Zurich Studies
in Archaeology
Vol. 9_2013
Tattoos and
Body Modifications
in Antiquity
Proceedings of the sessions at the EAA annual
meetings in The Hague and Oslo, 2010/11
edited by
Philippe Della Casa
Constanze Witt
Note:
In the time since this chapter was first published, there have been important
advances in archaeological efforts to identify tattooing tools through
microwear signatures. Thanks to that work, and particularly the efforts of
Gates St-Pierre (2018), we now know that use-wear on the bone tools from
Blombos Cave discussed in this paper is *not* compatible with tattooing. The
contextual argument presented here for identifying tools based on patterns
of artifact associations still stands.
Please see:
Gates St-Pierre, C. 2018. Needles and bodies: A microwear analysis of
experimental bone tattooing implements. J. Archaeol. Sci. Rep. 20: 881–887.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2017.10.027.
Portrait of George Tihoti
Tihoti the tattooist came to Huahine from the Marquesas Islands
and his personal tattoos as well as his tattoo designs in his prac-
tice are traditional designs from the Marquesan archipelago. This
portrait shows him in his normal daily dress at that time, and with
a pareo wrapped around his waist.
Photo by Phillip Hofstetter, California State University, East Bay.
Impressum
Herausgeber
Universität Zürich
Abt. Ur- und Frühgeschichte
Karl-Schmid-Str. 4, CH 8006 Zürich
www.prehist.uzh.ch
Produktion
Chronos Verlag
Design & Layout
Elisabeth Hefti, Juliet Manning
Druck
Freiburger Graphische Betriebe fgb
© Texte: Autor/innen
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ISBN x-xxxx-xxxx-x
Table of Contents
5 Aspects of Embodiment – Tattoos and Body Modifications in Antiquity
Philippe Della Casa & Constanze Witt
9 Matters of Identity: Body, Dress and Markers in Social Context
Philippe Della Casa
15 The Material Culture and Middle Stone Age Origins of Ancient Tattooing
Aaron Deter-Wolf
27 The Power to Cure: A Brief History of Therapeutic Tattooing
Lars Krutak
35 Flint, Bone, and Thorns: Using Ethnohistorical Data, Experimental Archaeology,
and Microscopy to Examine Ancient Tattooing in Eastern North America
Aaron Deter-Wolf & Tanya M. Peres
49 Body Modification at Paracas Necropolis, South Coast of Peru, ca. 2000 BP
Elsa Tomasto Cagigao, Ann Peters, Mellisa Lund & Alberto Ayarza
59 Interpreting the tattoos on a 700-year-old mummy from South America
Heather Gill-Frerking, Anna-Maria Begerock & Wilfried Rosendahl
67 Bronze Age Tattoos: Sympathetic Magic or Decoration?
Natalia. I. Shishlina, E. V. Belkevich & A. N. Usachuk
75 One More Culture with Ancient Tattoo Tradition in Southern Siberia:
Tattoos on a Mummy from the Oglakhty Burial Ground, 3rd-4th century AD
Svetlana V. Pankova
89 Tattoos from Mummies of the Pazyryk Culture
Karina Iwe
97 The Tattoo System in the Ancient Iranian World
Sergey A. Yatsenko
103 Intentional Cranial Deformation: Bioarchaeological Recognition of Social Identity
in Iron Age Sargat Culture
Svetlana Sharapova
115 Roman Cosmetics Revisited: Facial Modification and Identity
Rhiannon Y Orizaga
3
Philippe Della Casa & Constanze Witt (eds) Tattoos and Body Modifications in Antiquity. Proceedings of the sessions at the EAA annual meetings in
The Hague and Oslo, 2010/11. Zurich Studies in Archaeology vol. 9, 2013, 15-25.
