Regional unemployment and industrial restructuring in Poland
Co-authored with Andrew Newell.
Eastern European Economics, 2006, 44(3): 5-28.
(also available as IZA DP, n. 194, November 2000, University of Sussex DP, n. 63, May 2000, e CELPE DP, n. 51, February 2000)
This paper studies regional unemployment inequality in Poland. We find that regions experiencing greater change in... more This paper studies regional unemployment inequality in Poland. We find that regions experiencing greater change in industrial structure have higher unemployment rates. We also find that high-unemployment regions have higher inflow rates to unemployment rather than longer spells of unemployment. These findings suggest that regional unemployment varies importantly with job destruction in Poland. Econometric analysis of the determinants of employment to unemployment flows reinforces this impression. We use our estimates to assess the extent to which regional unemployment variation is due to economic restructuring. We show that this cannot be done unambiguously, and offer reasons why many previous attempts to separate out the effects of restructuring on unemployment have been unsuccessful.
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Seen by:The Value of Marx: Free Labour, Rent and ‘Primitive’ Accumulation in Facebook
Working paper, co-authored with Chris Land and Armin Beverungen
This paper argues that critical studies of organization need to extend their analysis of labour beyond the sphere of... more This paper argues that critical studies of organization need to extend their analysis of labour beyond the sphere of value production organized by capital in order to fully apprehend the realities of today’s political economy. One direction in which this analysis must be developed is to radically expand our understanding of ‘labour’ to incorporate the full range of value producing activities, including productive consumption (also called ‘prosumption’) and ‘free labour’. The second direction, which is more theoretically neglected, is to recognize that some contemporary business models do not depend much upon value production at all, but rather on the appropriation of value through the extraction of rents. In this paper we develop this analysis of ‘profit becoming rent’ by returning to Marx’s conception of ‘primitive accumulation’, both to highlight the continued significance of enclosure and appropriation in the global circuits of the extractive industries and manufacturing, but also to demonstrate that this logic is at work even in the most advanced socio-economic formations, for example in the basic business model of Facebook.
Religion and the Economy? On Public Responsibility through Prophetic Intelligence, Theology and Solidarity
In the Journal of Theology for Southern Africa 142 (March 2012). 40th Year: Steve de Gruchy Memorial Edition. pp. 80-97.
Trade unions reject World Cup-related Qatar labor measures and threaten global boycott
By James M. Dorsey
International trade unions this week rejected World Cup-related Qatari proposals to meet... more
By James M. Dorsey
International trade unions this week rejected World Cup-related Qatari proposals to meet concerns about worker rights, including health and safety that violate international human and labor rights as well as principles the Gulf state had adopted as a member of the International Labor Organization ILO.
The unions said they were moving ahead with plans for a global campaign this summer under the motto 'No World Cup in Qatar without labor rights’, to deprive Qatar of its right to host the 2022 World Cup if it failed to align its labor legislation and workers’ condition with international standards.
“It is not too late to change the venue of the World Cup. This is not an industrial skirmish about wages; this is a serious breach in regard to human and labor rights. The country is incredibly wealthy and is portraying itself as a model country. That is simply not true. Our members are football fans and they don’t want to see the game played in a country that practices slavery,” Sharan Burrow, General Secretary of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), which represents 175 million workers in 153 countries, said in a telephone interview.
A spokesman for the Qatar 2022 Supreme Committee declined to comment on Ms. Burrow’s statements.
The looming confrontation between Qatar and the international workers’ movement comes at a sensitive time for the six-nation Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) that incorporates Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Bahrain and Oman. The GCC is preparing for a summit in Riyadh later this month to discuss a political union that would allow Saudi Arabia to pressure the smaller states to fall in line with its more conservative social and foreign policies at a time that the Middle East and North Africa are experiencing popular revolts in demand of greater freedom.
The issue of labor rights is also sensitive because several Gulf states have populations that are in majority foreign. Beyond the commercial and economic advantages of a cheap pool of labor, discussion of any kind of rights for non-locals raises the specter of the minority Gulf population in countries like Qatar, the UAE, and Kuwait no longer having a country that is theirs and which they control.
