Ukrainian Nationalism

До питання створення української міліції у Львові улітку 1941 р.

by Sergii Riabenko

Дзеркало / Mirror: http://www.scribd.com/doc/88590019/%D0%94%D0%BE-%D0%BF%D0%B8%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%BD%D1%8F-%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B2%D0%BE%D1%80%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%BD%D1%8F-%D1%83%D0%BA%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%97%D0%BD%D1%81%D1%8C%D0%BA%D0%BE%D1%97-%D0%BC%D1%96%D0%BB%D1%96%D1%86%D1%96%D1%97-%D1%83-%D0%9B%D1%8C%D0%B2%D0%BE%D0%B2%D1%96-%D1%83%D0%BB%D1%96%D1%82%D0%BA%D1%83-1941-%D1%80

Коментарі можна залишити тут / You may leave your comment here: http://esgalar-teren.livejournal.com/17053.html

На основі аналізу наявних джерел показано процес становлення української національної міліції Львова 30 червня та у... more На основі аналізу наявних джерел показано процес становлення української національної міліції Львова 30 червня та у перші дні липня 1941 р.

On the basis of the available sources the process of the Ukrainian national militia formation in Lviv on June 30 and the first days of July 1941 is described.

"The Khatyn Massacre in Belorussia: A Historical Controversy Revisited," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 26:1 (2012): 29-58

by Per Anders Rudling

A Simple Question of ‘Pragmatism’? Sovietophilism in the West Ukrainian Emigration in the 1920s

by Christopher Gilley

Western historians writing on the political thought of the Ukrainian emigration in the
1920s have characterised... more Western historians writing on the political thought of the Ukrainian emigration in the
1920s have characterised the developments of this period as a ‘turn to the right’. Before
1917 the Ukrainian intelligentsia living under the Romanov empire had advocated a
dual national and social revolution and the realisation of Ukrainian national goals inside
a federation with Russia. In eastern Galicia, Ukrainian political thought was shaped by
the experience of parliamentarianism under the Habsburgs. The Ukrainian political parties
in Austria-Hungary had cultural goals, such as the creation of a Ukrainian university
in Lviv, and sought the division of Galicia so that Ukrainians had their own crown
land. After 1920 it became a commonplace in the émigré community that class and party
differences had condemned the attempt to create a Ukrainian state to failure and that
such differences should be subordinated to the interests of the nation. A national executive
should embody the will of the nation and lead an unrelenting struggle for an independent
Ukrainian state. Many Galicians were prominent in the development of this
form of ‘integral nationalism’, for example Ievhen Konovalets, who was instrumental in
founding the Ukrainian Military Organisation (UVO) and the Organisation of Ukrainian
Nationalists (OUN). However, in the 1920s some Ukrainian émigrés actually began to
argue that it was necessary to come to terms with the Bolsheviks. This included some
prominent members of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UNR), including the historian
and president of the Central Rada Mykhailo Hrushevskyi, the writer and Social Democrat
Volodymyr Vynnychenko and the UNR foreign minister Andrii Nikovskyi. Among
the Galicians who took up a Sovietophile position in the 1920s were Ievhen
Petrushevych, the dictator of the West Ukrainian People’s Republic, the leading Social
Democrat Iuliian Bachynskyi and the intellectuals Mykahilo Lozynskyi and Antin
Krushelnytskyi.

Sovietophilism in the Ukrainian Emigration in the 1920s

by Christopher Gilley

Ukraїns'kyi vymir, Vol. 5, 2006, pp. 9-19

The Politics of Memory in a Divided Society: A Comparison of Post-Franco Spain and Post-Soviet Ukraine

by Oxana Shevel

Slavic Review v. 70, no. 1 (Spring 2011), pp. 137-164.

Through a comparison of post-Franco Spain and post-Soviet Ukraine, Oxana Shevel examines state responses to the... more Through a comparison of post-Franco Spain and post-Soviet Ukraine, Oxana Shevel examines state responses to the challenge of dealing with divided historical memory. Both countries embarked on the transition from authoritarian rule divided by the memory of the recent past, but each dealt with this similar challenge very differently. This article discusses Spain’s “democratization of memory” policy centered on the state’s refusal to define a common historical memory for the society as a whole and on the official recognition of the multiplicity of “personal and family” memories and examines why no comparable policy has emerged in Ukraine so far. Shevel considers the potential applicability of the Spanish solution to Ukraine in light of both social realities and theories of nation building, in particular the debate over whether national unity necessitates a cultural nation and shared collective memory, or whether unity in a democracy can be built on other foundations.

Упадок украинской демократии, восход Всеукраинского объединения «Свобода» и подрыв международного имиджа Киева

by Andreas Umland

Geopolitika [Центр геополитических исследований, Вильнюс, Литва]. 2010. 30 октября.

"Terror and Local Collaboration in Occupied Belarus: The Case of Schutzmannschaft Battalion 118. Part I: Background," Nicolae Iorga Historical Yearbook, Romanian Academy, Bucharest, Vol. VIII (2011): 195-214.

by Per Anders Rudling

Націонал-екстремізм, що не відбувся? Праворадикальна партійна політика в пострадянській Україні та загадка електоральної маргінальності українських ультранаціоналістів у 1994–2009 роках

by Andreas Umland

Політична критика [Науково-дослідний центр візуальної культури при Національному університеті «Києво-Могилянська академія»]. 2011. №2. С. 17-34 (з Антоном Шеховцовим).

Die Rolle der Kiewer Mohyla-Akademie im aktuellen politischen Prozess

by Andreas Umland

Ukraine-Analysen, no. 98 (2011), pp. 13-15.