The Material Culture and Middle Stone Age Origins
of Ancient Tattooing
Aaron Deter-Wolf
Tennessee Division of Archaeology, 1216 Foster Ave., Cole Bldg. #3, Nashville, TN 37243, USA, Aaron.Deterwolf@tn.gov
Although tattooing existed throughout the ancient world, there have been few archaeological identifications of ac-
tual tattoo implements outside of Oceania. This paper discusses the archaeological footprint of ancient tattooing and
uses cross-cultural comparative ethnographies to examine the material culture of the practice. These data show that
identifying tattoo tools in an archaeological setting requires convincing association of those materials with pigments,
supported by various additional items from a tattoo toolkit. Applying these associations to the archaeological record
allows for identification of the oldest potential tattoo tools to date and suggests tattooing originated during the Middle
Stone Age in southern Africa. Keywords: Tattooing, Toolkit, Needle, Origins, Ethnography
1. Introduction
Only heaven knows exactly when the first man, or half-man, little is known about the material culture of ancient tattooing
first added some natural ornament to his body, or a woman outside of Oceania. In that region, a combination of detailed
to hers. Not long after, I feel sure, the first primitive attempt ethnographic accounts, modern continuation of traditional
was made at putting permanent decoration, or magic sign, tattooing practices, and the use of highly-distinctive tat-
on the skin. If so, it would be a proud claim for tattooing that it too implements combine to illuminate the material culture
was one of man’s first conscious acts which distinguished him of ancient tattooing and facilitate identifications of tattoo
from the rest of the animal kingdom. implements from the archaeological record (e.g., Ingalls
George Burchett, Memoirs of a Tattooist (1958, 14–15). 2011; Robitaille 2007). Unfortunately, throughout the
remainder of the world the archaeological picture of ancient
There are certain important classes of material culture that tattoo tools is not so clear.
are not widely recognized within the archaeological rec- The goal of this paper is to examine the material culture
ord, either because of their ephemeral nature or as a result of ancient tattooing, and to propose associations useful for
of research bias. Ancient tattoo practices have been iden- identifying tattoo implements from outside Oceania. I first
tified throughout the entire world, and recent scholarship discuss the archaeological footprint of the practice and de-
has acknowledged the social, civil, political, military, and scribe the various categories of ancient tattoo implements.
ritual importance with which these traditions were imbued Then I turn to ethnographic and ethnohistorical data in
(Caplan 2000; Deter-Wolf & Diaz-Granados 2013; Rubin order to demonstrate that ancient tattoo needles did not travel
1988; Schildk rout 2004). The visual imagery of ancient tat- as individual items, but instead functioned as part of larger
tooing reveals information regarding an individual’s identity toolkits. These data suggests that the successful identifica-
and role within the social, religious, and political systems tion of a tattoo needle in an archaeological context requires
that they inhabit (Gell 1993), while the specific placement the convincing association of that artefact with pigment
of tattoos on the human body can inform our understand- remains, and may be supported by a suite of related artefacts.
ing of ancient medicine and therapeutic practices (Dorfer Finally, I apply these criteria to the archaeological record in
et al. 1998; 1999). However, comparative ethnographic data an example that reframes our understanding of the antiquity
from tattooing cultures throughout the world suggests that of tattooing.
the composition, curation, and deployment of tattoo imple-
ments and associated paraphernalia also held important 2. Archaeological Evidence
cultural significance for ancient peoples. The principal lines of archaeological evidence for ancient
Following more than a century of scientific archaeo- tattooing may be separated into three major categories: tat-
logy and the propensity of archaeologists to pigeonhole tooed human remains, iconographic representations, and
all manner of tools into descriptive categories, one might material remains of tattoo implements. Of these various
expect the existence of a corpus of positively-identified lines of evidence, preserved human remains and ancient
tattoo implements in archaeological collections. However art have received the majority of attention both in scholarly
relatively few archaeological identifications exist, and very literature and among the general public, while the archaeo-
15
logical footprint of tattoo implements has been largely over- of the handle using a striker or mallet. This tool form appears
looked outside of Oceania. to have been geographically unique prior to the sixteenth
Direct and highly dramatic archaeological evidence for century, with distribution limited to parts of India, South-
ancient tattooing comes in the form of naturally and delib- east Asia, and the southwestern Pacific Rim. Because of their
erately preserved tattooed human remains. The oldest actual association with well-documented and enduring Pacific
tattoo identified to date appears ca. 8000 BP as a “moustache” tattoo customs, perpendicularly hafted tools are easily
on the upper lip of a mummy from the Chinchorro culture identified as traditional tattoo implements. Unfortunately,
of South America (Allison 1996). Additional South American this has led to some instances of archaeologists working
examples of tattooed remains have been discovered at sites well outside the geographic boundaries of this tool type
from the Chimu, Chinchorro, Moche, and Tiwanaku cul- mistakenly identifying perpendicularly hafted tattoo imple-
tures (Allison 1996; Williams 2006). Remains recovered from ments in their collections (e.g., Petrie 1901, 24).