“It’s a real problem. Everybody knows that,” said a source close to Qatari and Gulf thinking on the issue against the backdrop of the UAE and Bahrain alongside Qatar seeking to project themselves as global sports hubs. An attempt by Bahrain to project an image of business as normal and distract attention from continuing popular discontent despite the suppression of last year’s revolt by letting Formula 1 go ahead last month backfired with protests overshadowing the race.
Ms. Burrow said the unions were seeking an urgent Qatari acceptance and implementation of international human and labor rights because the Gulf state was about to start construction of World Cup-related infrastructure.
Qatar’s 2022 Supreme Committee this week issued a second tender for the project, design, commercial and construction management of one of the 12 stadiums it is planning for the tournament, nine of which will be newly built. The three remaining stadiums already exist but need to be refurbished. The committee earlier tendered the contract for a master planning and lead design consultant for the stadiums.
“Gradual change is not good enough. The urgency is because the stadiums are about to be constructed in a serious way. Companies are gearing up their supply chains and costing infrastructure on a model of modern day slavery. We want that to change and companies might have to adjust their costing and pricing accordingly,” Ms. Burrow said.
Qatar with a majority expatriate population expects to import up to one million foreign workers to complete infrastructure needed both for the World Cup and the development of the energy-rich nation.
In a statement, the ITUC said it had requested an urgent meeting with Qatari labor minister Sultan bin Hassan, charging that “workers are dying in Qatar as they build World Cup stadiums and infrastructure, and suffer large scale exploitation every day.” Ms. Burrow said she had yet to receive a reply to the letter, which was also sent to world soccer body FIFA.
The union leader said that some 200 Nepalese died last year in Qatar, a favored destination for the country’s low skilled expat labor; 30 of them while on a construction job while another approximately 70 as a result of the country’s brutal summer temperatures that rise above 40 degrees Celsius. It was not clear whether any of these deaths were directly related to World Cup-related construction. “We quite confidently predict that more people will die off the field than there are players on the field,” Ms. Burrow said. She said she would soon be travelling to Nepal for discussions with the government and trade unions.
A spokeswoman for Ms. Burrow pointed to a report in The Himalaya Times that described Qatar, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Malaysia as “graveyards for young Nepali workers in the 25-42 years age group.”
The unions in a meeting with FIFA last November gave the soccer body and FIFA six months to ensure that workers in Qatar have “the legal right to organize themselves in free, independent trade unions without punishment or interference from authorities” that could “collectively bargain” with employers.
“Construction workers, the majority who are migrant workers are risking their lives today as they work in poor and unsafe conditions with low wages. They need trade union rights today to protect them", the ITUC statement quoted Ambet Yuson, General Secretary of Building and Wood Workers International, as saying.
Ms. Burrow said the fight for workers’ rights in Qatar was a battle for labor rights in the region. She said of the three GCC states – Oman, Bahrain and Kuwait – that legally allow trade unions only Bahrain had enshrined international standards in its legislation. She said Bahrain’s progress had however been marred by last year’s Saudi-backed brutal repression of a popular uprising in which teachers, nurses, doctors and others were detained and tortured for demanding basic democratic rights.
“Bahrain was on track until it came under pressure. The prime minister admitted to us that there were concerns from the Gulf states around them, Saudi Arabia in particular but also Qatar etc. Bahrain at least had public recognition of the rights if not realization of those rights in their totality because of the pressure of the Gulf states,” Ms. Burrow said.
She said a Qatari proposal for the creation of a labor committee and abolishment of its controversial system of sponsorship of foreign labor was a “far cry” from union demands for a free and independent trade union and equitable and human working conditions. Qatar is seeking to project itself as a show case member of the global community, “yet it is so far outside the basic human framework of human and labor rights” that it need to choose between being part of the international community or a model of 21st century slavery, Ms. Burrow said.
Qatari media this week quoted Labor Undersecretary Hussain Al Mulla as saying that the country’s emir was considering a plan to establish a Qatari-led labor committee that would represent workers’ interests as well as an abolition of the sponsorship system that would stop short of allowing foreigners to freely change jobs. Qatar recently abandoned the requirement that foreign workers surrender their passports to their Qatari employers. Mr. Al Mulla said the plan had already been endorsed by the Qatari prime minister.
Denouncing conditions of foreign workers in Qatar as 21st century slavery, Ms. Burrow said unions were demanding not only improved health and safety conditions but also the ability to live freely in the community, bring their families and move freely in and out of the country. “Current conditions are absolute enslavement to the employer,” Ms. Burrow said.
