has to be emphasised that the roles of the dead suggested in this chapter were not the only roles given to ghosts in medieval Iceland. Another interesting per- spective could be obtained, for instance, by analysing the episodes where rest- lessness of the dead is expected but does not come true. However, within the parameters set here, and in view of the examples of actual appearances of restless dead discussed above, their role in medieval sagas appears to be that of moral supervisor pointing to social and psychological conflicts. Sometimes the dead were helpful agents, reminding the living of moral obligations, and supplying them with the means to accomplish them. The dead thus function as objects through which the individuals amidst such conflicts and obligations could rene- gotiate and improve their status, whilst simultaneously maintaining social order. In the light of the sources used here, the living dead prove to be almost indis- pensable to those members of society whose opportunities to act have been re- 127 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 127 16/05/13 12.31 Part I: Changing Cultural, Social and Professional Contexts of Death and Dying stricted by indeterminate or low social status, or perhaps, in the case of Guðrún and Guðriðr, by gender. The dead have a role in the process: by encountering them these individuals can renegotiate their position in society. The dead can strengthen the individual and provide him or her with new possibilities – albeit sometimes with negative consequences as Grettir’s example shows – and func- tion as justification for their new social position. The role of the dead in Old Norse/Icelandic culture and literature was thus a remarkable one, since they of- fered the possibility for social mobility. The sources also suggest that there were some changes in the roles of the dead. The conflicts the restless dead become involved in are predominantly social in the older sagas, but more psychological in the later sources. Moreover, if we ac- cept the datings of the sagas stated here and based on scholarly opinion as cor- rect, it seems that at the beginning of thirteenth century the revenants were mostly beings with malevolent intentions, which were rendered non-harmful by the protection provided by Christianity, but later on they evolved and obtained some helpful traits as well. Bibliography Primary Sources Bayerschmidt, Carl F. & Lee M. Hollander (trans.) (1998): Njáls saga. Hertfordshire: Wordsworth Editions Ltd. Eiríks saga = Einar Ól. Sveinsson & Matthías Þórðarson (eds.) (1935): Eyrbyggja saga. Íslenzk Forn- rit 4. Reykjavik: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag. Eyrbyggja saga = Einar Ól. Sveinsson & Matthías Þórðarson (eds.) (1935): Eyrbyggja saga. Íslenzk Fornrit 4. Reykjavik: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag. Flóamanna saga = Þórhallur Vilmundarson & Bjarni Vilhjálmsson (eds.) (1991): Harðar saga. Íslenzk Fornrit 13. Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag. Grettis saga = Guðni Jónsson (ed.) (1936): Grettis saga Ásmundarsonar. Íslenzk Fornrit 7. Reykja- vik: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag. Grænlendinga saga = Einar Ól. Sveinsson & Matthías Þórðarson (eds.) (1935): Eyrbyggja saga. Íslenzk Fornrit 4. Reykjavik: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag. Laxdæla saga = Einar Ól. Sveinsson (ed.) (1934): Laxdœla saga. Íslenzk Fornrit 5. Reykjavik: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag.Njáls saga = Einar Ól. Sveinsson (ed.) (1954): Brennu-Njáls saga. Íslenzk Fornrit 12. Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag. Þorleifs þáttr = Guðbrandur Vigfússon & C. R. Unger (eds.) (1862): Flateyjarbók I: en samling af Norske Konge-sagaer med indskudte mindre fortællinger om begivenheder i og udenfor Norge samt annaler (3 volumes), Christiania: P. T. Mallings forlagsboghandel. Secondary Sources Axel Kristinsson (2003): “Lords and Literature: The Icelandic Sagas as Political and Social Instru- ments”. Scandinavian Journal of History, 28 (1):1-17. 128 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 128 16/05/13 12.31 Chapter 4: Messages from the Otherworld Clover, Carol J. (1985): “Icelandic Family Sagas”, in Carol J. Clover & John Lindow (eds.): Old Norse-Icelandic Literature: A Critical Guide. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.DuBois, Thomas A. (1999): Nordic Religions in the Viking Age. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Einar Ól. Sveinsson (1934): “Formáli”, in Einar Ól. Sveinsson (ed.): Laxdœla saga. Reykjavik: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag.Einar Ól. Sveinsson (1954): “Formáli”, in Einar Ól. Sveinsson (ed.): Bren- nu-Njáls saga. Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag. Ellis, Hilda Roderick (1977): The Road to Hel: A Study of the Conception of the Dead in Old Norse Literature, 2nd edition. Westport: Greenwood. Ellis Davidson, Hilda Roderick (1981): “The Restless Dead: An Icelandic Ghost Story”, in Hilda R. Ellis Davidson & W. M. S. Russell (eds.): The Folklore of Ghosts. Cambridge: Brewer.Gísli Sig- urðsson (2004): The Medieval Icelandic Saga and Oral Tradition: A Discourse on Method. Cam- bridge: Harvard University Press. Glauser, Jürg (1993): “Draugar and Aptrganga”, in Phillip Pulsiano (ed.): Medieval Scandinavia: An Encyclopedia. New York: Garland Publishing. Guðni Jónsson (1936): “Formáli”, in Guðni Jónsson (ed.): Grettis saga Ásmundarsonar. Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag. Kanerva, Kirsi (forthcoming): “Ógæfa (Misfortune) as an Emotion in Thirteenth-Century Ice- land”. Scandinavian Studies. Larrington, Carolyne (2001): “The Psychology of Emotion and Study of the Medieval Period”. Early Medieval Europe, 10 (2):251-256. Lindow, John (1986): “Þorsteins þáttr skelks and the Verisimilitude of Supernatural Experience in Saga Literature”, in John Lindow, Lars Lönnroth & Gerd Wolfgang Weber (eds.): Structure and Meaning in Old Norse Literature: New Approaches to Textual Analysis and Literary Criticism. Odense: Odense University Press. Lönnroth, Lars (1969): “The Noble Heathen: A Theme in the Sagas”. Scandinavian Studies, 41:1-29. Matthías Þórðarson (1935): “Formáli”, in Einar Ól. Sveinsson & Matthías Þórðarson (eds.): Eyr- byggja saga. Reykjavik: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag. McCreesh, Bernadine (1993): “Eyrbyggja Saga”, in Phillip Pulsiano (ed.): Medieval Scandinavia:An Encyclopedia. New York: Garland Publishing. Miller, William Ian (1992): “Emotions and the Sagas”, in Gísli Pálsson (ed.): From Sagas to Society: Comparative Approaches to Early Iceland. Enfieldlock: Hisarlik Press. Nedkvitne, Arnved (2004): Mötet med döden i norrön medeltid. Stockholm: Atlantis. Nordal, Guðrún (2000): Tools of Literacy: The Role of Skaldic Verse in Icelandic Textual Culture of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Poole, Russell (2004): “Myth, Psychology and Society in Grettis Saga”. Alvíssmál, 11:3-16. Schmitt, Jean-Claude (1998): Ghosts in the Middle Ages: The Living and the Dead in Medieval Soci- ety. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Scott, Forrest S. (2003): Eyrbyggja Saga: The Vellum Tradition. Copenhagen: C. A. Reitzels Forlag. Simek, Rudolf & Hermann Pálsson (eds.) (2007): Lexikon der altnordischen Literatur, 2nd edi- tion. Kröner: Stuttgart. Tulinius, Torfi H. (1999): “Framliðnir feður: Um forneskju og frásagnarlist í Eyrbyggju, Eglu og Grettlu”, in Haraldur Bessason & Baldur Hafstað (eds.): Heiðin minni. Greinar um fornar bók- menntir. Reykjavík: Heimskringla, háskólaforlag Máls og menningar.Tulinius, Torfi H. (2002): The Matter of the North: The Rise of Literary Fiction in Thirteenth-Century Iceland. Odense: Odense University Press. Vésteinn Ólason (2003): “The Un/Grateful Dead – From Baldr to Bægifótr”, in Margaret Clunies Ross (ed.): Old Norse Myths, Literature and Society. Odense: University Press of Southern Den- 129 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 129 16/05/13 12.31 Part I: Changing Cultural, Social and Professional Contexts of Death and Dying mark.Þórhallur Vilmundarson (1991): “Formáli”, in Þórhallur Vilmundarson & Bjarni Vil­ hjálms­son (eds.): Harðar saga. Reykjavík: Hið íslenzka fornritafélag. Notes 1. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are my own. 2. On medieval European ghosts, compare Schmitt (1998:16-17). 3. Sometimes the dead are woken up deliberately, though, in case the living wish to obtain some- thing from them. 4. I find it to some extent possible that the restless dead and berserks act here as similar objects: they are both ‘monsters’ the hero has to kill in order to become a hero. 5. On the expression of emotions in medieval Icelandic literature, see Larrington (2001) and Miller (1992). 6. The saga makes explicit that Guðrún is not actually aware that she is seeing a ghost since the saga states that it seemed to her that she saw her husband (Laxdæla saga: 223). 7. On the manuscripts preferred in the Íslenzk fornrit edition used here, see Einar Ól. Sveinsson (1954:cxlix-clix). 8. Translated by Carl F. Bayerschmidt and Lee M. Hollander (1998:153). 130 26901-Deconstructing Death.indd 130 16/05/13 12.31