Saint Lawrence Island, Alaska (Smith & Zimmerman 1975) The final class of tattooing implements consists of
and Greenland (Hansen et al. 1991) provide evidence of an- in-line needles (Fig. 1b). These tools include single and
cient tattooing in the Arctic Circle, while famous examples grouped longitudinally-hafted needles, as well as unhafted
from the Altai Mountains (Barkova & Pankova 2005; see also linear implements. During tattooing, in-line needles are
this volume), and the “ice man” of the Ötztal Alps (Spindler manipulated by hand to pierce the epidermis either vertically
1994) reveal ancient decorative and therapeutic tattoo trad- or at a shallow angle. Pigment may be introduced through
itions in Europe and Central Asia. Other examples of tat- these punctures on the tip of the needle(s) or via surface
tooed mummies have also been recovered in western China application. The category of in-line tools also includes
(Mallory & Mair 2000), and northern Africa (Tassie 2003). blades, lithic flakes, and similar implements used to create
Iconographic depictions of apparently tattooed humans linear slices and incisions in the skin, to which pigment is
and anthropomorphs appear throughout the world in a var- then inserted from the surface.
iety of ancient media including rock art, ceramic vessels, The shortage of tattoo implements identified in
and bone and clay figurines. It can be difficult when evalu- archaeological collections outside of Oceania to date is likely
ating ancient artistic depictions of body decoration to de- the result of a number of factors, including the biodegrad-
termine conclusively if incised or painted patterns represent able nature of many tool types, culture change, and research
body paint, textiles, or tattoos. Nevertheless, these icono- bias resulting from Victorian sensibilities. There is ample
graphic representations present a framework with which to ethnographic evidence of cultures employing biodegrad-
understand the cultural significance of tattooing and cor- able botanical materials such as thorns to administer tattoos
poreal decoration throughout the world. Possible depictions (e.g., Becher & Schütze 1960; Krutak 2006a; 2006c; 2009;
of ancient tattooing are too numerous to detail in the present Pennington 1963; Russell 1908). As discussed below, these
setting, but notably include Daunian stelae (Norman 2011), materials, along with any wooden handles and hafting ele-
the Cucuteni figurines from the late Neolithic in central Eur- ments, are unlikely to preserve archaeologically. In addition,
ope (Childe 1923), Cycladic figurines (Hendrix 2003), human culture change brought on by technological innovation,
effigy ceramics and rock art from the Mississippian culture adoption of introduced technologies, and the abandonment
of the eastern United States (Diaz-Granados 2004; Walker of traditional tools and rituals make it difficult to employ a
2004), and Jomon figurines from Japan (McCallum 1988). direct historical approach (see discussion in Lyman & O’Brien
The final category of archaeological evidence for 2001) to the material culture of ancient tattooing.
ancient tattooing consists of the implements used to Prior to the final decades of the twentieth century, the
administer tattoos. Tools used to insert pigment beneath the Western World largely regarded tattooing as deviant behav-
epidermis during tattooing are typically glossed as “needles”, iour associated mainly with “primitive” societies or the lower
and throughout the world can be separated into three major class (Atkinson 2003). The past decades have witnessed a
stylistic groups, consisting of skin stitching tools, perpen- dramatic shift in perceptions of tattooing as the practice
dicularly hafted instruments, and in-line needles (Robitaille has become increasingly popular. The dramatic increase
2007, 159) (Fig. 1a). Skin stitching employs a small needle and in popularity and acceptance of tattooing among conven-
pigment-infused thread or sinew to “sew” tattoo designs into tional Western society is also reflected in the research and
the skin. This technique was historically limited to specific on the skin of the archaeological community, where many
geographic regions including the Arctic Circle and parts of academics and professionals now sport permanent body
South America (Krutak 2008; Robitaille 2007). art consisting of archaeological imagery related to their
Perpendicularly hafted tattoo instruments employ personal finds or fields of study.
single, grouped, or linear arrangements of points hafted at Recent scholarly interest in ancient tattooing has
an angle to a main handle (Fig. 1c). These points are driven resulted in a dramatic increase in both symposia and pub-
into the skin through indirect percussion applied to the top lications addressing the subject. These examinations have
16
Figure 1. The three major classifications of tattoo implements
(original drawing by the author).
typically focused on preserved human remains, icono- also recovered large quantities of red ochre nodules from the
graphic elements, and the social and ritual importance of site, some of which were sharpened into pointed “crayons”
the practice. Although some efforts have been made over the (Fig. 2a), while others exhibited polish and evidence of scrap-
past decade to identify tattoo implements in archaeological ing (Fig. 2b). Although other chambers at Mas d’Azil contain
collections (e.g. Booth 2001; Deter-Wolf 2013, see also this parietal art (Bahn 1983), the absence of painted figures in
volume; Hekman 2010; Pearce 2000; Zidarov 2009), these the gallery where they excavated led Péquart and Péquart
attempts are still relatively rare, and at this time there is little (1962, 210) to conclude the ochre was instead associated with
agreement even within defined cultural areas as to the arte- personal adornment.