She said Mr. Al Mulla’s proposal for a labor committee involved creation of a government controlled body rather than an independent trade union. The way Qatar planned to abolish the sponsorship system failed to create a level playing field or guarantee workers’ freedom of movement, she said.
Qatar 2022 Supreme Committee Secretary General Hassan Al Thawadi pledged early this year in a speech at Carnegie Mellon University’s campus in Doha that the Gulf state would adhere to international labor standards.
"Major sporting events shed a spotlight on conditions in countries. There are labor issues here in the country, but Qatar is committed to reform. We will require that contractors impose a clause to ensure that international labor standards are met. Sport and football in particular, is a very powerful force. Certainly we can use it for the benefit of the region." Mr. Al Thawadi said.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
Qatar to legalize trade unions as Saudi Arabia pushes closer Gulf cooperation
By James M. Dorsey
Qatar, in a bid to fend off an international trade union campaign against its hosting of... more
By James M. Dorsey
Qatar, in a bid to fend off an international trade union campaign against its hosting of the 2022 World Cup, is taking cautious steps to meet demands backed by world soccer body FIFA, to allow the establishment of the emirate’s first trade union and to scrap its controversial system of sponsorship of foreign labour condemned by human rights groups as modern day slavery.
The Qatari concessions come as the Gulf state in which foreigners account for a majority of the population envisions recruiting up to one million overseas workers for massive infrastructure projects. The projects will all benefit the World Cup but many, including a new airport, expansion of the transport system and hotel and residential compounds were on the drawing board irrespective of the sports tournament.
The Qatari decision increases pressure on Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, the two members of the six-nation Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) that still ban unions to follow suit. Bahrain, Oman and Kuwait have all legalized trade unions but Bahrain is the only other Gulf state to have abolished its foreign labour sponsorship system.
Neither Saudi Arabia nor the UAE are however likely to follow Qatar’s example any time soon. Qatar’s concession to FIFA and the international trade unions comes at a time that Saudi Arabia is cajoling fellow GCC states into moving from a council to a union to bolster the ability of the conservative Gulf monarchies to confront Iran and prevent the Arab uprisings sweeping the Middle East and North Africa from further encroaching on their fiefdoms.
Persistent reports suggest that Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, the first Gulf state to have virtually run out of oil that last year brutally squashed a popular revolt with the assistance of the kingdom and the UAE, will declare a union at a GCC summit scheduled to be held in Riyadh later this month.
Saudi foreign minister Prince Saud al-Faisal, in a speech this week to a GCC youth conference delivered on his behalf by his deputy cautioned that "cooperation and coordination between the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in its current format may not be enough to confront the existing and coming challenges, which require developing Gulf action into an acceptable federal format. The Gulf union, when it is realized, God willing, will yield great benefits for its peoples, such as in foreign policy with the presence of a supreme Gulf committee coordinating foreign policy decisions that reorders group priorities and realizes group interests," he said.
The Riyadh summit is expected to discuss the outline of a union first proposed by Saudi King Abdullah last December. The Saudis, fearful that Bahrain’s rebellious Shiite Muslim majority could spark further unrest in their predominantly Shiite, restive, oil-rich Eastern Province, envision a GCC political union in which they would be the major power that would adopt joint foreign and defence policies.
Bahraini security forces clash almost daily with Shiite protesters despite last year’s crackdown which pushed demonstrators out of the island capital’s main square. Bahraini opposition forces fear that a union with the kingdom will further strengthen hardliners in the ruling Sunni Muslim Al Khalifa family and open the door to a permanent presence of Saudi troops on the island.
A Gulf union would also bolster royal resistance in some states like the UAE to political liberalization and greater rights as embodied in the Qatari decision to legalize trade unions. Qatar has consistently charted its own course that has put it at odds with the Saudis. Qatar has backed in various countries in revolt the Muslim Brotherhood, a group deeply distrusted by the kingdom, while the Saudis have supported the more conservative Salafis.
GCC states have also failed to achieve unanimity on a wide range of other issues including monetary union, the building of a causeway linking Qatar and Bahrain and security front information sharing as well as the creation of a central command.
The failure to cooperate more closely on security prompted by mutual distrust as well as lack of confidence in US reliability has led to the recent scuppering of the installation of a joint missile shield as a defence against Iran.