На радикалів немає Ради

by Andreas Umland

Критика. 2011. Т. 15. № 7-8(165-166). С. 8-9.

Erratum, "Multiculturalism, memory, and ritualization: Ukrainian nationalist monuments in Edmonton, Alberta," Nationalities Papers Vol. 39, no. 6, (November, 2011): 1031.

by Per Anders Rudling

They hold the copyright.

The OUN, the UPA and the Holocaust: A Study in the Manufacturing of Historical Myths, The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies 2107 (Pittsburgh: University Center for Russian and East European Studies, 2011).

by Per Anders Rudling

They hold the copyright.

During the past decade, particularly under the presidency of the third Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko... more During the past decade, particularly under the presidency of the third Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010) there have been repeated attempts to turn the leading figures of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and its armed wing, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) into national heroes. As these fascist organizations collaborated with the Nazi Germany, carried out ethnic cleansing and mass murder on a massive scale, they are problematic symbols for an aspiring democracy with the stated ambition to join the European Union. Under Yushchenko, several institutes of memory management and myth making were organized, a key function of which was to deny or downplay OUN-UPA atrocities. Unlike many other former Soviet republics, the Ukrainian government did not need to develop new national myths from scratch, but imported ready concepts developed in the Ukrainian diaspora. Yushchenko’s legitimizing historians presented the OUN and UPA as pluralistic and inclusive organizations, which not only rescued Jews during the Holocaust, but invited them into their ranks to fight shoulder to shoulder against Hitler and Stalin. This mythical narrative relied partly on the OUN’s own post-war forgeries, aimed at cover up the organization’s problematic past. As employees of the Ukrainian security services, working out of the offices of the old KGB, the legitimizing historians ironically dismissed scholarly criticism as Soviet myths. The present study deals with the myth-making around the OUN, the UPA, and the Holocaust, tracing their diaspora roots and following their migration back and forth across the Atlantic.

"Multiculturalism, Memory, and Ritualization: Ukrainian Nationalist Monuments in Edmonton, Alberta," Nationalities Papers Vol. 39, no. 5, (September, 2011): 733-768.

by Per Anders Rudling

They hold the copyright.

Unfortunately, there were some problems with the copy editing process.
An erratum appeared in Nationalities Papers, Vol. 39, no. 6 (November 2011): 1031.

Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe and Per Anders Rudling, Review of Krytyka (Hrsg.): Krytyka. Hefte 3-4; 7-8; 9-10. Kyiv 2010, in H-Soz-u-Kult, June 15, 2011.

by Per Anders Rudling

Review of the 2010 Bandera discussion in Krytyka, reflections on the phenomenon of mixing historical research with nationalist apologetics.

Schooling in Murder: Schutzmannschaft Battalion 201 and Hauptmann Roman Shukhevych in Belarus 1942

by Per Anders Rudling

“Schooling in Murder: Hauptmann Roman Shukhevych of Schutzmannschaft Battalion 201,” paper presented at the international conference Prawda historyczna a prawda polityczna w badaniach naukowych. Przykład ludobójstwa na kresach połudiowej Polski w latach 1939-1946, University of Wrocław, June 21, 2010.

Published as “Szkolenie w mordowaniu: Schutzmannschaft Battalion 201 i Hauptmann Roman Szuchewycz na Białorusi 1942 roku,” in Bogusław Paź (ed.), Prawda historyczna a prawda polityczna w badaniach naukowych. Przykład ludobójstwa na kresach połudiowej-wschodniej Polski w latach 1939-1946, (Wrocław: Wydawnictwo uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2011), 191-212.

In 1943, a majority of the commanders of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (Ukrains’ka Povstans’ka Armiia, UPA) consisted... more In 1943, a majority of the commanders of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (Ukrains’ka Povstans’ka Armiia, UPA) consisted by people who had collaborated with Nazi Germany in 1941-42. Many of which had served in the auxiliary policy force, the Schutzmannschaften. That Roman Shukhevych, the supreme commander of the UPA served as officer in the Nachtigall battalion in 1941 is well known. Less known is his activities as a Hauptmann in Schutzmannschaft battalion 201 in Belarus in 1942, where he took part in counter-insurgency campaigns against Soviet partisants. The year 1942 is often omitted from pro-nationalist accounts of the UPA. This article is an attempt to reconstruct this blank spot in Shukhevych biography.

"Pol'skii vopros" v planah OUN(B): ot nasil'stvennoy assimilyatsii k etnicheskim chistkam

by Alexander Dyukov

Дюков А.Р. «Польский вопрос» в планах ОУН(Б): От насильственной ассимиляции к этническим чисткам // Забытый геноцид. «Волынская резня» 1943—1944 годов: Документы и исследования. М.: Алексей Яковлев, 2008. С. 63 — 89.

Is there a Post-Soviet Fascism? A Brief Deliberation on the Cross-Cultural and Inter-Epochal Study of Right-Wing Extremism in the Post-Cold War Era

by Andreas Umland

East Central Europe, vol. 37, no. 2-3 (2010), pp. 345-352.

Праве крило української політики: джина випустили з пляшки?

by Andreas Umland

openDemocracy, 3 January 2011; inoZMI.Glavred.info. 2011. 6 січня.

Ukraine's Party System in Transition? The Rise of the Radically Right-Wing All-Ukrainian Association "Svoboda"

by Andreas Umland

Geopolitika [Vilnius Centre for Geopolitical Studies], 5 January 2011.

Трансформация украинского партийного спектра: Политические причины и последствия взлета Всеукраинского Объединения «Свобода»

by Andreas Umland

Полит.ру: Аналитика. 2010. 20 декабря.