fact forms or material types of ancient tattoo tools. Péquart and Péquart identified a suite of artefacts from
Magdalenian deposits that they believed were related to the
3. Tattoo Toolkits processing and application of ochre for purposes of body
During their 1937–1943 excavations at the site of Mas d’Azil in decoration. These consisted of bone implements exhibiting
southern France, Saint-Just and Marthe Péquart recovered wear and staining from crushing or grinding ochre (Fig. 2c);
thousands of artefacts that reveal a wealth of information on three-footed containers fashioned from reindeer innomin-
the artistic culture and decorative practices of the Magdalen- ates and used to hold or mix pigment (Fig. 2d), as evidenced
ian. These included various artefacts related to decoration of by two examples which contained colouring residue; one
the human body, such as drilled teeth from various animals, bone spatula showing polish and red ochre staining (Fig. 2e);
pierced shells, bone amulets and pendants, and hundreds of a fragmented ochre and clay palette perforated with small
eyed bone needles (Péquart & Péquart 1962). The Péquarts holes (Fig. 2f); and a series of thin bone implements includ-
17
Figure 2. ‘Matériel de tatouage’ from Mas d’Azil, France,
after Péquart & Péquart (1962, fig. 157).
a & b Ochre “crayons”;
c Bone pestle or crusher;
d Reindeer innominate pigment container;
e Bone spatula;
f Ochre and clay palette;
g Bi-pointed bone needles;
h “Bâtonnets”.
ing bi-pointed needles and “bâtonnets” that were tapered Péquart and Péquart were not principally concerned with
on one tip and flattened at the opposite end (Péquart & identifying tattoo implements, but instead arrived at their
Péquart 1962, 244) (Fig. 2g & h). The Péquarts suggested the “matériel de tatouage” by evaluating the relationship of arte-
bi-pointed needles functioned as tattoo implements, while facts from Mas d’Azil with red ochre, and thereby with body
the latter tools were used to extract pigment from the ochre decoration. Nevertheless, the resulting assembly of a tattoo
palette and apply it to the skin. They assembled examples of outfit reflects a seemingly universal truth regarding the ma-
these various materials in two illustrations titled “Matériel de terial culture of tattooing. That is, comparative ethnographic
‘tatouage’” (Péquart & Péquart 1962, figs. 156 and 157). and ethnohistorical data from traditional tattooing societies
18
Figure 3. Tattooing implements from Samoa, after Krämer (1995, pl. 25).
Image reproduced with permission of University of Hawai’i Press.
a Perpendicularly hafted tattoo needles;
b Carved wood case for tattoo needles;
c Coconut hull vessel and pestle for mixing and holding pigment;
d Basket of woven leaves for storing the complete toolkit.
Figure 4. Nineteenth century Haida tattoo toolkit from British Columbia,
after Krutak (2007, 146). Image reproduced with permission of Lars Krutak.
a Tattooing implements, consisting of steel needles hafted to cedar batons;
b Magnetite pigment base;
c Stone dish for preparing pigment;
d Brushes for applying pigment.
let for striking the tattoo needle. All of these materials were
ultimately stored inside a basket of woven leaves (Fig. 3d).
Among the Maori, tattoo chisels traveled alongside a suite
of implements including mallets, small pots containing pig-
ment, and leaves from the karaka tree used in healing (Te
Awekotuku 1997). Similar toolkits also appear in Tikopia
(Firth 1936), the Marshall Islands (Spennmann 1998).
Further west in Borneo, groups including the Dayak and
throughout the world demonstrate that tattoo needles did Kayan traditionally stored their perpendicularly hafted tattoo
not travel as individual items, but instead existed as part of tools inside elaborately-carved wooden cases. These recep-
larger toolkits. The various materials included in these kits tacles also held the striker or mallet, carved mixing bowls to
were intimately tied to both the functional needs and shared process and hold pigment, and wooden stamps used to mark
cultural symbolism of the tattooist and recipient. Unfortu- the tattoo designs (Hose & Shelford 1906; Pitt Rivers Museum
nately, most ethnographers do not describe the compos- 2011; Lars Krutak, personal communication, March 7, 2010).
ition of these toolkits in depth, and the specific symbolic In Southeast Asia, the Shan stored their bronze and bamboo
values that they held are widely varied, complex, and gener- tattoo needles inside carved wooden boxes along with pig-
ally either poorly-documented or unexplored. The following ment containers, painted manuscripts containing tattoo de-
discussion therefore approaches the available comparative signs and magical spells, and carved stencils (Conway 2006).