For its part, Qatar, by hosting the 2022 World Cup, the world’s largest sporting event, and bidding for various other big ticket tournaments has opened itself to international scrutiny as well as demands from various groups to liberalize so that it as a global hub can accommodate issues such as alcohol and sexual diversity that go against the region’s conservative grain. A GCC political union could complicate the Qatari balancing act.
The Qatari union concession came as a six-month ultimatum by the International Trade Union Confederations (ITUC) that the Gulf state legalize unions and ensure that labour conditions meet international standards came to an end. The ITUC, which represents 175 million workers in 153 countries, had threatened Qatar with a global campaign that would denounce under the slogan, 'No World Cup in Qatar without labour rights,' the Gulf state as a slave driver.
The ITUC had charged earlier in a report that the working conditions of migrant workers in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates were "inhuman." Entitled ‘Hidden faces of the Gulf miracle,’ the multi-media report demanded that Qatar prove that migrant workers building infrastructure for the 2022 World Cup were not subject to inhuman conditions.
Qatari media quoted Labour Undersecretary Hussain Al Mulla as saying that the country’s emir was considering the plan to establish an independent Qatari-led labour committee to represent workers’ interests and an abolition of the sponsorship system that would stop short of allowing foreigners to freely change jobs.
The authorities have recently abandoned the requirement that foreign workers surrender their passports to their Qatari employers. Mr. Al Mulla said the plan had already been endorsed by the Qatari prime minister. It was not immediately clear if the Qatari moves would satisfy the ITUC.
“We wanted to set up the labour committee to help employees and lift off the pressure we and other Gulf countries have been under from several organisations. We are often asked about the non-existence of labour unions to defend labourers in Qatar. We had a labour committee during the days of oil companies. However, the situation in the Gulf is somewhat different because there are few Qataris who are labourers,” Mr. Al Mulla said. He said foreigners would have the right to vote in the committee but would not be able to become board members.
James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and the author of the blog, The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer.
Barely legal: Racism and migrant farm labour in the context of Canadian multiculturalism
published in 'Citizenship Studies', 2012
This article investigates how colonial attitudes towards race operate alongside official multiculturalism in Canada to... more
This article investigates how colonial attitudes towards race operate alongside official multiculturalism in Canada to justify the legally exceptional exclusion of migrant farm workers from Canada’s socio-political framework. The Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program is presented in this article as a relic of Canada’s racist and colonial past, one that continues uninterrupted in the present age of statist multiculturalism. The legal continuation and growth in the use of non-citizens to conduct labour distasteful to Canadian nationals has provided an effective means for the Canadian state to regulate the ongoing flow of non-preferred races on the margins while promoting a pluralist and ethnically diverse political image at home and abroad.
In the face of a labour shortage constructed as a political crisis of considerable urgency, the Canadian state has continued to admit non-immigrants into the country to perform labour deemed unattractive yet necessary for the well-being of Canadian citizens while simultaneously suspending the citizenship and individual rights of those same individual migrant workers. By legislating the restriction of rights and freedoms to a permanently revolving door of temporary non-citizens through the mechanism of a guest worker programme, the Canadian state is participating in the bio-political regulation of foreign nationals.
Rethinking the commercialization of everyday life: a 'whole economy' perspective
Colin C Williams and Sara Nadin
Abstract
Purpose – A dominant belief is that the continuing encroachment of the market economy into everyday
Purpose – A dominant belief is that the continuing encroachment of the market economy into everyday
life is inevitable, unstoppable and irreversible. Over the past decade, however, a small stream of thought
has started to question this commercialization thesis. This paper seeks to contribute to this emergent
body of thought by developing a ‘‘whole economy’’ approach for capturing the multifarious economic
practices in community economies and then applying this to an English locality.
Design/methodology/approach – A survey conducted of the economic practices used by 120
households in a North Nottinghamshire locality in the UK is reported here, comprising face-to-face
interviews in an affluent, middle-ranking and deprived neighborhood.
Findings – This reveals the limited commercialization of everyday life and the persistence of a multitude
of economic practices in all neighborhood-types. Participation rates in all economic practices (except
one-to-one unpaid work and ‘‘off-the-radar’’ unpaid work) are higher in relatively affluent populations.