examples of tattoo toolkits from a purely material standpoint. Among the Haida of North America’s Northwest Coast,
Some of the best-documented examples of tattoo tool- tattoo kits included a stone dish to mix pigments, multiple
kits originate in Oceania. In his extensive documentation batons with various needle arrangements at their tips, and
of Samoan tattooing during the late nineteenth century, brushes for applying pigment to the needles (Krutak 2006b;
Augustin Krämer (1995) relates that the complete tattoo kit 2007). A Haida tattoo kit collected by James G. Swan at Mas-
included multiple perpendicularly hafted needles of differ- sett, British Columbia in 1883 and identified by Lars Krutak
ent widths (Fig. 3a; a carved or otherwise decorated case for in the collection of the Smithsonian Institution included
holding and protecting the needles (Fig. 3b); a coconut hull five cedar batons with grouped needles (Fig. 4a), a lump of
vessel and pestle for mixing pigment (Fig. 3c); and a mal- magnetite (Fig. 4b) and a stone dish for mixing pigment
19
(Fig. 4c), and a set of carved brushes for applying pigment during (see Fig. 1b). Comparative examples suggest that toolkits
tattooing (Fig. 4d) (Krutak 2002). often include multiple tattoo implements, either to provide
Finally, excellent comparative data on the contents of redundancy in case of a tool failure or to address specific
traditional tattoo toolkits has been recorded throughout the stylistic needs such as shading or creating lines of vary-
Great Plains of North America, where until the early twen- ing widths. The proposed toolkit may also include items for
tieth century Native American tribes including the Osage, needle maintenance and repair, such as stone abraders,
the Ioway, and the Missouria stored tattoo needles alongside lithic tools, sinew, and mastic.
a variety of other associated artefacts within clan-specific The second most essential part of the proposed toolkit
tattoo bundles (Krutak 2013). These bundles consisted of consists of raw materials for creating pigments. These
multiple woven cases and hide wrappings (Fig. 5a), the include substances such as ochre, charcoal, and wood
innermost layer of which contained the tattoo outfit. Specific or grasses that could be burned to produce ash. The base
items stored within the bundle varied somewhat, but often material(s) would be accompanied by tools for mixing the
included multiple in-line needles (Fig. 5b), flattened sticks tattoo pigment, such as a mortar and pestle, shells, bone
and bone spatulas for drawing designs and applying pig- cups, and wood or ceramic vessels. The toolkit would also
ment (Fig. 5c), hollow cane or bone segments that served as include implements for stirring pigment and applying it to
guides or stamps (Fig. 5d), feathers and wool for wiping away the skin both before and during tattooing. These applicators
blood, raw pigment material (Fig. 5e), and shells in which to typically consist of bone spatulas, wood or ceramic stamps,
process the pigment into ink (Foster 1994; Harrington 1913; and fur, hide, or feathers.
La Flesche 1995; Skinner 1915; 1926). The bundles also con- Ethnographic examples of tattoo toolkits also include a
tained a variety of supplemental materials, including sinew variety of medicinal materials and/or ritual accoutrements.
for repairs, bells and feathers to decorate the needles, envel- It is difficult to provide even a generalized set of criteria
opes of plant medicines, and symbolically important animal for these items, as the specifics would vary depending on
remains. the culture of a given group and the availability of particu-
These various cross-cultural data reveal that efforts to lar plant and animal species. However, they might include
identify ancient tattoo implements from the archaeological musical instruments such as rattles and whistles, feathers,
record should be cognizant of a suite of associated artefacts beads or bells used to decorate the tattoo implements, per-
including, but not limited to the needles themselves. While sonal adornments worn by the tattooist, incense, and numb-
some variation exists among the specific contents of com- ing or healing agents (e.g., Bailey 1995; Foster 1994, 2007;
parative tattoo outfits, these data nevertheless allow for the Skinner 1926; Te Awekotuku 1997).
identification of a basic tattoo toolkit. The final component of the proposed tattoo toolkit
The principal component of the kit consists of the is the storage device. Cross-cultural examples consist of
implements used to pierce human skin and administer the wooden boxes, woven baskets, and bundles made from fibre
actual tattoo. These may include individual devices such as or animal hide. These containers were sometimes decorated
sharpened bones or flint blades, or compound tools com- with designs that mirrored tattoo patterns or invoked the
prised of multiple small needles affixed to a handle or baton tattooing ritual (see Fig. 5a).
20
Figure 5. Woven outer wrapping and contents of a Missouria tattoo bundle,
after Harrington (1913, figs. 90 and 91).
a Outer tattoo bundle wrapping
b Tattooing implements, consisting of steel needles hafted to wood handles;
c Buffalo horn spatulas;
d Cane tube used as a stamp;
e Partially burned wood for manufacturing pigment.
4. Discussion
From the proposed tattoo toolkit, only certain items are identification of tattoo needles within the archaeological
likely to survive in the archaeological record. The actual record should at a minimum incorporate the presence of
tattoo implements, containers, certain raw pigments, and one or more potential tools directly associated with evi-
tools used for pigment processing and needle repair may dence of raw pigment or pigment processing. Other forms
preserve in whole or part, depending on their material type. of evidence, including the occurrence of additional ele-
Except under unique circumstances any bundle wrap- ments from the proposed toolkit (containers, applicators,
pings, wooden tool handles, medicinal items, and various accoutrements, etc.), blood or pigment staining on tool tips,
biodegradable accoutrements are unlikely to preserve. The and iconographic, ethnographic, and historical support are
materials that may survive consist entirely of items that important, but not essential to a successful identification.
appear on their own in numerous other contexts, and which However, these additional lines of evidence can supplement
separated from their tattooing association can be easily and greatly strengthen efforts to recognize ancient tattoo
subsumed within a variety of functional typologies (e.g., implements.
awl, blade, point, etc.). This dilemma was also noted by Gil- The “matériel de tatouage” identified by Péquart and
bert Tassie (2003, 88), who in his discussion of tattooing in Péquart (1962) at Mas d’Azil hold up splendidly in compari-
ancient Egypt and Nubia wrote that “Objects usually re- son with the cross-cultural data presented above. In addition
ferred to as metal, bone, and stone ‘awls,’ as well as ‘sewing to sharp bone implements, the collection includes ample
needles,’ have been found at numerous sites […] dating from evidence of raw and processed pigments, and artefacts asso-
the prehistoric to the modern era. However, some of these ciated with pigment mixing and application (see Fig. 2). The
may have been used in tattooing.” Tassie goes on to note that site also yielded numerous examples of personal decorative
“the strongest indicator that an ‘awl’ or ‘sewing needle’ was items, which indicate residents of the cave were engaged
used for tattooing would be if charcoal and/or blood residues in complex body decoration, adornment, and symbolic
were found adhering to the tip.” activity. All together, the evidence compiled by Péquart and
Under ideal conditions, archaeological laboratory Péquart clearly meet the criteria necessary for well-reasoned
exa minations such as residue and use-wear analysis, and classification of a Magdalenian tattoo toolkit.
the identification of pigment staining on the apical tip of This reaffirmation of the tools identified at Mas d’Azil
a needle or other sharp implement may provide data sup- fits well with existing assumptions regarding the antiquity
plementing classification of a proposed ancient tattoo tool. of tattooing: that is, that the practice first appeared dur-
Recent research from Melanesia combined the detection of ing the surge in artistic and technological complexity that
blood residue and use-wear patterns suggestive of piercing occurred in the Upper Palaeolithic (Powell et al. 2009). How-
or cutting human skin to identify a series of obsidian arte- ever, careful examination of the archaeological record using
facts as possible prehistoric tattoo implements (Kononenko the essential components of the tattoo toolkit supplemented
& Torrence 2009). Unfortunately, blood and pigment residue by indirect archaeological and cultural evidence suggests
are not guaranteed to survive in the archaeological record. that permanent corporeal marking originated far earlier in
In addition, most archaeological projects will be unable to human history.
afford residue analysis of all potential tattoo implements. The site of Blombos Cave is located overlooking the
Finally, experimental testing has shown that use-wear ana- Indian Ocean at the tip of South Africa, and is widely known
lysis is not by itself a conclusive indicator of a tattooing for the large quantities of ochre recovered from Middle Stone
function (see Deter-Wolf and Peres, this volume). Age (MSA) deposits (ca. 70–125 KA), and the implications
Thankfully, other classes of indirect evidence can also of those finds for our understanding of the appearance of
lend weight to archaeological identifications of ancient tattoo modern human behaviour. Excavations between 1992 and
implements. This information may be drawn from various 2000 resulted in the recovery of over 8,000 pieces of ochre,
sources including ancient iconography, the ethnographic at least thirteen of which have been ornamentally engraved
and historical record, and evidence of regionally- or cultur- with patterns and sinuous lines (Henshilwood et al. 2002;
ally-affiliated traditions of tattooing or body decoration. For 2009). Most of the worked ochres recovered from MSA levels
example, Tassie (2003, 96) used historical data to suggest that at Blombos are not inscribed, but instead show evidence of
tattoo needles from ancient Egypt and Nubia should con- grinding or scraping to produce powder (Henshilwood et al.
sist of uneven numbers of fine-tipped implements either 2009).