Uneven development is marked by affluent populations that are ‘‘work busy’’, engaging in a diverse
spectrum of economic practices conducted more commonly out of choice, and disadvantaged
populations that are more ‘‘work deprived’’, conducting a narrower array of activities usually out of
necessity.
Research limitations/implications – This snapshot survey only displays that commercialization is not
hegemonic. It does not display whether there is a shift towards commercialization.
Social implications – Recognition of the limited encroachment of the market opens up the future to
alternative possibilities beyond an inevitable commercialization of everyday life, intimating that the future
will be characterized by the continuing persistence of multifarious economic practices rather than
market hegemony.
Originality/value – The paper provides evidence from a western nation of the limited commercialization
of daily life.
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Seen by:Reconceptualising women's and men's undeclared work: some lessons from Europe
Recognizing that the current conceptualizations of men’s and women’s undeclared work derive almost entirely from a... more
Recognizing that the current conceptualizations of men’s and women’s undeclared work derive almost entirely from a limited range of small-scale studies of specific localities, sectors and occupations, this article begins to resolve this dearth of evidence by reporting the findings of an extensive
cross-national survey of undeclared work conducted in 2007 across 27 European Union (EU) nations. The outcome is fresh and extensive EU-wide evidence that extends existing conceptualizations of the gender differences in terms of participation, sector, contract type and pay. However, the
recognition that undeclared work is conducted for closer social relations and sometimes for motives other than financial gain, is shown to apply not only to women, as previously contended, but to men as well and to constitute
most of the undeclared work in the EU. The result is a call for a fundamental reconceptualization of the nature of undeclared work that recognizes the heterogeneous work relations involved.
38 views
Seen by:Beyond the formal/informal jobs divide
To evaluate critically the recurring assumption that a job is either formal or informal, but never simultaneously... more To evaluate critically the recurring assumption that a job is either formal or informal, but never simultaneously both, this paper uncovers how in south-eastern Europe many formal employees receive not only a declared wage from their formal employer but also an additional undeclared (‘envelope’) wage. Reporting a 2007 EU-wide survey comprising 26,659 face-to-face interviews, some 1 in 6 (16%) formal employees in south-east Europe are found to be in these hybrid ‘under-declared’ jobs receiving on average 60% of their gross salary as an envelope wage. Uncovering how, despite this employment arrangement being unevenly distributed across countries, employee groups and businesses, it is not confined to small pockets but is ubiquitous across the south-east European labour market and beyond, the paper then concludes by discussing the implications for both policy and theory of the existence of ‘under-declared’ formal employment
46 views
Seen by:Rethinking the nature of community ecionomies: some lessons from pPost-Soviet Ukraine
Colin Williams*, Sara Nadin, Peter Rodgers and
John Round, published in Community Development Journal
This paper contributes to a small but growing body of thought that has questioned the hegemony of capitalism by... more
This paper contributes to a small but growing body of thought that has questioned the hegemony of capitalism by revealing the persistence of multifarious economic practices in everyday community economies. To further advance this school of thought, first, a conceptual framework is developed to map the diverse economic practices used by communities and second, this is applied through a survey of 600 households in Ukraine. The outcome is to reveal that just as multifarious economic practices prevailed under state
socialism, the same applies in societies in transition to capitalism, suggesting that there are alternative futures for community economies beyond market hegemony.
From market hegemony to diverse economies: evaluating the plurality of albour practices in Ukraine
Journal of Economy and its Applications
Drawing inspiration from a burgeoning corpus of scholars who have begun to question the narrative of impending market... more
Drawing inspiration from a burgeoning corpus of scholars who have begun to question the narrative of impending market hegemony, this paper seeks to further advance this
emergent ‘diverse economies’ literature by constructing a conceptual framework for representing the multiple labour practices in economies. Transcending the simplistic
market/non-market dichotomy, this conceptualises multiple kinds of labour existing along a spectrum from market-oriented to non-market oriented practices, which is cross-cut by
another spectrum ranging from wholly monetised to wholly non-monetised practices. The resultant portrayal of a plurality of labour practices that seamlessly merge into each other
is then applied to understanding the types of labour used in Ukraine. Analysing the results of 600 interviews conducted across various populations reveals not only the shallow
permeation of the formal market economy in this society that has been supposedly undergoing a ‘transition’ to the market but also the existence of diverse work cultures across different populations along with marked socio-spatial variations in the nature of individual labour practices. The outcome is a call for a re-reading of the organisation of labour in Ukraine and the wider application of this conceptual lens that captures the proliferative nature of labour practices in economies.