tied together or set in a handle, and that those tools should Various hypotheses have been proposed to explain the
exhibit an association with women or with gender-specific abundance of ochre at Blombos and other MSA sites, includ-
artefacts such as cosmetic items. ing that the material served either as an agent for tanning
Based on the vagaries of archaeological preservation hides or as a component of adhesives used to haft stone
and the proposed tattoo toolkit, I suggest that successful tools (Klein 1995; Wadley 2005; Wadley et al. 2009). However,
21
a recent discussion of the Blombos ochre by Watts (2009) ends, which investigators suggest may have been employed
argues that the deliberate selection of vividly coloured raw to harden the tips (Henshilwood et al. 2001). Use-wear ana-
specimens indicates the production of powdered ochre was lysis of the MSA bone tools from Blombos identified polish
directly related to pigment manufacture. Based on ethno- and smoothing of manufacturing marks extending up to 10
graphic examples of ochre use for body decoration in the mm from their tips. Based on these patterns and tool mor-
region, researchers have proposed that the ochres found at phology, excavators concluded that most of the MSA bone
Blombos Cave and other MSA sites in southern Africa were tools were used “to perforate fairly soft material such as well-
used to decorate the human body in one of the earliest sym- worked hides, possibly during the manufacture of clothing
bolic traditions (Henshilwood & Dubreuil 2009; Henshil- and/or carrying bags” (Henshilwood et al. 2001, 662). Con-
wood et al. 2009; Knight et al. 1995; Watts 2009). sequently, the majority of the MSA bone tools were identified
In addition to ochre, the MSA levels at Blombos cave as awls, while three were classified as projectile points.
have yielded at least 28 formal pointed bone tools, most of Eight of the MSA bone implements from Blombos
which were recovered from the M2 levels (ca. 76–84 KA) exhibit dark red ochre staining incorporated within their
(Henshilwood et al. 2001; Jacobs et al. 2006) (Fig. 6). These surf ace polish (Henshilwood et al. 2001, fig. 20). This
tools were created from fresh bone fragments and typically indicates the tools were exposed to concentrated amounts
shaped and sharpened through lithic scraping. Six of the of ochre-based pigment during their manufacture or actual
MSA bone tools show evidence of burning at their apical use, rather than following deposition. Henshilwood et al.
22
Figure 6. Selected MSA bone tools from MSA levels at Blombos Cave,
South Africa (photograph courtesy of Francesco d’Errico and Christopher
Henshilwood).
(2001) suggest that this staining could result from applying tion to the abalone shell containers, both toolkits included
the tools to ochre-stained hides, or as a result of incidental examples of modified ochre and lithic implements appar-
transfer from a user’s hands. It is certainly possible that the ently used for grinding or pigment processing.
MSA occupants of Blombos Cave were using these bone Faunal material associated with one of the toolkits (TK1)
implements to repeatedly perforate deliberately-coloured included a seal scapula with evidence of ochre-staining, a
animal skins, for example in the creation of decorated cloth- broken bovid vertebra, and a broken canid ulna (Henshil-
ing. However, the evidence presented in this paper provides wood et al. 2011a). Neither kit included any formal bone tools.
an alternative hypothesis for the direct association of ochre The canid bone from TK1 exhibits ochre staining at both the
pigment and bone tools at Blombos: that the soft hides on broken tip and epiphysis, and consequently was identified
which the tools were used were the bodies of the cave occu- as a possible stirrer or item used to transfer pigment out of
pants, and that pigment staining was incorporated into the the shell. This proposed function directly recalls the bone
tool polish during the tattooing process. spatula and bâtonnets recovered from Mas D’Azil (see Fig.
Other artefacts from Blombos Cave, which are not part 2e and 2h), as well as items identified historically in tattoo
of the proposed tattoo toolkit but are nonetheless signifi- toolkits (see Fig. 5c).
cant to this discussion, include drilled shell beads and an
engraved bone fragment recovered from the M1 levels (ca. 5. Conclusions
70–76 KA; Jacobs et al. 2006), along with the aforementioned Comparative ethnographic data reveal that most ancient tat-
incised ochres (d’Errico & Vanhaeren 2009; d’Errico et al. too needles outside of Oceania likely consisted of single or
2005; Henshilwood et al. 2004). Together these materials compound in-line implements. These tools did not travel
present a compelling case for “symbolically mediated be- as individual items, but instead functioned as part of larger
haviour” by the later portion of the MSA (Cain 2006; d’Errico toolkits or bundles associated with both the functional and
& Vanhaeren 2009; see Henshilwood et al. 2009, 27). Spe- symbolic aspects of the tattooing process. This research has
cifically, they point to practices of corporeal decoration and attempted to identify the basic components of a tattoo toolkit
the inscribing of iconographic motifs. Watts (2009, 82) writes as it would appear in the archaeological record, and based
that “It is almost inconceivable that the MSA occupants of on this assemblage, proposes that to identify a tattoo needle
Blombos were engraving such designs onto pieces of ochre in an archaeological context principally requires the con-
while not doing similar things with ground ochre powder vincing association of that artefact with pigment remains.