Diamonds aren't for Ever
A Book Review of David De Vries: Diamonds and War: State, Capital, and Labor in British-Ruled Palestine (European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire, Volume 19, Issue 2, 2012).
Presence Bleed: Performing Professionalism Online
Submitted to Mark Banks, Rosalind Gill and Stephanie Taylor (eds) Theorizing Cultural Work: Labour, Continuity and Change in the Creative Industries, Routledge, forthcoming.
Draft only: feedback welcome.
This paper draws on empirical evidence and theories of affect to make sense of the online landscape for information... more
This paper draws on empirical evidence and theories of affect to make sense of the online landscape for information labour. My aim is to unpack notions of workplace subjectivity and agency premised on ‘separate spheres’ and ‘clock time’ – questioning their usefulness in biomediated work worlds (Adkins 2009, Clough 2010). While the evidence used is based on a small study of professionals in Brisbane, Australia, the discussion bears relevance for workers in a range of industries, due to the so-called ‘ubiquity’ of mobile computing (Dourish and Bell 2011). If modernist notions of labour hinged on a set number of hours for work, often conducted at a set physical location, the fact that labour now escapes spatial and temporal measure poses obvious problems for defining work limits.
Estética e Sedução do Marketing: Uma Análise do Filme "A Fantástica Fábrica de Chocolate"
Em co-autoria com Antonio Roberto Chiachiri.
O presente artigo tem como ponto de partida o filme "A Fantástica Fábrica de Chocolate", na versão dirigida... more O presente artigo tem como ponto de partida o filme "A Fantástica Fábrica de Chocolate", na versão dirigida pelo cineasta Tim Burton (2005), para desenvolver uma reflexão sobre os processos simbólicos da estética da mercadoria, a serviço da promoção de vendas, ferramenta do composto de comunicação de marketing. Este é um ensaio preliminar que propõe a convergência de duas pesquisas desenvolvidas junto ao CIP – Centro Interdisciplinar de Pesquisa da Faculdade Cásper Líbero: a proposta de Vander Casaqui, “A publicidade através dos filmes”, que visa elaborar uma teoria da propaganda tendo como base a narrativa cinematográfica; e a de Antonio Roberto Chiachiri, “Ícones do sabor - A comunicação por meio de imagens gastronômicas”, que estuda a produção sígnica dos alimentos mediados pela comunicação.
PROCESSOS DE REPRESENTAÇÃO E REFERENCIALIDADE NA PUBLICIDADE CONTEMPORÂNEA: MUNDO DO TRABALHO, CIDADE, BELEZA E ATIVISMO SOCIAL
REPRESENTATION AND REFERENCIALITY PROCESSES IN CONTEMPORARY ADVERTISING: WORK SPHERE, CITIES, BEAUTY AND SOCIAL... more
REPRESENTATION AND REFERENCIALITY PROCESSES IN CONTEMPORARY ADVERTISING: WORK SPHERE, CITIES, BEAUTY AND SOCIAL ACTIVISM
Abstract:
This article reflects about the dynamic of the sign in the contemporary advertising. The study will analyze advertising pieces related to the work sphere, to cities, to the concept of beauty, to social activism and to resistance to media power – will see those pieces as social representations inserted in the symbolic universe of commercial brands. Throughout our analysis, based on sociology, on studies about consumption and on language theory, we will discuss about the commodity -shape organizes the culture on the advertising process.
A ESFERA SIMBÓLICA DA PRODUÇÃO: Estratégias de publicização do mundo do trabalho na mídia digital
This article analyzes the strategies that represent the work environment through the study of the transposition of... more This article analyzes the strategies that represent the work environment through the study of the transposition of Bohemia’s productive system to a digital media. The virtual Bohemian Factory, the object of this study, is a discursive construction of beer production that sustains and amplifies the good’s intangible significations. This mediatic version of production is reified, merchandized to symbolic consumption by means of publicization processes – a concept that amplifies the sense of publicity from its original understanding as commercially based messages restricted to specific spaces of distribution.