on their bodies”. Combined with the a priori assessment of This identification can be further supported by an assort-
ochre as a ritual substance for decorating the human body, ment of materials such as tools for pigment processing and
an archaeological tradition of pigment manufacture, and the application, artefacts for tool repair and maintenance, and
direct association of pigments and possible tattoo instru- supporting iconographic, cultural, and physical evidence.
ments, these supporting decorative materials contribute to a At the present time there are no examples of tattooed
cultural framework which clearly allows for the presence of human remains older than 8,000 years before present, and
tattooing during the MSA. it is ultimately impossible to know the specific temporal ori-
The identification of ochre-stained bone tools from gins of tattooing. The identification of a convincing tattoo
Blombos Cave as possible MSA tattoo implements was first toolkit from the site of Mas d’Azil in the late French Upper
presented at the September 2011 meeting of the European Palaeolithic implies the practice existed by at least 18 KA. It
Association of Archaeologists (Deter-Wolf 2011). The follow- is easy to assume that the advent of tattooing coincided with
ing month an article in the journal Science (Henshilwood the surge in cultural complexity and symbolic behaviours
et al. 2011a) reported significant new information from the which traditionally define the Upper Palaeolithic or Late
site pertinent to the discussion of possible tattooing in the Stone Age. However, recent research has shown that behav-
MSA. These finds consisted of two pigment processing tool- iourally modern tool manufacture, symbolism, and use of
kits recovered from the lower M3 levels (ca. 100 KA), which corporeal decoration have roots significantly earlier in the
Henshilwood et al. (2011a, 219) describe as being used for history of our species. Application of the proposed ancient
“the production and storage, in shell containers, of an ochre- tattoo toolkit and supplementary indirect evidence for tat-
rich compound.” Excellent illustrations of these artefacts are tooing presented in this paper suggests that permanent cor-
presented in the 2011 Science article, as well as in supporting poreal marking existed during the MSA in southern Africa,
online material (Henshilwood et al. 2011b). possibly by 100 KA. The identification of ochre-stained bone
The principal item in both Blombos toolkits consists of tools from Blombos Cave as tattoo implements is admittedly
single valves of Haliotis midae (abalone) shells. These shells speculative, but nonetheless significant to our evolving
were found cup-up and contained pigment residue com- understanding of the emergence of behaviourally modern
prised of red ochre, charcoal, crushed bones, hematite, and human activity, personal identity, and likely role of tattooing
various other materials (Henshilwood et al. 2011a). In addi- as one of the earliest symbolic human behaviours.
23
Acknowledgements Hawk, and Open Hand: American Indian Art of the Ancient Midwest and
South, 139–150. (Chicago).
I would like to thank Philippe Della Casa and Constanze Witt for their
efforts organizing the 2010 and 2011 symposia “Tattoos and Body Dorfer L., Moser M., Spindler K., Bahr F., Egarter-Vigl E. & Dohr G.
Modification in Antiquity” (parts I and II), and for their invitation to par- (1998). 5200-Year-Old Acupuncture in Central Europe? Science 282
ticipate in this volume. This paper is based on my 2011 European As- (5387), 242–243.
sociation of Archaeologists conference paper entitled “Bundles and Dorfer L., Moser M., Bahr F., Spindler K., Egarter-Vigl E., Giullen S., Dohr
Burials: The Archaeological Context of Ancient Tattoo Implements.” G. & Kenner T. (1999). A Medical Report from the Stone Age? Lancet 354,
I also thank those who assisted with my research and provided valu- 1023–1025.
able critiques of this manuscript, including David Dye (University of
Memphis), Tanya Peres (Middle Tennessee State University), John Firth R. (1937). Tattooing in Tikopia. Man 36, 173–177.
Broster (Tennessee Division of Archaeology), and Gretchen Wolf. Foster L. M. (1994). Sacred Bundles of the Ioway Indians. Unpublished
Masters Thesis, Department of Anthropology, Iowa State University.
(Ames).
Foster L. M. (2007). Ioway Culture Institute: Culture: Ancestral Ways of Life.
Electronic document. http://ioway.nativeweb.org/culture/tattooing.htm.
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Aaron Deter-Wolf